Following 12/13, Indian forces were mobilised on its western border in a far more massive manner than done in peace time ever before. The navy was moved from the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian Sea. Air, rail and road links with Pakistan were snapped. Diplomatic relations and diplomatic staff in the High Commissions were reduced to the minimum, as the commissions remained headless.

Having reached the brink, the Prime Minister initiated reverse measures; without any apparent gain. He skilfully and gracefully dismantled, block by block, the wall of distrust that had been built up between the two countries. Of course, a number of factors helped the process. Pakistan was more than grateful for every overture of goodwill from India and responded by its own moves to confidence-building measures. Its proxy war against India was becoming counter-productive. Militants were not only getting alienated from the people of Kashmir but were also posing threat to stability of Pakistan and had threatened the life of President Musharraf. Internationally, Pakistan was totally isolated on the issue of export of terror to India.

India’s own compulsions for normalisation of relations with Pakistan were no less strong. First, limits of what was called coercive diplomacy were soon exposed. Given the international situation, India could neither afford nor win a decisive war against Pakistan. The threat implied in the unprecedented mobilisation of forces proved to be empty. Second, while India’s status as an emerging power and strength of its economy and political system were universally recognised, it received ample advice and warning that it would not grow to its full potential and even a status of a regional power till it normalised its relations with Pakistan.

Finally, groundswell of popular goodwill in the two countries for each other left no choice for the two governments but to give up the path of confrontation.

However, despite all these exceedingly favourable factors and qualities of leadership of the Prime Minister, we have just reached back to the stage from where we had started drifting. Except hyped hopes the relations between the two countries are at a level which should normally exist between the two neighbours in peace time despite their differences. For a real breakthrough a far better understanding of Pakistan and its problems with India is needed.

The stated positions as also uninstated bottomlines of the two countries on Kashmir continue to be irreconcilable. Even if India’s condition of stopping of crossborder terrorism in Kashmir is met, can it accept Musharraf’s offer to meet him half way? How would India respond to pressure of its foreign friends to find out a solution to meet what they consider to be aspirations of the people of the state?

How long can we succeed in keeping Kashmir on the backburner? What can we do to satisfy Pakistan’s other demands and expectations. Let us admit that we lack institutionalised or individual expertise either on Kashmir or on Pakistan whose objective knowledge is universally respected; within and outside the country notwithstanding a large number of propagandists and publicists.

Some tentative hypotheses are suggested here which could be further developed to form a basis of a rational Pakistan policy.

First, there are formidable difficulties in building lasting friendship at the national level. For, the basis of nationhood of the two countries is vastly different. Pakistan is still debating its ideological basis and whether such a basis is at all necessary for building a nation. Similarly there is a debate going on in that country about its historiography. The contrast in India on both the counts is striking.

Further, many people in India are still not reconciled to the fact of the partition. Some treat it as partition of limbs of Bharat Mata which is an unforgivable sin. Other well-meaning friends of Pakistan hope that the process of friendship will eventually lead to undoing of the partition and like the East and West Germany, the two brothers of the subcontinent will eventually unite. None of these sentiments can be acceptable to Pakistan and be a basis of friendly relations.

However, if we transcend national identities, there are powerful bonds between the peoples of the two countries. South Asian identity not only gives a sense a common pride on the basis of equality to nationals of all the countries in the region but also promises them prospects of economic development, political stability and international respectability.

As by far the largest and powerful country, consolidation of South Asian identity would enhance India’s regional and international status. For this reason, it harmed its own national interest by keeping the SAARC conference under suspension by treating its role therein as a hostage to its relation with Pakistan. Again, the vision of South Asia that the Prime Minister presented makes an amend to the past lapse. But in view of India’s special position in the region, it can afford and it is in its enlightened interest to take unilateral steps to meet the genuine needs of its neighbours. It does not behove it to be provoked by minor irritants or to expect reciprocity in every measure from them.

Similarly, the potentiality of bonds of transnational identities has not been adequately lapped. The emotional outburst that is exhibited when, say, Punjabis, Sindhis and Urdu speaking people from India and Pakistan meet one another often exceeds emotional ties of national and religious bonds. Wherever I have met Punjabis from Pakistan, anywhere outside India, for instance, they invariably make a demand that Punjabi literature being produced in India should be transliterated into Persian script so that they could also read it. Is it beyond the resources of India to meet this simple demand? Likewise why can’t autonomous institutions be created to award prizes for the best literary piece in Punjabi, Sindhi, Urdu as also Bangla, Tamil and Nepalese whether that is written in India, neighbouring countries or by their diaspora abroad?

We have also found that cultural, technical and professional meets generate similar goodwill among countries of the region.

As a young man I was out on my first date. I liked everything about the girl — her looks, her poise, her intelligence et al. But I did not know how to express my feelings. I was too shy to tell her direct. During dinner, after a lot of deliberation, I said, “Is your sister also pretty?” If her face truly mirrored her thoughts, her impression of me being a maniac was clearly in her mind. I felt somewhat comforted to notice that at the precise moment she was holding a spoon and not a knife.

I was introducing some old friends to a social gathering. “I would like to present Mr Modappa, a man full of ideas and vision who always moves with the clock. In fact, the first three letters in his name sum up his philosophy in life.” Standing in a far corner my wife gave me a thumbs-up for my appropriate remarks. Encouraged, I tried a repeat for the next friend. In my gusto I failed to realise that the friend being introduced this time was one Mr Sinha. He has been avoiding me ever since.

At a family wedding, I ran into an old aunt. “You look rather pale aunty”, I said truthfully, with intent to show concern for her health. She who had always displayed her affection through the medium of a hug, not only abstained from it but her face underwent some visibly hostile contortions. The wife happened to be within earshot and tugged at my sleeve. “That is a very rude thing to say to a lady” she whispered, “even if a lady is actually looking pale, you have to say something complimentary.” I tried to make amends. “Perhaps it the new rouge that is making you look fair” I said, addressing the aunt. I could see her fists clench.

A cousin had requested me to get a club membership for her. For this her photograph was needed. She sent me an e-mail thanking me in advance and saying that her photo was being sent as an attachment. The wife’s admonishment in the aunt episode was still fresh in my mind. Wanting to err on the plus side, I promptly replied. “You look beautiful and gorgeous. How do you manage to stay eternally young?” I was sure the wife would be pleased to know my diplomatic response. Within 10 minutes there was a reply to my e-mail from the cousin. “Do forgive me” she said, “In my last e-mail, I had forgotten to insert the attachment”. She made no mention of my compliments on her ethereal looks.

Several factors have contributed to this positive development. The PSEB Chairman, Mr Y.S. Ratra, attributes this turn-around as much to better management — administrative, financial and technical — as to cooperation by the employees and, of course, the hike in the tariff. With the restoration of the power tariff in the agriculture sector in 2002, the board earned Rs 250 crore in the first financial year itself.

There was some improvement in the transmission and distribution system, but much remains to be done. These losses were around 26 per cent. Out of this, 18 per cent were genuine losses in transmission and distribution, while 8 per cent were in the commercial segment. Again, out of the 8 per cent, 4 per cent were due to “theft” of power, which amounted to Rs 400 crore a year.

Mr Ratra said the transmission and distribution network was capital intensive. The installation of pilferage-proof electronic meters was one way to check the theft of power. Stringent steps are required to remove ‘’kundi’’ connections. He revealed that besides 8.15 lakh authorised tubewells in the state, a very substantive number of unauthorised tubewells were also in operation. Work on the replacement of slow and obsolete meters was now under way as was the detection of unauthorised tubewells. Efforts were on to make metering online. In fact, interface meters on transformers to keep a check on the inflow and outgo of power were being installed. The board has at Ablowal a ‘’load dispatch centre’’ to monitor and audit power.

Punjab has about 55 lakh consumers. It is estimated that if proper metering is done, the revenue can go up by at least 4 per cent or say by over Rs 400 crore per year.

Giving an overview, Mr Ratra said it was one of the largest manned boards in the country with over 80,000 plus employees whose annual salary bill was Rs 1,400 crore approximately. The outgo on pensions and provident fund was also substantial. There was no way to either downsize or rightsize the board, a demand also being repeatedly made by the World Bank.

There had been no new recruitment. But with the government lifting the ban on the 5 per cent cap on recruitment under special categories, the board had to make some appointments on compassionate grounds. There were 1,400 applications of the kin of employees who had died in harness. So far 140 have been given jobs on compassionate grounds.

“Therefore, the real sense of revenue satisfaction will come only when the board earns a cash profit after paying statutory financial liabilities. I am keeping my fingers crossed but definitely there is an improvement in our functioning”, he added.

A major challenge before the board at present was the supply of 24-hour power to villages. This was aimed at segregating the supply of power to tubewells and for domestic use. Out of estimated 12,428 villages, 7,667 villages have been brought under the 24-hour supply scheme. A sum of Rs 50 crore was kept aside for giving 24-hour supply. The Chief Minister, Capt Amarinder Singh, has given June 30, next, as the deadline for 24-hour supply. ‘’We are optimistic of making good progress’’.

Similarly, the board is clearing a backlog of over 3 lakh applications for tubewell connections. These applications have been pending for the past 10 years or so. The people have paid the requisite dues but their tubewells had remained un-energised. Mr Ratra said, ‘’Beginning now, 4,000 tubewells will get energised each month till March next. We hope to clear a substantive backlog before the beginning of paddy sowing. Till December last, 8,962 tubewells had been given a power connection’’.

With each passing year, energy requirements were increasing at an estimated rate of 8 per cent. With 24-hour power supply to villages and more tubewell connections, the demand for power would further go up. Punjab, at present, was already short of at least 1,000 MW power. From in-house and outside sources, the power available was 5,700 MW.

Mr Ratra said under the power augmentation programme, Punjab, along with Delhi and Gujarat, was negotiating with the National Thermal Power Corporation for a share of 500 MW in the proposed 2,000 MW thermal power station to be installed at the coal pit-head in Chhattisgarh.

At its own level, the board was all set to start work on the Lehra Mohabbat thermal plant, stage-II. It will have two units of 250 MW each and is estimated to be completed and commissioned at a cost of Rs 1,800 crore. There is a financial tie-up with the Power Finance Corporation, which will provide 80 per cent of the required funds. ‘’We are thinking of contracting out its execution on a turn-key basis to BHEL. At the January 24 meeting of the PSEB, details will be worked out on boilers, generators and turbines’’.

While negotiations on some inter-state hydro-electric projects were in the pipeline, some small hydro-power projects were also on the anvil. The Goindwal thermal plant project, however, seems to have been shelved. Under the augmentation projects, seven new 66 KV sub-stations were commissioned and another 16 would be commissioned by March-end at a cost of Rs 32.50 crore.

At present, purchases in the PSEB were a major area of concern as it was also considered to be the main pit-head of corruption, involving cuts and commissions. Equally worrisome was the system of ‘’inspections’’ of the approved material and equipment carried out by the board officials.

Ways to bring about transparency in this system were on the anvil. One suggested way out was to outsource procurement and purchases. Already, coal supply to the thermal plants at Bathinda, Lehra Mohabbat and Ropar stood contracted out to private firms. The board was not a defaulter in payments on coal and rail freight.

Yet the three thermal plants had faced coal shortage, triggering off a crisis-situation. Explaining this, Mr Ratra said Punjab had continued to procure coal even during the monsoon and built a reasonable buffer stock. The coal position was comfortable till October-end. Then, in November, as many as 16 thermal plants across the country were in a crisis as coal supplies dipped. With elections around the corner in some states, coal was diverted elsewhere. It was only after the Chief Minister spoke to the Union Ministers for Coal and Railways, the situation had eased. Punjab required about 18 rakes of coal every day at the three thermal destinations.

But when it comes to seeking publicity at the cost of the country’s martyrs who are still to be recognised officially, “jumping the gun” can be best described as showing apathy towards the very martyrs.

The Army has done nothing less. While the government is still to announce the gallantry awards for the armed forces, which is customary on every eve of Republic Day or Independence Day, the Army has gone ahead and declared the names of two of its officers who would be awarded the Ashok Chakra, the highest peacetime gallantry award.

Dogged by the over-enthusiasm of its officers to seek publicity, the Army went to town on Thursday declaring that Lt. Triveni Singh and Commando Sanjog Chhetri would be awarded the Ashok Chakra by President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam at the Republic Day Parade this year.

Although Commando Chhetri’s name was announced at the last Independence Day, the government is still to declare the name of Lt. Triveni Singh, who had played a gallant role during the recent terrorist attack at the Jammu railway station.

While the official announcement would only be made on January 25 when the entire list of the gallantry and meritorious service awards is released, the Army officials briefing the media here and even in Jammu declared that Lt. Singh’s father and sister would be in the Capital to receive the medal from the President.