 |
|
ON RECORD
Needed: A regulatory commission for higher education |
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
PROFILE
KASHMIR DIARY
REFLECTIONS
DIVERSITIES — DELHI
LETTER
|
ON RECORD
FOREIGN Secretary Kanwal Sibal who bows out of office on November 30 leaves big shoes for his successor to step into. In the past couple of years, the world has stood by and watched with surprise Indian diplomacy spreading its wings and making its presence felt all over the globe. The Indian focus has been on economic diplomacy. In an exclusive interview to The Tribune, Sibal answered a vast array of questions. Excerpts: Q: How do you look upon your 17-month long tenure as Foreign Secretary? A: I look upon my tenure as Foreign Secretary with a great deal of satisfaction. Q: What were the high and low points during your tenure? A: There is no one particular high point. There have been many important developments during this period including the management of relations with the US, Pakistan and China, other neighbouring countries, terrorism and how we deal with this challenge to our national security. There is also Afghanistan which involves high stakes and our strategic opening up to Iran and Myanmar. With China, relations are developing very well. Special Representatives on both sides have been nominated to negotiate on the border issues. Our bilateral trade has increased phenomenally. We are creating significant instruments for ourselves in foreign policy terms. There were really no low points. It has been a series of crests. Q: India’s relations with Pakistan swing from one extreme to another — Lahore bus journey, Kargil, Agra Summit and then attack on Parliament. Why is it so? A: Dealing with Pakistan is not easy. It poses many challenges rooted in the division of India along religious lines, Pakistan’s claim to Jammu and Kashmir based on religion, of a country where the armed forces play an important role in political life, their support to terrorism. The extremist parties have gained political strength there. There is the madrasa problem. It is also a nuclear power. The swings are a varied response we make to these different challenges Pakistan poses. Q: After the attack on Parliament, we were on verge of war with Pakistan. But things started to change from April 18 this year. What did we achieve from the troops mobilization? A: The purpose of troops mobilisation was served. War is not an easy option. One should be able to take risk for peace. This is what April 18 signifies. One cannot be a statesman without taking risks for peace. The Prime Minister’s initiative towards Pakistan is demonstrative of the required political flexibility with which our leaders are dealing with Pakistan. You cannot have a one track approach in foreign policy. Relations with Pakistan are a complex diplomatic issue. There is no one single key to the problem. When we mobilised, the message did go through, and it still has relevance as it signifies that beyond a certain point, India cannot tolerate terrorism by Pakistan. Q: Why are our leaders criticised for lacking in courage? A: You can always fault a wise person for being too wise. No responsible leadership can be impulsive. One has to see the long term consequences. Q: Pakistan recently accused India of using pressure tactics and delaying the confirmation of Mr. Vajpayee’s participation in the SAARC Summit to force a decision on civil aviation flights. Your comments? A: If we are using pressure tactics it is in favour of peace! Q: You had travelled with the Prime Minister all over the world. Has India’s image abroad undergone change? A: Absolutely. First, the nuclear tests in 1998 showed our capacity to pursue an independent course in foreign policy. With the era of sanctions being virtually over, the world community will accept India’s de facto nuclear status. Secondly, India made strides in knowledge-driven industry and information technology. The fact that India can produce so many talented engineers has led many nations to take a fresh look at the quality of education imparted here. Third, India’s economic success in maintaining high levels of growth is another reason. From this flows all the initiatives for free trade agreements with different countries, including the ASEAN, Thailand, Singapore and countries in our neighbourhood. This activity has been noticed abroad and has been commented upon as the new dynamism in India’s foreign policy, which is based on India’s strength as a growing economic power. And finally, other countries commend the general dynamism in our foreign policy. The breadth of foreign policy initiatives has surprised many. Q: It used to be said about India that the elephant is sleeping. Then it was said that the elephant is trying to get up. And now it is being said that the elephant has not just woken up, not just walking but jogging. Would you agree? A: Yes. Don’t forget that the elephant can run at the speed of 35 km an hour! Q: Will India acquire the superpower status by 2020 as President Kalam has visualised despite a host of drawbacks? A: We will attain it. We are one billion people. We represent one-sixth of humanity. In 20 years time, more or less, nobody would be able to stop us. Look at the number of countries which have given us public support for our Permanent Membership to the UN Security Council. Q: So the Government of India’s strategy seems to be to strengthen the economy and increase the country’s stature diplomatically and politically which would, in a way, strangulate Pakistan diplomatically and economically? A: We would do a disservice to ourselves if we say that we are scoring points over Pakistan. It would be self-demeaning. We already have a tremendous edge over Pakistan. I believe strongly in a foreign policy of self-confidence and dignity based on a clear recognition that we are far stronger than we think. To be tough, demanding and unyielding in pursuit of national interest comes naturally to a country after it has passed through lot of vicissitudes. It is only in such a crucible that a certain kind of national spirit gets fired. Having gone through all the trails of the last 50 years, the time has come now to project ourselves properly with self-confidence. Our foreign policy today is reflective of this new sense of self-confidence. |
|
Needed: A regulatory commission for higher education OPINION is sharply divided on the issue of fee hike in colleges and universities. In most cases, students resort to strike against fee hike. The issue has to be handled with utmost care. In any fee hike exercise, the authorities should necessarily involve the elected leaders of the students' union. This will save the student hours lost in strikes and dharnas. The article seeks to identify some policy options which may provide relief to the universities and colleges from financial distress as also protect the interest of the socially disadvantaged groups of society. The purpose of higher education goes beyond the pursuit of knowledge for its own sake or for seeking better job opportunities. Higher education also aims at social change by promoting human values, national integration, social harmony, pluralism, secularism, egalitarianism and, above all, scientific outlook. Education is neither a pure public good nor a private good. It is rather merit good, the consumption of which, if left to individual, is always underconsumed. But this good is very important from societal perspective. Merit good has positive externalities as its benefits do not confine only to the individual who pays for it but also flow to other members of society. The role of education, particularly in social change, suggests that market forces should not determine its price. Education is not a pure public good and thus free education is not justifiable. If higher education should be financed, an appropriate policy mix is needed. This could be between 100 per cent recovery of cost and 100 per cent subsidies. No doubt, moderate hike in tuition fee ranging from 10 to 20 per cent is one of the alternatives to raise funds for higher education. But steep hike is not advisable. Making education expensive by geometric progression would ultimately exclude the poor and the lower middle class from the temples of higher learning. The exclusion principle will increase socio-economic disparities and would sow the seeds of social turmoil. Ideally, the general rule suggested by the Justice Punnayya Committee constituted by the University Grants Commission in 1992 is that the share fee should not exceed 15 per cent of the total expenditure. In advanced countries, fee does not constitute a major proportion of budget. In Britain, for example, it is less than 14 per cent of the total expenditure. With a view to arresting the adverse impact of hike in tuition and other fees, on social equity, it is suggested to devise differential fee policy on the basis of the paying capacity. For this purpose, the fee paid in school may be taken as the benchmark. In Singapore, New Zealand and Vietnam, differential fees are charged. Undoubtedly, government grants would continue to play a major role in higher education. Till recently, higher education in the country has been receiving uninterrupted flow of grants from the government. However, because of financial crunch, the Centre and the states are resorting to reduce the quantum of grant. As the dwindling of public funding is incompatible with higher education, policymakers should devise suitable strategies to restore at least pre-reform period share of public funds in higher education. On the eve of economic reforms, the share of public funding at all levels of education was 89 per cent. In advanced countries like Denmark, the Netherlands, Finland, Ireland, and Canada, it is over 90 per cent. Student loans and scholarships, part-time employment, entrepreneurial activities undertaken by the institutions and private sector participation are other methods of financing higher education. Students’ loan and scholarship schemes are gaining momentum across the globe. With a view to neutralising the impact of fee hike on access to higher education, the Centre should sponsor a national scheme for extending loans to students. It can rope in banks and other financial institutions in the student loan scheme. The World Bank has been supporting such projects in several nations. India should approach it for the same. Part-time jobs are good source of earning for students. Each institution of higher learning, particularly universities, has part-time vacancies. Poor and meritorious students should be offered these jobs. The institutions should also tie up with corporate and other sectors for part-time jobs to poor students during the lean period. To tackle the problem of dwindling grants, some institutions have taken entrepreneurial initiatives such as consultancy, training, job-oriented courses during the lean period, earning of research funds, lending of infrastructure to other agencies during the lean period and so on. Some universities in Russia, China, Mexico and South Africa have succeeded in generating resources from entrepreneurial activities to the tune of 7-14 per cent of the total budget. Private sector participation in higher education seems unavoidable. However, its increasing investment, with an eye on making profits, has far-reaching implications. Consequently, its degree of participation will have to be within the parameters decided by the state. In the light of the growing participation of private sector in higher education and scope for unethical practices, there is need for an educational regulatory commission on the pattern of those set up in insurance, telecom and power sector. The regulatory commission should determine the fee structure and quality of education as also the qualifications of the faculty. The writer is Professor, Department of Public Administration, Panjab University, Chandigarh |
PROFILE When the BJP’s central leadership unofficially projected him as the Chief Ministerial candidate and the party’s Star campaigner in the elections, eyebrows were raised because he is not proficient in local dialect — Chhattisgarhi — while his rival Ajit Jogi is fluent. The mild protest petered off and local leaders were reconciled to the fact that Judeo will be the Chief Minister if the BJP gets majority. The BJP has its own reason for projecting him as he is totally committed to RSS, moved on to erstwhile Jana Sangh and is now closely associated with the VHP. Though he is not as rabid as Narendra
Modi, both steadfastly believe in aggressive “Hindutva”. Judeo carried out a relentless campaign against Christian missionaries, whom he accuses of large-scale conversion, in his erstwhile princely state — Jaspur — now an independent district, bordering Jharkhand and Orissa. He has been repeatedly asserting that maximum amount of foreign money goes to Sarguja and Raigarh districts of
Chhattisgarh. As a result, out of a total population of 2.50 lakh in
Jaspur, 90,000 tribals have been converted. He has vowed that “the fight with them (missionaries) will continue till it reaches a logical end”. Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani has described him as “a great fighter against forcible conversions in
Chhattisgarh”. As Judeo was raising the pitch of his campaign, making corruption as the main plank against Ajit
Jogi, hell broke loose; video tapes had shown him accepting money and he had to quit his ministerial post in disgrace. From star campaigner, Judeo himself became a potential election issue with TV channels doing maximum damage to his reputation and putting on the backburner all other relevant political issues. Jogi’s sagging morale boosted and he lost no time in dubbing the BJP as “epitome of corruption”. Doubtless, not only Jogi’s prospects brightened but the Judeo scandal may help Digvijay Singh in neighbouring Madhya Pradesh. By the time the CBI reveals the truth — whether Judeo is really guilty or fell in the trap of a well- rehearsed conspiracy — the election would have been over. No amount of explaining as done by the Deputy Prime Minister — “Judeo has no dearth of money. He spends money on others, fights against forcible conversion” — is going to wipe out impact of the star campaigner accepting money on TV screen. With the polling barely a week away, the BJP has no option but to rally behind Judeo. He is shaken but taken his ignominy in his stride. He now plans to give up his olive green uniform and don white clothes, drive in a white jeep and go to the temples which Jogi had visited and wash them with milk. Judeo is fourth in the line of succession as ruler of
Jaspur, known for its thick forests, teeming with tigers and rich wildlife. His great grandfather, Raja Ranjit Singh died in 1813 and since then the baton has passed to next in the line of succession. Judeo's father, Raja Vijay Bhushan Singh, passed away in 1982 and he became the ruler. Like all princes, Judeo has got reasonably good education having obtained BA and LLB degrees. He was a student of Raipur’s prestigious Mayo College and later of Ranchi University. He began his political career as the Jaspur Municipal Board President. He was also Vice-President of the BJP unit of undivided Madhya Pradesh.
Fiftyfour-year-old Judeo is married and has three sons. |
|
KASHMIR DIARY THE attack at Srinagar’s Badami Bagh cantonment last week may have seemed to be just another militant attack. But it sparked some ominous recollections in Kashmiris’ minds about the force that faced the attack. The CRPF has been relegated to the sidelines of anti-militancy operations in Kashmir for more than a decade now but it is on the cusp of returning to centre-stage and it has its work cut out on two fronts: even while it assumes a leading role in anti-militancy operations, it will have to work extraordinarily hard to overcome the ghastly memories of excesses that haunt Kashmiri minds. Much water has flowed down the Jhelum since but journalist Faisal Ahmed pointed out to me even while the attack was underway last week that the CRPF has still to live down what it did at
Gowkadal. Gowkadal is the shortest of the seven old bridges that span the Jhelum as its channel narrows to flow through the heart of Srinagar — the area Kashmiris refer to as “downtown”. On January 21, 1990, an officer of the CRPF led his Company to fire at an unarmed procession that had already marched for a few kilometers in defiance of curfew. Senior police officers reveal that at least 30 to 40 of the agitators were killed and several score others injured. Mr Jagmohan just took over as Governor in Jammu on January 19 and was reaching Srinagar when that firing took place. He had not ordered the firing but his stint as Governor was blotted even before he could get a grip on the reins. Gowkadal became a byword for atrocities and hundreds of young Kashmiris crossed the Line of Control looking for training and arms over the next few months. Exactly four months later, another CRPF company managed inadvertently to end Jagmohan’s stint altogether. On May 21, apparently panicked CRPF men fired at the procession that was carrying the body of Mirwaiz Mohammed Farooq through the Hawal area of Srinagar. The procession was moving from the Medical Institute, where the Mirwaiz had been declared dead, to the traditional downtown home of the Mirwaiz family. Large numbers of mourners were killed that day and many others injured. And several CRPF bullets pierced the Mirwaiz’ body. Some of the
Mirwaiz' followers had already begun to attack some Jamaat members that morning. However, after the CRPF firing, the anti-India feeling was tremendously strengthened. A subtle struggle for turf ensued over the next couple of years between the Inspectors-General of the Border Security Force and the CRPF and, although both were redoubtable officers, Ashok Patel of the BSF was evidently a finer strategist than
D.D. Gupta of the CRPF. Over the past decade, the CRPF has been relegated largely to standing guard at the VIPs’ houses and other check posts. The BSF spearheaded counter-insurgency until May 8, 1993, when, a few weeks after retired General Krishna Rao became Governor, the Army was given the lead role — except in Srinagar city, where the BSF remained primarily responsible. The Army’s behaviour towards the people has improved since then but common people have found that the BSF has remained largely uncouth and often antagonistic. So, in keeping with Mufti’s “healing touch policy”, the BSF has begun over the past fortnight to hand over operations in the city to the
CRFP. By December 15, all the 56 BSF battalions in Kashmir are to be deployed either along the border or shifted out of the state. The Army’s presence has been thinning out and the CRPF is slated to take on a more crucial role in combating militancy since 1990. This is an unexceptionable strategy since the behaviour of the CRPF men and women posted on guard duty over the past few years has generally been far better than that of the BSF. If the growing desire among common Kashmiris for an end to violence and a negotiated settlement is to be nurtured, such behaviour can be invaluable. However, the test of whether the CRPF is equal to the challenge has only begun. The army was immediately at hand on the periphery of the cantonment last week but the CRPF will be called upon over the next few months to display immense discipline and restraint even when it is faced with lethal opponents in more hostile circumstances.
|
|
REFLECTIONS ON last visit back home to India, through our rural project, we invited a large number of village women for a dialogue. It was to explore the possibilities of initiating a training programme for the women panchayat members in the villages we were working in. Amongst those present, were the elected women panches and sarpanches, besides ordinary residents. We were looking forward to a rejuvenating and a learning experience of hearing the elected representatives of the villagers…and those women who had the courage to stand up to be counted. After the refreshments were over, we did an interaction with them, which for us was a new insight. It made us realise a few ground truths. Here are the excerpts: Q: How do you all feel as elected members of the village councils? A: Nothing. There is nothing to it. We are mere rubber stamps. Our men come with the papers and we merely put our thumb impressions on them. We sit apart away covering our faces and feel shy saying anything… Q: Why do you do this? A: Because they are men! They control it all. We have no say. Nobody listens to us. And then our opinion does not matter any way. Our men just put us up. And we accept. After all they are the ones to decide for us. And it is all right by us. Q: Do you, as women not let them know that it not right? And that you would like to exercise your own responsibility? A: How can we do? We have no power to tell them. They will never care to listen to us. Q: What about you all women? If you all get together can you not exercise influence? A: Oh! We are all divided. Actually we women ourselves are each other’s biggest enemies. We are always fighting amongst ourselves…daughter-in-law versus the mother-in-law, sister-in-law versus the daughter-in-law. The men in fact are shouting us down in our fights. We are also more worried with our household duties, tending to the cattle and the fields and ensuring there is enough water storage, grain and fodder in the house. The men are busy politicking, entertaining and gossiping. But they rule over us because we are always going to them with our problems and they take advantage of this fully. Q: So what do you think is the way out? Is there any hope for you women in playing your roles in village management? A: Yes, we need to be educated. We need to know how to deal with each other. But most of all women will have to support women. And not be adversaries as they are at present. Why do you not tell us what we should do? Q: Will you come to this centre once a fortnight for an awareness programme? A: Yes, if you send us the bus again as you did…(and they giggle.). We all agreed to meet once in 15 days. We accordingly planned a programme for them called ‘Shubtintak’ project. More than 40 women came. We began by showing them the map of our country and asked them to tell us what they thought it was? They said it was a picture of a dead cow! The questions and answers and the subsequent interaction made us realise that all panchayat training must begin with comprehensive women’s education, wherein they realise for themselves the reasons of their slavery. What is of concern is, will ‘their’ men allow this? Perhaps the first batch will have to suffer a backlash. We, as supporters and community workers, saw how gigantic the task was. But then if we, as a nation, are to realise our full potential, the issue of women’s education has to be addressed, house-to-house, and village-to-village.
|
|
DIVERSITIES — DELHI LETTER THE month of Ramzan is closing in, but Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Delhi Chief Minister Shiela Dikshit not hosting Iftars this year seems a little surprising in the backdrop of the forthcoming Assembly elections. Congress president Sonia Gandhi hosted one with the bandobasts taken care of by her political adviser Ahmad Patel. Those in the list of failures to host iftars are Amar Singh and Mulayam Singh Yadav, Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, Farooq Abdullah and RJD President Laloo Prasad Yadav. And till the last couple of years several envoys of Middle Eastern and Arab countries hosted these evening feasts, but this year there seemed none with the sole exception of Saudi Arabia. Saudi envoy to India Saleh Mohammad Al Ghamdi hosted the Iftar at Le Meridien. He was somewhat taken aback when I asked him whether he was fasting. He said, “Of course, it’s a must…I fast this entire month…” Seated on my table were envoys of Iraq and Oman, both of whom were fasting. Most guests were apolitical people, with majority of them being diplomats. The one who drew the maximum attention was Pakistan High Commissioner Aziz Ahmad Khan. He had come alone though on most occasions he is accompanied by his spouse Ayesha, who not only looks years younger to her husband but sports those glamorous looks. I'm told on her husband's previous stint in New Delhi in the 80's, she was a regular at the health clubs. Support for
Mallika Yes, there were many who attended the meeting at Triveni Kala Sangam on Nov 18 to voice their concern and support for Mallika Sarabhai — Prof Yashpal, Ashok Vajpayee, Kapila Vatsyayan, Harsh Mander, Nirmala Deshpande and so on. Prof Yashpal said that he had taught Mallika at Ahmedabad’s IIM and spoke about her grit and determination. He and others said that in a democracy if civil rights and human rights of an individual are curtailed, they should stand up and question. Looking sad was Poetry Society’s top man Jagannath Prasad Das. A former IAS officer, who gave up all that babugiri for the sake of writing, he recited a poem penned by him. “I brought it for Mallika but she couldn't come…” Here goes the opening lines of this poem titled “After Gujarat”: “After Gujarat /will there be poetry?/ Was it possible to write poetry/after Alexandria was burnt down/after Auschwitz/after Hiroshima and Vietnam/after the Emergency/and Babri Masjid /after 9/11 and Iraq ?….Poetry is written /despite fatwa and bans /poetry laughs at Gulag /ignores the censor’s blue pencil /and the fundamentalist’s frown...After Gujarat there will be poetry about Gujarat itself…” At numerous cultural dos where former President R. Venkatraman is the chief guest, the artists seem pushed in the background or foreground, for he speaks well and seems to be in the best of health. This week he was the chief guest at Raja Radha Reddy’s kuchipudi dance festival and stole the show. Will someone ask him the health formula he practices? Hindustani
culture What started here as a series of Hindustani cultural programmes by a young woman of the capital could well become a healthy trend. Former journalist and writer Rakshanda Jalil took it upon herself to promote Hindustani cultural heritage and every month a rather off beat programme stands out at the India International Centre. This weekend “Hindustani Awaaz” would revolve around bridging the Hindi-Urdu divide. There would be a panel discussion and short presentations on the use of Devnagri vs Pharsee Rasmul Khat, the role of the Hindi press in popularising Urdu and the role of translations. |
Let us do good because it is good to do good; he who does good work even in order to get to heaven binds himself down, says the Karma-Yogi. Any work that is done with the least selfish motive, instead of making us free, forges one more chain for our feet. — Swami Vivekananda Let there be peace on above, below and everywhere. Let our waters be pure always, the universe is enveloped by the omnipotent, covet not the wealth of any man. — Yur. Veda They alone love God who fear Him in their hearts. — Guru Nanak Fasting and prayer are common injunctions in my religion. — Mahatma Gandhi O Son of the Supreme! I have made death a messenger of joy to thee. Wherefore dost thou grieve? I made the light to shed on thee its splendour. Why dost thou veil thyself therefrom? — Baha’u’llah |
| HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Mailbag | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | National Capital | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |
BURLY and well-built, seven-feet tall, proudly twisting his moustache, as if demonstrating his princely lineage, Dilip Singh Judeo has been seen for years walking briskly in the corridors of Parliament and going round the Central Hall. Always donning olive green trouser and matching half sleeve shirt, he looks from a distance an army major, about to step into the battlefield. His resonant voice reflects assertiveness and creates a feeling of awe but when face-to-face, he is polite and impresses a first-time caller. Judeo is a second-term Rajya Sabha member. Ministerial aura has not made him arrogant.