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Sunday,
April 27, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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GUEST COLUMN
A VIEWPOINT |
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REALPOLITIK ON RECORD
Harihar Swarup
A
glamorous world at work
Congress’
‘now or never’ crisis
The
importance of Balwant Gargi
Netting
choosy Anil with a good script
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GUEST COLUMN THE Haryana Government has recently decided to abolish all
the three posts of Pro-Vice-Chancellor (PVC) in the state and not
created it in the fourth newly established university. Three major
reasons are put forward in its favour. The Pro-VC is merely a
figurehead with almost identical qualification and work; the incumbent
is often involved in controversies; and the abolition of the position
will save a lot of money — around Rs 10 lakh per annum. As this is a
vital issue and concerns various state and central universities as
well, it is pertinent to study it in view of the educational scenario
in this country. Here for these top executives
posts, persons usually come from four or five categories — retired
or serving civil servants, university teachers, college principals,
retired army officers and judges. They often work at different
wavelengths. In most campuses, teachers, employees and students are
sharply divided along political lines. Down deep, the only unifying
forces are political associations or affiliations. However,
governments change, rather too rapidly these days, with new parties or
alliances in power, tensions and controversies constitute the natural
sequel. One is reminded of the sage remark of W.S. Landor: “He never
walks gracefully who leans on the shoulder of another.” Furthermore,
governments in this country often consider or treat universities as
their departments, boards of school education or corporations. For
them political and vote-bank considerations are invariably supreme. Of
course, much depends upon particular individuals, and there are so
many competent and upright persons around. But when the “tail” (or
stigma?) of politics is attached, many of them are bound to become
controversial sooner or later, when new governments are on the saddle.
One feels that as long as top positions in institutes of higher
learning are offered or maneuvered on political grounds or considered
as venuses to accommodate sycophants or “own” people, this sorry
state of affairs will continue to prevail. All politics is certainly
not bad, but it is sad to keep students and teachers involved in this
non-academic distracting activity. And the brand of politics, “politics
without principles”, which Mahatma Gandhi rightly dubbed as the
greatest of seven sins of man, is the worst thing, the black godmother
of all evils. Besides, the education infrastructure became huge with the passage of time. This becomes apparent when we contrast it with its size in, say, 1950. Then we had only one-lakh students, 15,000 teachers, 50 universities and 700 colleges. But now the figures have witnessed a tremendous increase: we have over 296 universities, 13,000 colleges, 4.75 lakh teachers, and 88 lakh students. In the process, the phenomenon generated an urgent need for many education executives and teachers. Consequently, numerous inferior persons, even several rejects from government departments, managed to be in universities. There are very few bottlenecks for entry into the university service. And once in, one could, in due course of time, rise to the top and wield influence, thanks to university provisions and such type of unrealistic schemes introduced by the UGC from time to time: personal promotion scheme, self-advancement scheme, hardship buy rotation, and so on. Even a part-timer could climb to the highest point. The so-called outsiders are not allowed to intervene or enter at later stages. This has disturbed the ideal distribution in a department: one professor, two readers, and four lecturers. Now, in numerous university institutions, professors and readers outnumber lecturers, and many of them remain candidates for the top managerial posts. In India, colleges have the maximum strength of students and teachers; they constitute the mother sector of higher education. And, we have had numerous examples of State Directors of Higher Education and senior college principals becoming very dynamic and successful Vice-Chancellors. But slowly, yet steadily, the sector has been ignored all along and now even senior and highly competent persons from the college side are rarely considered for higher posts in parent universities. Some maintain that the academics often lack of necessary administrative acumen, vision and general alertness. It was found that many of them could not manage well these so-called autonomous institutions of higher learning. In general, things are no better even where academicians hold both the senior-most positions. It is at this juncture that bureaucrats and others mostly jump to the arena. These constitute ex-cadre posts for them. The
argument pertaining to economic necessity is also tenable. It does not
matter much whether we have one or two persons at the top in a
university. Each university has annual budget of several crores. More
important, there is no scheme to prevent the wasteful expenditure as a
policy. For example, it is estimated that the decrease of just one
page in the normal answer book used in examination may save Rs 1 lakh.
But how many universities have adopted such reforms? The position of
PVC, in essence, fall in Professor’s pay scale. Posts of teachers
come from various sources in a university institution, at least for
the first five years, and thereafter the university concerned
maintains these posts. The general perception in our country is that
university teachers are underworked: a handsome pay, numerous
facilities for a little work. To effect economy, we should rather
undertake the exercise of “rationalisation” of university teaching
staff. The UGC has recently recommended this, but the teaching
community, for obvious reasons, is stoutly opposing the proposal. In sum, senior posts in centres of learning should be offered on merit, to persons of high character and calibre, proven integrity and uprightness. Only they can motivate and guide the youth. Political affiliation should neither be a qualification nor a disqualification. In this age of specialisation, professional approach is most desirable. However, the UGC may review the eligibility conditions and qualifications of VC and PVC in the light of past experience. Perhaps an open-ended list of prospective candidates could be prepared and made public. It should also exercise greater control over university institutions. The
time is also ripe to go in for private universities, as is done in
several advanced countries in the world. Whenever possible, the top
positions should be made co-terminus. Finally, the VC and PVC should
always support and strengthen each other, keeping in mind Bertrand
Russell’s words: “It is co-existence or no existence”. The
writer is former Adviser (Education), Himachal Pradesh Government |
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A VIEWPOINT EVEN as the public anger around the world in general and
West Asia in particular rose, almost three-fourths of all Americans
supported the decision to go to war against Iraq. The asymmetry in all
aspects of warfare was so pronounced that the end result was hardly in
doubt. A significant US population now desires a similar action
against Syria and Iran in total disregard to world opinion and
political morality. The US leadership has already started building its
case against Syria. It may not go for military action right now but it
will keep the diplomatic pressure on.
President Bush attempted his pre-emption doctrine first in Afghanistan and then in Iraq and it worked well in both the cases, notwithstanding opposition from France, Germany, Russia and some other world powers in the latter case. It’s a matter of some satisfaction that some of the US major allies rose against its arrogance in going ahead unilaterally in total disregard to international opinion. No doubt, these countries had their own interests to safeguard. France has commercial ties with Iraq. It’s also on the look out for opportunities to assert its leadership credential in European politics. It’s, however, a different matter that Mr Tony Blair may emerge more resurgent after the war in Iraq. In any case, the US had pre-conceived plans to go for Iraq even if the UN mandate wasn’t forthcoming and the diplomatic efforts to garner support of allies didn’t materialise. In keeping with the pre-emptive doctrine, the US went in for unilateral military action. “The US will not hesitate to act alone” if the country sponsoring terrorism and pursuing weapons of mass destruction (WMD) develops into a threat, says the doctrine. For the first time, the US had realised that the deterrence did not work against the terrorists and the ‘rogue states’ pursuing their agenda on terrorism and in some case even WMD. Failing to deter these countries with its overarching military might, pre-emerged as the only viable alternative. It’s for this reason that Bush and his Administration had been building their case against Iraq for long. President Bush pledged repeatedly to rid Iraq of “weapons of terror”. Now that Iraq has capitulated against the might of the sole super power aims and objectives set by the US and the degree of success can be assessed. US claim to wage war against Iraq was based on its assertion that Saddam Hussien possessed WMD. This was one of the war aims that even split the Security Council. But absence of Iraq’s WMD has been a notable feature of military campaign. The coalition has failed to find any tangible proof to say that Iraq possessed chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. The coalition is, in fact, disparate to find some ‘smoking gun’ to justify its war against Iraq. After all, the war was premised on disarming Iraq of banned weapons. The inspectors acting on intelligence tips found no unconventional weapons during their prolonged and extensive searches anywhere to substantiate the charge. Bush and his team sought to frame Iraq and went ahead against the world opinion only to discover embarrassment for themselves. Hans Blix, Chief Weapons Inspector said recently: “The war had been pre-planned well in advance and evidence fabricated to justify it”. No wonder, the US was unwilling to give more time to the UN inspectors lest they should come out categorically to say that Iraq did not possess any WMD. This would have negated the US justification for military campaign against Iraq. To get hold of Saddam Hussien which the senior Bush couldn’t do and on whom he had been heaping insults over the years was an important factor in Bush’s calculations. Even though the Iraqi regime has been overthrown by the coalition, Saddam Hussien, like Osama bin Laden, remains elusive. President Bush was, however, careful this time in not shouting from the roof-top as he did in the case of Osama bin Laden that he would get Saddam Hussien dead or alive. These immediate war aims somehow still remain largely unfulfilled. It’s in the domain of strategic objectives that are of far greater consequence to the US that it seemed to have achieved greater success. Saddam and his WMD were only a ploy to justify aggression. The US would have gone in even if Saddam had fled the country or sought asylum some where. Saudi Arabia was no more a reliable ally or a base after September 11. While professing friendship and cooperation, it was turning out to be the fountain head of Islamic militancy, extremism and terrorism. Dependence on Saudi Arabia had to be cut down in US view. Only Iraq could meet US strategic requirements. Iraq is one of the most moderate states in West Asia. A secure and a stable base in West Asia, therefore, assumed great importance for the US. It sees its enduring presence in Iraq not only for the stability of the region but essentially for its own criteria. It will be able to watch Syria and Iran from close quarters and be in a position to act promptly in case the need arose. It will also be able to influence the course of events in respect of Israel/Palestine imbroglio. US policies in West Asia would undergo a change that would enable it to reshape the region to suit its long-term strategic objectives. There is a widespread view that the US aggression against Iraq has more to do with capturing oil than Suddam Hussien or his WMD. Iraq’s oil assets are next to only Saudi Arabia. In the context of cooling off the Saudi-US relations, the US needed desperately a more secure supply source. Additionally, it would be a big business for the US oil companies. The US oil majors are waiting on the sidelines to secure exploration in Iraq. Vice-President Dick Cheney’s old company has already picked up $ 500-million worth deal for repairing oil wells. This will turn out to be a multi-billion deal by the time the oil production stabilises. All this will help revive US sagging economy. Economics in today’s interdependent world is the crux of the matter. The US will make the Iraqis pay the price for their freedom. Kuwait and Saudi Arabia paid massive sums to the US after Gulf-91, leaving it surplus substantially in the end. War is a big business for the US. It will end up earning far more than what it would have invested in Iraq. This time, the bounty would be even more rewarding. Iraqi oil and massive reconstruction contracts will have the petro-dollars flowing in one direction only. Besides, US arms exports would zoom once again as it happened post Gulf War-I. It’s business as usual for the Americans, Bush may talk of ‘vital role’ for the UN, but come what may he would not shed the lead role in Iraq’s reconstruction. The US will ensure that it remains the sole authority to control contracts. The Americans have come to realise that one way to set aside the dangers that invariably originate and are nurtured in West Asian monarchies and dictatorships is to oversee the democratisation, of the region. Perhaps, this is what the US means when it talks about creating a “new world order”. The writer, a former Air
Marshal, was Director-General, Defence Planning Staff, Ministry of
Defence |
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REALPOLITIK IT
is really difficult to fathom the sudden spurt in political intrigues
and the nuances of its numerous cross-currents. The theatre of
political operation, call it challenges or lack of control, has
certainly shifted to the states’ and local satraps. Few really
bother about Mr V.C. Shukla, a master party hopper, especially after
he lost the race. Mr K. Karunakaran is an altogether different kettle
of fish for the Congress. The BJP’s present woes are of different
kind. It was only a week before that Mr L.K. Advani had proclaimed
that the UP coalition will have a smooth sailing until October 2004,
enabling the alliance to bag 60 of the 85 Lok Sabha seats. Suddenly,
Ms Mayawati’s reckless political vendetta and Mr Amar Singh’s
Kshatriya mobilisation have made the BJP ranks restive. Even ally Ajit
Singh finds it profitable to assail the Vajpayee government’s rural
policies and hence misses no opportunity to harp on it in his western
UP rallies. He publicly appeals to the farmers to protest against his
own government’s economic policies. And that much for the collective
responsibility of the Cabinet. In Maharashtra, a desperate Shiv
Sena seems to be returning to its violently parochial agenda, which,
if pressed will force the BJP to keep off its ally. Samata Party, the
BJP’s trusted partner is on the verge of a split. Like the UP
ceasefire, there are sudden exchanges of fire right within the RSS
parivar. In Indian politics, every thing now revolves round this
sacred deadline for the next general election. Every one, including Mr
Togadia, had agreed to help Mr Vajpayee. But then came this sudden
firing from within by the Swadeshi camp right on the Prime Minister. The
BJP talks of winning “300 seats” (Mr Venkaiah Naidu, however, won’t
reveal the breakup) and the Congress emphases its hold over at least
15 states. Yet both sides have been deeply conscious of their inherent
weaknesses. Each side will have to look to their respective allies for
help in more than half of India. In this coalition era, “primary”
elections are fought among the coalition partners for each seat. Last
time it has been a hurried affair. Now after five years, the partners
of coalitions and factions within the parties have to redefine their
status and reassert their respective positions with a view to staking
bigger claims. In this game of one-upmanship, the partners and
faction leaders know how vulnerable are their big brother (or sister)
even while the elections are so far away. They have to strike when the
steel is red hot. The BJP leadership itself betrayed its panic by
making special frantic requests to the top leaders of the RSS and the
outfits under it to help it win the crucial battle of 2004. Until that
date they should not create any problems for the BJP. In return, the
BJP leadership assured the mentors to boldly push ahead with the
latter’s religious agenda if they got the right numbers in the
elections. The SJM and its leaders like the BMS veteran
Dattopant Thengdi are not unaware of the ruling party’s electoral
paranoia. Once the rulers are in a position to assert their control,
the Swadeshis would lose whatever leverage they now have. So for RSS
outfits like the SJM and BMS it is now or never. In Parivar, Thengdi
enjoys tremendous respect. It has been his unquestionable moral
authority that has enabled him to get away even after publicly calling
Mr Vajpayee “Mir Jaffer and Jaichand”, the two rulers who had
betrayed India in favour of the East India Company. True, Mr
Vajpayee had fiercely protested. Some say he had even threatened to
bow out rather than suffering such insinuations. But this time Thengdi
stood the ground forcing the RSS taking the position that since each
of its outfits has its own constituency to address, they could do
little in this regard. The rival Congress’ changing strategy seems
to have brought more scare among sections of the BJP leadership. Mrs
Sonia Gandhi’s growing love for weaker sections has caused panic.
This section feels that the government itself should wrest initiative
to counter the new Congress plank. Strangely, the BJP has become
the worst victim of the vindictive cross-fire between its ally Ms
Mayawati and foe Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav. Ms Mayawati’s abrasive
manners and excessive stress on dalits and Manuwadis have completed
the process of her alienation from the BJP’s upper caste and middle
class supporters in UP. In Chhattisgarh, Mr V.C. Shukla certainly
has a point. With the Congress he has reached a dead end. With the
exception of Mr N.D.Tiwari, it is fast becoming an era of youth, for
both the BJP and Congress. His own reputation as a party hopper has
made him untrustworthy. As NCP’s franchisee, he can put up a bargain
in Chhattisgarh in the event of the Congress losing its own majority.
What is not yet known is the extent of advantage the BJP can gain by
way of a split in the Congress votes. For the Congress, Mr
Karunakaran’s revolt is not an open-and-shut case. Here is a person
who has never deserted the party. If the Left Front offers him support
to form a government, he may even be able to add more to his group.
This is what worries the Congress high command. But the only
consolation in the Karunakaran episode is that it won’t affect the
party’s bid for power at the Centre. The simmering troubles in
the Samata Party may not immediately rock the NDA government. With his
deft touch, Mr Vajpayee can easily tackle this contraction as well.
However, the split will certainly strengthen the position of Mr Laloo
Prasad Yadav in Bihar and the BJP within the anti-RJD camp. Its
long-term implications on a possible Janata rebirth, however ludicrous
it may look, cannot be ruled out altogether This will depend on the
outcome of the four state assembly elections this year. |
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ON RECORD
Dr Anil Bansal took over as President of the Delhi Medical Association (DMA) recently. Soon after assuming office, the new DMA team has geared up to tackle the threat posed by Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS). The Health Ministry has sought the cooperation of the Indian Medical Association and DMA in spreading awareness about SARS through their large network of doctors. Dr Bansal plans to work towards making Delhi quack free. In an interview to The Tribune, he said he has already raised certain key issues with the Delhi Government like employment assistance for 10,000 new doctors who are unemployed or not adequately employed. Q: What steps has DMA taken to deal with the threat posed by SARS? A: We have asked heads of ten DMA branches to organise public health lectures and symposia on SARS. The East Delhi branch of DMA, for instance, has 2000 members. So, they could organise a lecture whereas the Rohini branch with a membership of 300 could organise a symposium. DMA set up a SARS emergency five-member information cell early this month to answer public queries on SARS. So far we have answered more than a thousand questions on the killer disease. We are holding a seminar on emerging disorders — diseases as Japanese Encephalitis, Kala Azar which are unknown to Delhi and Yellow Fever which is unknown to India but their virus is there next door. So we have invited experts to speak. We have also had a meeting with the Director-General of Health Services. They are framing guidelines based on recommendations of the World Health Organisation (WHO). They will send us a detailed literature regarding the treatment protocol and have asked us to disseminate the same to our 10,000 members. It is important for general physicians to know everything about SARS as patients have a lot of faith in family doctors and go to them before consulting any specialist. Q: What are you doing to put an end to the menace of quackery? A: DMA has been fighting against this since 1985. The quacks are bringing a bad name to the profession and playing with the lives of patients. Only two days back, a baby selling racket was unearthed by the Crime branch of Delhi police. The accused, Ish Aggarwal, was running a nursing home in Janakpuri and was only a nurse. The nursing home had also not been registered. She allegedly settled deals for prospective buyers. Such cases involving illegal practices by quacks have come to light from time to time. In Mayur Vihar, another quack killed a woman while doing MTP (Medical Termination of Pregnancy), abandoned the body in his clinic and fled away. He is still absconding. In West Delhi, a person claiming to be a registered medical practitioner, was found printing currency notes. The hard reality is that these persons do not arouse suspicion as they prefix doctor to their names and command respect instead. There are about 40,000 quacks in Delhi. In September, 2001, the Delhi government had issued an order for an area-wise survey to know the number of quacks. The survey was done partially in East Delhi and stopped midway for reasons best known to politicians. The Principal Secretary, Health, has assured us that the survey would be completed within three weeks. The DGHS, Delhi, the Secretary of the Delhi Medical Council and the doctor in-charge of the Delhi government anti-quackery cell were also present at the meeting. We told them that chemists are giving antibiotics without the prescription of the doctors. By the time the patient comes to us, 50 per cent of the case is spoilt. As a result, the Rational Use of Drug Policy of the WHO and the Delhi Medical Council has failed to yield the desired results. Q: What are the deficiencies in the medical infrastructure in Delhi? A:
Delhi’s population has exceeded a crore. Delhi has government
hospitals, Municipal Corporation-run hospitals, private hospitals,
primary heath centres and dispensaries and mobile medical help. The
deployment of doctors is, however, inequitable. In areas falling under
the jurisdiction of the New Delhi Municipal Council (NDMC), there is
no dearth of medical services including hospitals and dispensaries.
The Guru Teg Bahadur Hospital alone cannot cater to the needs of a
large number of people living in the trans-Yamuna area. All government
hospitals are overcrowded. All districts should have small but
self-sufficient hospitals to reduce the burden on big hospitals. Only
complicated cases should be referred to big hospitals. |
India loses a good
friend NOTWITHSTANDING
the State Department’s denial, it is generally believed that US
Ambassador to India Robert Blackwill’s forthright support to India’s
stand on cross-border terrorism cost him his job. The ambassador had
minced no words in asserting on many an occasion and in his last
statement that “the fight against international terrorism will not
be won until terrorism against India ends permanently. There can be no
other legitimate stance by the US, no American compromise whatever on
this elemental geopolitical and moral truth. US, India and all
civilised nations must have zero tolerance for terrorism”. Whatever
reasons may be attributed for Blackwill’s resignation, he will go
down in history as India’s friend like John Kenneth Galbraith who
headed the American mission in early sixties. He taught International Security at
Harvard. A specialist on Chinese affairs, he had been Director of the
Harvard University Programme for Senior Chinese Millitary Officers and
entrusted with the task of bringing the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)
nearer to the US. He reportedly trained a number of Chinese army
officers and, two of them, holding the rank of Colonel, took part in
the Tiananmen massacre. President Bush had himself explained why he
chose Blackwill for India and not China. In a signed statement issued
by the White House, he explained: “Blackwill understands the
important place India holds in my foreign policy agenda and will be an
outstanding American Ambassador. He will bring a wealth of expertise
to the position”. While Blackwill’s knowledge about China and
Russia was phenomenal at the time of his posting to New Delhi, his
study about the affairs of the sub-continent were mostly confined to
likely developments in the wake of both by India and Pakistan turning
nuclear. He was more concerned about Pakistan having nuclear weapons
in its armoury than India possessing such arms and felt this might
jeopardise the American interests. In an article on the theme “An
action agenda to strengthen America’s alliances in Asia”,
Blackwill had forecast that the adverse impact may start coming to the
fore in the next five years. His apprehension was that Pakistan was on
the verge of joining the category of a “failed state” and a
fragmented nation, dominated by Islamic fundamentalists. Besides
risking an Indo-Pak war, Islamabad ran the risk of passing on the
nuclear technology and fissile materials to a few other equally
fanatic Muslim states. He was of the opinion that it was a mistake
on the part of Washington to have viewed India “through the prism of
its confrontation with Pakistan”. Also the US fixation with India’s
nuclear programme, at the expense of a broader strategic approach, was
not a correct one. He also penned over a dozen books on such varied
subjects such as arms control, new nuclear nations, Russia and outside
world and the future of transatlantic relations. Blackwill is likely
to join the Harvard University in August or September by which time
his successor is expected to join. Adieu, Ambassador! |
A glamorous world
at work MUZAMIL
Ibrahim is just 19 but his pictures as much as his words ooze
confident panache in the newspapers that covered his success in the
Gladrags Manhunt Contest for this year. By winning the contest, this
boy from Kashmir has suddenly landed in the top echelon of India’s
models. There is no hint of wonder, surprise or gratitude, however.
“I had no prior experience in modeling but from day one I was sure
that I’d win,” he told one newspaper. Asked if he dreamed of
doing as well as past winners such as John Abraham and Dino Morea
(both now film stars), he was dismissive: “I hope to do much better
than them. They started off as mere models, but I am off as the
Gladrags Manhunt winner.” Such brash poise does not surprise me.
For years, I have been watching Kashmir’s young boys become so
conscious of their looks, clothes and figures that they are almost
neurotic. So determined are they to look their best that gymnasiums
have mushroomed, not only in Srinagar but also in small towns across
the valley. Even some of Srinagar’s gyms are only marginally
better equipped. Yet they bustle with boys, who often have to wait for
a turn on creaking, skewed machines. I found at least two in Khanyar,
an inner city bazaar. At one of them, the New Sports Centre, there
were dog-eared pictures of a Kashmiri boy who had modeled in a few ad
campaigns and even some music videos a few years ago. The young man
who ran the gym spoke proudly of him, claiming that he had trained
there. There were a couple of young government employees and sons of
merchants, professors and carpet exporters. But some of the others
were employed as shop assistants or in other sorts of labour. Of
course the monthly charge was only Rs 200 — and there were probably
some discounts on that. One reason for the involvement of Kashmiri
boys in bodybuilding is that, through these years of violence, there
has been relatively little to do. For several years, there were no
cinemas, video parlours or music shows and taking off to Gulmarg or
Kokernag for a day or a weekend had become hazardous. Even today,
virtually the only easily available options are going to a restaurant
or shopping, and both can be expensive. So the camaraderie of a gym is
a great draw. It goes beyond that, though. There is a tremendous
awareness here about looking good and impressing others. Perhaps it
has to do with the social revolution that has come about through two
generations of free education — right up to the post-graduate level.
Kashmiris are talented, good-looking and intelligent, and this
generation seems determined to flaunt whatever they have. To some
extent, the same sort of urge to shine in a glamorous world was at
work among boys a decade or two older than these when they leapt into
militancy in the early 1990s. Then too there was glamour, albeit of a
different sort. They were treated like heroes wherever they went.
People came out of their homes with fruit or milk for “mujahideen”
passing by with guns brashly hefted on their shoulders. Wajahat
Qureshi, one of the leaders of the JKLF in 1989-90, describes how a
group of them was received like so many bridegrooms at one home in
Maharaj Bazar, with sweets and nuts showered on their heads and a
wazwan feast laid out while women sang the way they do at weddings.
Ashfaq Majid, the then chief commander of the JKLF, was cautious in
his response but many of the other cadres were swept off their feet. The
focus on impressing the world with one’s personality could also help
to explain why many Kashmiri militant groups split. Behind each of
those separations was the ego of a junior commander who could not bear
any position other than that of chief commander or supreme commander. Perhaps
then, the enthusiasm among these youngsters for bodybuilding and other
aspects of personal grooming could contribute to a return to normalcy.
For, though one might argue about how much of a part it played, there
can be no doubt that the desire to impress was a motivating factor
when hordes of youngsters became militants in the euphoria of 1990.
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Congress’ ‘now or never’ crisis Meanwhile, the
Congress high command is all set to unfold a new plan for the biggest
state where it will not only change PCC President Arun Kumar Singh
Munna but also identify all those Nationalist Congress Party leaders
in the state who feel that the NCP has no political future in the
state. The entry of journalist- turned- politician Rajiv Shukla to the
Congress was just a “small indication”, a former Minister in the
Rajiv Gandhi and Narasimha Rao governments observed. He is convinced
that more leaders from the NCP are likely to join the Congress in the
coming weeks. The politician, who has been entrusted the task by Mrs
Sonia Gandhi, commented: “We are working on the plan”. The BJP High
Command has publicly announced that it is not thinking to sever its
alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in Uttar Pradesh. But senior leaders
belonging to the state already seem to be preparing for the hustings
soon. While top state leaders like Lalji Tandon and Kalraj Mishra have
started touring the state, former Chief Minister Rajnath Singh, who is
a National General Secretary, has started meeting the “masses”
from his home state in a big way. A little bird tells us that the
former Chief Minister has started giving a couple of hours daily to
meet people from Uttar Pradesh. He has also started going out of way
to help “people from his home state”. The BJP leaders in UP seem
to be in the election mode, notwithstanding Mayawati’s maya. Phoney
politics Togadia’s
trishul Given his
low-profile style of working and the tendency to avoid controversy,
not many expected Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot to take on VHP
leader Pravin Togadia. Soon after the news of his arrest in Rajasthan
over the Trishul Deeksha programme, there was a discernible sense of
elation in the Congress circles. Gehlot’s action was compared to
that of Laloo Prasad Yadav who had arrested L.K.Advani during his Rath
Yatra. Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Digvijay Singh went on record
saying that Gehlot had stolen the show by arresting Togadia and had
pre-empted him as he himself wanted to do this. Of the election-going
states this November, VHP is focussing its activities in Madhya
Pradesh, Rajasthan and Delhi. Congress Chief Ministers of Madhya
Pradesh and Rajasthan have made their intentions clear. Eyes are now
on what the Sheila Dikshit government does when Togadia organises the
Trishul Deeksha programme in the national capital. Discos
& netas The question of
imposing a ban on discos in the ITDC-run hotels evoked concern that
the government would act as the moral policeman and would filter out
“culturally alien” concepts. However, the discussion which
followed evoked humorous and passionate discussion in the Rajya Sabha
this week. While some women members called for a ban on discos in
government-run hotels as they project Western culture and promote
indecency, actress and social activist Shabana Azmi was the lone
feminine voice arguing in favour of discos. When industralist
R.P.Goenka rose to speak on the issue during Question Hour, the
Chairman asked “When is the last time you visited a disco?” “Almost
two decades ago,” he said. Shekhawat asked “why did you
discontinue it later?” Goenka said that his body did not permit him
to visit the discos. This evoked peels of laughter. Union Minister of
Culture and Tourism Jagmohan set the speculations at rest by stating
that there would not be any ban on discos in ITDC-run hotels. He added
that several laws were already in force to prosecute indecent
exposure. Cable
viewership There is growing
resentment among the various news channels over the government’s
move to introduce the Conditional Access System (CAS) from July 14
this year. Under the CAS regime, the cable operators would have to
offer at least 30 TV channels at a fixed price per month and then
viewers would have the option to choose their own channels by paying
an extra amount. Till now, news channels used to claim figures of
viewership which would get them advertisements. But now, the
introduction of CAS would establish a modus operandi which would
determine the exact number of viewers that a channel is having. This
has ruffled many a feather as advertisers have decided to release
their advertisements after July 14. Officials of different channels
are being heard saying that the CAS is impractical and a burden on
viewers. Watch this space. Paulspeak The
Vajpayee government may derive some solace from the encomiums showered
on some of its ministers by none other than Lord Swraj Paul. While
speaking on economic reforms here last week, he said: “The present
government has some ministers who are world class. I will safely put
the names of Jaswant Singh, Yashwant Sinha, Arun Shourie and Arun
Jaitley in this category.” Contributed by Satish Misra, T. V.
Lakshminarayan, Prashant Sood, S. Satyanarayanan, R. Suryamurthy, S.
S. Negi and Rajeev Sharma |
The importance of
Balwant Gargi BALWANT
Gargi’s death brought in memories of the days when he was residing
here in a cottage just off the Kasturba Gandhi Marg. His
semi-autobiography — The Naked Triangle — was still to be
launched. Many a time, he told me bitterly about the two central
characters in the book — his American wife and his Chandigarh-based
lover Rani Balbir. He’d also recount the details of his divorce
that emotional chaos, the near-bankruptcy so much so that he couldn’t
even pay his electricity and telephone bills. But then, his eyes would
come alive as he’d say “Sardar sahib (Khushwant Singh) has helped
me out financially during this entire period. That’s how I could
manage to survive in New Delhi after I moved from Chandigarh...” He
would recollect each incident of his life with such intensity and
passion that it would come across as a full-fledged story. After his
novel became a hit, he got back into the circuit. His son Manu got a
break in Bollywood in a Dev Anand film and he seemed less bitter. He
shifted to Mumbai, fading away before the actual end. Poets’
meet Nasira Sharma, this
weekend, will read out poetry from the Middle East. Your guess is as
good as mine for the poetry is around the anguish against conflicts
and wars. The venue is perhaps one of the best in the city — Ajeet
Cour’s Academy of Fine Arts And Literature, where people like former
Prime Minister V.P. Singh (who is now more of a writer than a
politician) get together and interact, on the last Saturday of each
month. Maj-Gen Kuldip Singh Bajwa’s book on “Jammu and Kashmir
War (1947-48): Political and Military Perspective” '(Har Anand) will
be released by Field Marshal S.H.F.J. Manekshaw on April 30 at the
India International Centre. Sounds like a Rip Van Winkle exercise
unless, of course, the writer has connected it with the present-day
political situation in the Valley. Zest
for life Well, I can’t
but envy the spirit of bureaucrat-dancer Shovana Narayan. No, nothing
seems to throttle that zest for life, for dance, for movement. Even
a serious eye ailment earlier didn’t deter her from kathaking. Now
almost every month she holds a concert. This weekend she is holding a
dance fusion of Spanish Flamenco and Kathak at Ashoka Hotel’s
banquet hall.
|
Netting choosy Anil
with a good script
Excerpts: Q: Right now what excites you the most? A:
I’m looking forward to the release of ‘Armaan’ and ‘Kolkata
Mail’ in the next couple of months. My career is a journey I’ve
undertaken. It started over 20 years ago. It has taken time. Q: You
have an author-backed role in ‘Armaan’? A: No one has an
author-backed role in ‘Armaan’. It’s director Honey Irani’s
film. Everyone has a good role. I play a doctor for the first time in
my career. I’d call ‘Armaan’ a human drama made with a lot of
real emotions. It’s rare for a film to be made with a lot of dignity
and grace. ‘Armaan’ gave me chance to do many things for the first
time. I got to co-star with Amitabh Bachchan and with Preity Zinta. Q: How was your interaction with Bachchan? A: There were no confrontation scenes between us. Q: Which are your other favourite films? A:
‘Viraasat’, ‘Awaargi’, ‘Eshwar’, ‘Pukar’, ‘Mr India’,
‘Woh Saat Din’...I’m hoping ‘Armaan’ will fall in this
category. Q: What about ‘Kolkata Mail’? A: I love the way
Sudhir Mishra has done the film. The narration and my character
undergo constant change. Both ‘Armaan’ and ‘Kolkata Mail’ are
very sensible films. Then I’ve Dharamesh Darshan’s ‘Bewafaa’
where I play Kareena Kapoor’s husband. Q: You get away from your
noble image in ‘Allwyn Kalicharan’. A: In what way? I don’t
have a negative role in this film. It’s a very, very positive role
of a cop. The difficult part of the film is casting my leading lady.
She has to be a foreigner who can speak in Hindi. She provides the
romance in the thriller format. Q: You seem to be working with a lot of new directors? A:
Yeah, Anurag Kashyap, Sudhir Mishra, Honey Irani and Sanjay Gupta are
all first-timers for me. Sudhir has made films earlier. But ‘Kolkata
Mail’ is a huge leap forward for him in terms of budget and vision. Q: How many projects do you turn down? A:
Quite a few. The trend is now towards making the kind of films I
believe in. You know the trend of soft subtle NRI-centric romantic
films may have started recently. But we were doing films like ‘1942:
A Love Story’ without aiming it at a certain kind of audience. I
guess I’ve been trendy without knowing it! IANS
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Initially, the PVC’s position was recommended for
three major reasons. Since the work in universities has increased
considerably, a team of two academic administrators at the top is
needed to deliver the goods. Quite a few states already follow the
pattern in case of school education boards as well. But, in practice,
the arrangement creates many more problems. These are mostly political
appointments; the scheme does not work well in several places. At
times the VC, an appointee of the previous regime, does not suit the
new political party in power, so a post of PVC is created for its
yes-man. This largely accounts for the reduction of Vice-Chancellor’s
tenure from five to three years in case of non-professional
universities. Third, they argue that in the absence of
Vice-Chancellor, the PVC could officiate and provide the necessary
continuity in administrative work. In principle, this sounds well, but
it does not seem to make for smooth functioning. In several regions,
the PVC turns out to be anti-VC.
The credit for
bringing about a marked improvement in US-India relations goes to
Blackwill. He has established a close rapport with Deputy Prime
Minister L.K. Advani whom he had met for seven times in past two
months. Married to an Scandinavian, Wera Hildebrand, a scholar in her
own right, 64-year-old Blackwill has five children and one grandchild.
In the diplomatic circles, Blackwill has the reputation of being a “workaholic”.
He also has a passion for computers and spends over two hours every
day surfing the Internet.
THE
Congress seems to be facing the “now or never” crisis in its
struggle to return to power at the Centre as the election year
approaches. Congress President Sonia Gandhi is believed to be under
tremendous pressure from Uttar Pradesh leaders to allow both her
daughter Priyanka and son Rahul to contest the next Lok Sabha election
from the state. Gandhi loyalists feel that Priyanka should contest
from Amethi and Rahul from Western Uttar Pradesh. Recently when a
senior Congress leader went to meet her and made the same demand, she
did not react. Before he could say anything further, Madam asked: “Then
where should I go”? To South, pat came the reply.
Alliance
to stay
Last-minute
telephone calls are known to have changed the course of political
events and lives of politicians. In politics, specially
Congress-style, a lot hinges on the phone call. After all, it was
Mehbooba Mufti’s phone call to Sonia Gandhi at the eleventh hour
that finally led to the installation of a Congress-PDP government in
Jammu and Kashmir. The latest phone conversation, having a bearing on
the A.K. Antony government in Kerala, happened between K. Karunakaran
and Sonia Gandhi on Saturday last. Senior AICC leaders, who were
initially reluctant to talk about the phone call, clarified later that
it was Karunakaran who had called her up. As Karunakaran went on a
silent mode, it was left to Ambika Soni to emphasise that the senior
leader from Kerala had urged the high command to be “generous”
with the MLAs who had voted for the rebel candidate in the Rajya Sabha
elections. A seemingly unrepentant Karunakaran gave a message in every
word he spoke after the meeting. “As long as one is in the Congress,
he keeps coming to the capital to meet Sonia Gandhi”, he said in
reply to a question. You noticed: “As long as one is in the
Congress...”?
ANIL
Kapoor’s career is rocking. Suddenly he’s all over the place,
completing, signing and contemplating films. The man who claims to be
getting more offers now than ever before said in an interview that
only a good script, and little else, can lure him now.