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Badge of innocence George
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Playing
with health
Settling Kashmir
The Lady of the
Outhouse
Privatisation in
Punjab lacks perspective Delhi
Durbar
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Badge of innocence The
Congress could not have asked for a better certificate of good conduct at this stage. After 15 years of judicial wrangling, the Delhi High Court has finally handed a clean chit to the late Rajiv Gandhi in the Bofors case, which his party can attempt to encash in the forthcoming elections all the way. The court has said categorically that all efforts by the CBI ended in a fiasco and it could not unearth a "scintilla of evidence" against the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and the then Defence Secretary S.K. Bhatnagar for having accepted bribe/illegal gratification in awarding the contract in favour of A.B. Bofors, now
rechristened Kartingen Kemi Ochi Forvaltning AB, which had won the contract to supply 410 Howitzer guns to the country. Whether one sees it as a reaffirmation of innocence or a commentary on the efficiency of the investigating agency (CBI) depends on what side of the political fence one is. But for now, the legal slur stands removed. Although the court has ordered trial of the three Hinduja brothers "for having entered into a criminal conspiracy to cheat the Government of India by fraudulently and dishonestly representing that there were no agents involved in the negotiation for the contract," everyone except the late Rajiv Gandhi comprises the support cast. The case has now died a natural death for all practical purposes. In any case, many other corruption charges against politicians which had far stronger evidence have collapsed repeatedly and no one is really sure what is black and what is white. The stakes too have gone skyhigh, so much so that the Rs 64 crore that allegedly changed hands in the Bofors deal seem like small change. The nation should introspect why any case should drag on for so many years. The total expenditure on the investigation itself must have come close to the bribe amount. The fact remains that those in power facing allegations of misuse of office rarely come to harm through the judicial process. In Rajiv Gandhi’s case, the people simply threw him out of power in the 1989 elections, following the Bofors scandal. The people did not go by judicial evidence. |
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George can smile This is the way it always happens: an allegation is made; then comes the public uproar; as the scent of scandal spreads, the government orders an inquiry; the Commission has a mandated ambit but except for a single issue, its terms of reference are ignored; when the report, interim or final, is given, everyone draws a convenient conclusion; and there are cheers and tears. It is no different in the case of the Justice S N Phukan Commission of Inquiry appointed in the aftermath of the Tehelka tapes implicating Defence Minister George Fernandes were made public in March 2001. In the political storm that ensued, the government let Mr Fernandes step down. This was not an admission of wrong-doing, but a move to enable the functioning of Parliament that was being barracked by the Opposition which boycotted Mr Fernandes. When he resumed office, the Opposition persisted with its disruptive tactics that are against settled parliamentary norms and decorum. Much like the Opposition which denies what it does not want to see, partisans have labelled the Phukan Commission of Inquiry as the 'Tehelka probe'. Nothing could be farther from the facts. The Commission's terms cover defence deals from 1981 and the first part of his report that has now been submitted to the Prime Minister is on 15 transactions till the year 2000, and has nothing to do with the Tehelka tapes. The Tehelka tapes have been sent abroad to be examined for their authenticity, as the portal turned down the Commission's request to produce the original equipment used in the sting operation. Therefore, the allegations of corruption and middlemen contained in the tapes are to be taken up for consideration only later. In the event, what is clear, as Justice Phukan said, is that there was no impropriety on the part of Mr Fernandes, who has got a reason to smile. The Opposition protests and insinuations as well as giving or denying Mr Fernandes a clean chit are irrelevant and uncalled for at this stage since the findings of the Commission are not known, and the second and third parts of the report are yet to come. |
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Playing with health Apart
from the fault-findings, the thrust of the submissions made by the Joint Parliamentary Committee on pesticide residues and safety standards for soft drinks, fruit juices and other beverages is that India should formulate its own food standards based on stringent scientific criteria in keeping with internationally acceptable norms. There can be no two opinions on this and the sooner these are formulated the better. The Vajpayee government should initiate action before the report is lost in poll din or politics. The report has given the lie to the cola companies’ safety claims as also to the clean chit given to them by the Health Ministry soon after an NGO, the Centre for Science and Environment, made the startling revelation that soft drinks sold in the country contained pesticide residues beyond the acceptable limits. The JPC report has also pointed to the poor quality of the underground water and its massive exploitation by the cola companies. Partly out of ignorance and partly for quick gains, farmers overuse pesticides and fertilisers, part of which permeates into the underground water. As a BBC report recently pointed out in Kerala, the underground watertable declines sharply in areas where cola companies have their plants. They extract a huge quantity of water, but very inadequately pay for it. The two MNCs tried to pass on the blame to their franchisee bottling units, but the JPC rightly rejected their explanation and held them guilty. The government too came under criticism for clubbing fruit juices with carbonated beverages and contending that pesticide residues get removed during washing, peeling, cutting and extraction of juices. The JPC has asked the government to set separate standards for juices and other beverages. It is hard to believe that, as pointed out by the JPC report, the Health Ministry did not take the opinion of the Central Committee on Food Standards, a statutory body under the Prevention of Food Adulteration Act, for laying down standards for various food items. Meanwhile, the CSE deserves consumers’ gratitude for exposing a serious health hazard. |
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Thought for the day I never dared the
radical when young For fear it would make me conservative when old.
— Robert Frost |
Settling Kashmir What
understanding was reached at Islamabad between Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pakistan's military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, is at best speculative. Having learnt a lesson from the failed Agra summit, both sides have apparently decided not to conduct diplomacy through the media. So far there has been no selective leak or background briefing to favourite journalists that gives an idea of the contours of the understanding arrived at in Islamabad. Probably the only hint we have of what transpired behind closed doors is the comment of the Pakistani Foreign Minister, Mr Khurshid Kasuri, who said that the meeting between Mr Vajpayee and General Musharraf was so tough, blunt and brutal that he feared that the talks between India and Pakistan would once again collapse. That they finally agreed upon a joint statement is, perhaps, indicative of the desire on both sides to make a breakthrough and set in motion a process for reconciliation and resolution of disputes and issues. At least that is what appears to be the direction in which the two countries are moving. Of course, how successful this process is, and whether or not it will bring peace in the region, will depend crucially upon their seriousness as well as expectations. Talking to Pakistani analysts, commentators and politicians, the feeling one gets is that they are confused. There is a degree of wishful thinking about a possible solution. At the same time, there is apprehension that the General might have once again succumbed to international pressure and entered into an understanding, if not a deal, that is not in Pakistan's interest. There is a sense of realism that Kashmir is not an issue that is amenable to a quick-fix solution and that the best way to handle it a step-by-step process. But there is also the impatience with the process and a desire to find a quick and acceptable solution to the Kashmir issue. There is the unmistakable desire for reaping the benefits of peace. But there is, at the same time, the feeling among some sections of Pakistani opinion that the Indians are so keen to do business with Pakistan that in return they will be amenable to a settlement of the Kashmir question which is favourable to Pakistan or at the very least satisfies the Kashmiris. There is a sense of futility and even ennui on Kashmir, and people want to get it over. But there is also the baggage of decades of indoctrinated suspicion, hostility and hatred that they find it difficult to get over especially if there is a feeling that Pakistan has lost out to India. It is against the backdrop of such conflicting emotions that people in Pakistan talk or speculate about the understanding or deal reached in Islamabad with the Indians. And because of the conflicting emotions some of the expectations that even senior and responsible people hold from the peace process are completely unrealistic. The trouble is that often in the Indo-Pak context, a wishful solution is first bandied about as the likely solution and when that wish is dashed on the rock of reality the two sides go into a prolonged sulk and the peace process collapses. One such solution that some people in Pakistan are talking about is the so-called “Chenab formula”. Under this, the river Chenab will become the international border with the Kashmir valley and some Muslim-majority districts of Jammu division going to Pakistan while the rest of Jammu division and Ladhakh will become parts of India. This formula is so bizarre that one fails to understand how any government in India, which hasn't lost a war to Pakistan, can ever accept it. What is more surprising is how some Pakistanis can actually think of winning territory in negotiations which they haven't been able to win in a war. Nevertheless, many Pakistanis believe that India will be amenable to this solution. Therefore, the sooner the Pakistanis are able to forget such fanciful notions, the better it will be for the peace process. Another solution that some Pakistani analysts are talking about is somewhat more realistic, but probably equally difficult to implement. This solution talks in terms of the international border being broadly around the current LoC but with major adjustments. This means that a few districts will change hands but without any dislocation of the people. The adjustments will be made keeping the security interests of the two sides in view. But again, this is easier said than done because such a solution will be a political minefield for each side. Then there is the talk of a solution based on the proposals made by the Kashmir Study Group, which include, among other things, shared sovereignty by India and Pakistan over the Kashmir valley. But no government in India will ever be able to agree on these proposals. There are, however, many Pakistanis who agree, albeit reluctantly, that at this point in time there is really no solution to the Kashmir issue. The analogy that fits Kashmir best is that it is a problem like diabetes, which you can keep under control by taking shots of insulin but for which there is no permanent cure. The moral of the story is that both India and Pakistan must learn to live with the problem of Kashmir until such time that some cure is invented or discovered. This line of thinking is probably closest to what the Indians have in mind and perhaps the only way to make a paradigm shift in bilateral relations between the two countries. For Pakistanis, learning to live with the Kashmir problem does not mean giving up the search for a solution. What it means is ending the mindless hostility of the past and entering into a more cooperative and beneficial relationship with India. This means opening up in the matter of trade, travel, tourism, transit, investment, infrastructure development and energy-related cooperation with India. As far as Kashmir is concerned, it means lowering the level of violence in the state and taking a series of reciprocal measures that give relief to the Kashmiris caught in the crossfire between the Indian security forces and jihadis. The measures being envisaged are ending infiltration from Pakistani-occupied Kashmir, announcing an amnesty and providing safe passage to the jihadis operating in the valley and exchanging intelligence to eliminate hardcore jihadis. Once there is relative peace in Jammu and Kashmir, the Indian Army may be withdrawn to the barracks and internal security duties handed over to the local police and paramilitary forces. Later some sections of the Army may be withdrawn from the state. All these measures will also build confidence. Movement between the two sides of Kashmir may be allowed and even some sort of an over-arching political structure may be created whereby the political leaderships and the governments may meet and solve issues of common interest without necessarily reverting to either New Delhi or Islamabad. This really is the best case scenario for the peace process. Anything else is either not going to be acceptable or deliverable. But for the Pakistani establishment, delivering on this last scenario too will not be easy because the onus of taking the important first step of ending infiltration lies on
them. The writer was lately in Pakistan. |
The Lady of the Outhouse MY husband’s female colleague, a member of the elite service and a good friend, is a jovial, happy-go-lucky sort and humane to the core. Needless to say that she is hard-pressed for everything, especially time and energy. As with her male counterparts, she passes through the same rut of nitty-gritty of bureaucratic hassles and unhesitatingly suffers the strains of being in a high-tech job, much to the envy of many of her colleagues. She endures a lot herself, trying to strike a balance between her professional and private lives and comes out pretty clean in the endeavour. She can make others run for their lives or for a dollop of patience, whenever her “diktats” are not carried faithfully and diligently whether at home or office. Her word carries weight and she herself can weigh down others with her infectious laughter and almost perfect-to-a point sense of hospitality. Yet, as is the rule, comes a weak point or spot in the lives of the “high” and the “mighty”. It so happened that a family stayed at the backyard of her house and assisted her in carrying out the daily household chores as a part of the deal. The arrangement was “negotiated” keeping in mind the mutual difficulties as well as benefits of both the parties. The maid or the “Lady of the Outhouse” as she preferred to refer to her, would take care of the school-going children of “Madam” and the “Madam”, in turn would provide shelter, clothing and medical assistance etc to the family ‘in need’. The “perfect” arrangement continued smoothly and lingered on to get to a couple of years old. Need, habit and routine make strange bed-fellows together and, when continued beyond a point, acquire a tendency to take one other for granted and acquire complacence. The “genuine” Lady and the lady of the “Outhouse”, by now, had come to share an intimacy which may be common to all the women and mothers too. The mutual dependence gradually increased till the family at the “Outhouse” was “elevated” to the status of being the members of the same family itself. Joys were shared in terms of birthday parties as well as the festivals as were the sorrows, the food, the fruits galore, the gas and the clothes, the house and the medicines too. So much so, the “outhouse” relatives came to barge in more and more and became frequent visitors on one pretext or the other and also demanded some attention and care. The original home appeared rather ransacked; the husband became more and more irritable and the children had never before looked so very neglected and downcast. All this courtesy the “outhouse family”! All the remonstrations of “Madam” fell on deaf ears. Rather, a polite “threat” was issued by the “outhouse” family that they may like to vacate the premises as the neighbours had offered them many more (read “plum”) facilities. The “Madam” not only put up with this indignant behaviour with silence but also called for truce. The harmony returned and so did the disorder and the pilferage galore. One day, I happened to invite this friend to an evening meal with us along with her family members. To my surprise, she expressed her inability to do so because of a prior engagement. I coaxed her again and again till she revealed that her maid’s mother-in-law’s nephew had died and she had gone to her village leaving her own brood in the protective care of “Madam”. Since, she didn’t have a substitute for the Maid; she had to comply to preserve the “unity” and “integrity” of the family. “Yo...u? In charge of the Maid’s children?” was all I could mutter in disbelief. “Well, Suchita, mine is not a maid but a lady....the lady of the Outhouse, you know,” roared my friend with her ever familiar laughter before putting the receiver
down. |
Privatisation in Punjab lacks perspective
The
privatisation in Punjab is a hotly debated topic these days. Since the beginning of privatisation, opinion is sharply divided. One school of thought is of the view that wholesale privatisation is the only answer to the ills of the public sector in Punjab. Another school argues that in a border and land-locked state like Punjab privatisation would result in de-industrialisation as the private sector would wind up companies after privatisation. According to this school, the grant of professional autonomy to public enterprises and imposition of operational accountability within public sector undertakings will be an answer to the problems of the public sector. The empirical evidence across the globe, however, suggests that none of the extreme positions mentioned above has the potential of delivering the expected results. The emerging practices are somewhere between these extreme positions. The case of privatisation in Punjab has to be discussed in this backdrop. The first step of the government towards privatisation in Punjab was the setting up of the Disinvestment Commission. The Commission had already submitted its report. The second initiative includes the establishment of a Directorate of Disinvestment for implementing the privatisation programme in the state. Thirdly, the government has initiated action on the report of the Commission. The government has sold Punjab Tractors Limited to a U.K.-based company. Six public undertakings have been put on fast track for sale. Privatisation of the PEPSU Road Transport Corporation (PRTC) and the Punjab State Electricity Board (PSEB) is on the cards. A perusal of the privatisation programme in Punjab, however, suggests that it lacks a perspective. Raising of revenue to reduce the fiscal deficit is the main motive of privatisation in Punjab. The employees of public enterprises are opposing privatisation by organising rallies and strikes. Both the employer and the employees have a misplaced perspective of privatisation. The government should realise that privatisation has motives other than raising of resources also. These include enhancing efficiency, improving customer care and satisfaction, and fulfilling social responsibility. The government should also bear in mind that creating a congenial environment is a pre-requisite for the smooth implementation of privatisation. The government has not done adequate spadework on this front. The first and foremost challenge is to evolve a political and social consensus on the issue. The absence of political and social consensus suggests uncertainty about the privatisation programme and results in lukewarm response from the potential buyers. The privatisation policy should be thoroughly debated in the State Assembly and the politically agreed programme should be thrown open for discussion among experts, customers and the general public. The Directorate of Disinvestment should prepare a road map for privatisation within the broad contours of the political and social consensus on privatisation. Secondly, for the successful implementation of privatisation winning the support of the management and employees is all the more necessary. According to one report, the Disinvestment Commission received representations against privatisation from 13 enterprises out of total 29 recommended for privatisation. The Chairman (a political appointee) and employees of the PRTC have also been opposing its privatisation. The privatisation of the PSEB is also facing rough weather. The government, as suggested by the Disinvestment Commission, should initiate a dialogue with the employees and the management. In case the management and employees agree on the privatisation programme, the government should initiate an employee-friendly process of privatisation. In the beginning employee participation in the equity of public enterprises in the form of free shares, bonus shares and shares to employees at discounted prices be adopted. This prescription is based on the U.K. experience of privatisation. In cases where the employees are not willing to participate in privatisation as buyers, an employment guarantee clause in the privatisation contract on the pattern of the German model of privatisation should be introduced. After the unification of Germany, the privatisation programme was executed on a mass scale in East Germany and one of the terms and conditions was not to retrench employees for a particular period of time. In the light of the alarming unemployment situation in Punjab, the safety period should be kept up to 10 years. Thirdly, for newly privatised companies a co-operative form of organisation should be preferred. These initiatives would help in the retention of employment; improvement in labour, capital and productivity; revenue to the government; social equity in the form of employees’ ownership of shareholding and more choices to customers. Privatisation is not a panacea of all the ills of public enterprises. Among all the stakeholders of the public sector, mainly the employees are articulating this dimension of privatisation. The employees should realise that privatisation is not a local affair, rather it is a global phenomenon. The paradigm shift in favour of privatisation is so strong across the globe that rallies and strikes get pale before it. The real alternative to privatisation lies in making public enterprises vibrant, profit-making institutions. This largely depends upon bringing a paradigm shift in work culture within public enterprises. The employees should acknowledge the virtues of performance-oriented work culture. They should return to public enterprises at least equivalent to wages/salaries they receive. If they fail to do so today, they would definitely do the same tomorrow after privatisation, failing which they would be shown the door. If the choice of adopting performance-oriented work culture is only between today and tomorrow, then the employees should adopt it today and also reap the benefits of handsome salaries, security of service and other social welfare amenities provided by the public sector. It is relevant to mention here that the performance of Central public sector undertakings has improved during the post-liberalisation period. In a recent Forbes’ list of 200 best non-US companies across the globe, 18 are from India and many of them are in the public sector. If the public sector at the national level has been adjusting itself to the changing economic environment, then why not in Punjab? The writer is a Professor in the Department of Public Administration, Panjab University, Chandigarh |
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Delhi
Durbar There is a growing feeling in the Congress that it lacks aggressive spokespersons and campaigners compared to the BJP. Suggestions have been made to Congress President Sonia Gandhi to consider appointing a chief spokesperson who can match the guile of BJP President M Venkaiah Naidu. There is also a felt need that the BJP’s spokespersons are also major campaigners for the party, thus providing a double advantage, especially in the media. Discerning Congress leaders believe that it has become imperative for the party to overcome this lacuna as the BJP is just running away with all the media glare — be it in the print or the audio-visual media. Can Sonia Gandhi really come up with a quick-fix solution as the battery of Congress spokespersons want to rotate their media interface which is lacking the necessary bite in countering the BJP blitzkrieg.
Political sons
and daughters The tribe of sons and daughters of prominent politicians having an eye on the general election is growing with the anticipated entry of Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s children — Rahul and Priyanka — in the political arena. Congressmen unwilling to wager a bet appear more than confident that Rahul and Priyanka would bow to the wishes of their partymen. Posters are already out in this regard exhorting them to enter the electoral fray. A cursory look at the list of sons and daughters of prominent politicians keen on being chips of the old block shows it is not confined to one single party either at the national or regional level. In the Congress ranks there is Sachin, the son of Rama and late Rajesh Pilot who is keen on contesting from his father’s Dausa constituency in Rajasthan. Similarly, Lok Sabha MP Jyotiraditya Scindia stepped into his father Madhavrao Scindia’s shoes after the latter’s sudden death in an air crash. Jatin Prasada, son of the late Jitendra Prasada, also seems to be eyeing his father’s Shehjehanpur constituency in Uttar Pradesh. Jatin is the general secretary of the Youth Congress. Similarly, there are others like Farooq Abdullah’s son Omar Abdullah, late G.K. Moopanar’s son G.K. Wasan, C.R. Kesavan, the great grandson of India’s first Govenor General C. Rajagopalachari, Rohit Tilak, grandson of Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Milind Deora, son of Congressman Murli Deora. Some veteran politicians insist that the power of those emerging from the shadows of political families should not be underestimated.
PM for train journey Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee is all set to experience the romance of a train journey between Katra and Ayodhya in the President’s salon. The noble pre-election purpose of his first train journey as Prime Minister is to inaugurate a railway line between Katra and Ayodhya and a bridge on the Saryu river on Saturday (February 7). Northern Railway is leaving no stone unturned to ensure that the Prime Minister’s journey is comfortable. The President’s salon is maintained by Northern Railway and is stationed in a shed near New Delhi railway station. The salon is embellished with silk tussar curtains and carpets. It has a drawingroom and a dining hall as well.
Promoting security In the hustle and bustle of the interim Budget and the coming Lok Sabha elections, what has gone unnoticed is the India, Brazil and South Africa axis of strategic engagement, including promoting international security. Defence Minister George Fernandes attended the meeting in Pretoria earlier this week of the India, Brazil, South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum to discuss areas of common concern and potential trilateral cooperation in defence and mutual security. The Dialogue Forum was initiated by the foreign ministers of the three countries in June, 2003. They called for dialogue among developing countries on security-related issues of mutual interest and agreed to initiate steps for joint peacekeeping training exercises. Contributed by T.R. Ramachandran and Tripti Nath
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May heaven, the sky and the earth be filled with peace. — Rig Veda The world can be good and pure only if our lives are good and pure. It is an effect, and we are the means. Therefore, let us purify ourselves. Let us make ourselves perfect. — Swami Vivekananda O Lord till You grant us Your vision And break the bonds of superstition, One watch of day will drag like half a year. — Guru Nanak When the senses contact sense objects, a person experiences cold or heat, pleasure or pain. These experiences are fleeting; they come and go. Bear them patiently. — Shri Krishna
(Bhagavad Gita) God is not external to anyone, but is present with all things, though they are ignorant that He is so. — Plotinus |
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