Saturday,
September 21, 2002,
Chandigarh, India |
Desperate strike Politics
at its lowest ebb |
|
|
Air
pollution alarm
Ignore
Musharraf’s rhetoric
Applause
and accolades
A rare
visit to Sitapur
‘Common
Kashmiris must get relief’
A philosopher
broadcaster
|
Politics at its lowest ebb THE Cauvery dispute between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu is getting murkier day by day. Eyebrows have been raised on the manner in which the Chief Ministers of both states have been conducting themselves. If Mr
S. M. Krishna’s decision to suspend the water release to Tamil Nadu from Thursday on account of tension in the Cauvery basin following the suicide of a farmer is unconvincing, Ms Jayalalithaa’s demand for President’s rule in Karnataka so as to enforce the court ruling is amazing and ludicrous. There are strong views on both sides of the Cauvery basin. Only last week, Bangalore observed a bandh. While tension grips Bangalore, Mysore, Mandya, Hassan and Chamarajnagar districts in Karnataka, Mr Krishna’s decision has evoked strong protests in Tamil Nadu. Ms Jayalalithaa held an all-party meeting in Chennai on Friday and has decided to file a contempt petition in the Supreme Court to impose President’s rule in Karnataka for its failure to enforce the court ruling as also the Cauvery River Authority’s directive on the water release. The war of words between the two chief ministers is nothing new. This time, however, the pitch has reached a crescendo. This is sad because Mr Krishna is generally not associated with the run-of-the-mill type of politicians. Suave and sophisticated, he is regarded as a good administrator for the various reforms that he has introduced in the last three years to ensure a clean, transparent and effective government. Clearly, he should have nipped the farmers’ agitation in Mandya district on the bud before it went out of control on September 18. While his concern for the safety of the farmers is understandable, his justification for the suspension of water release will not stand the test of legal scrutiny. The Supreme Court has been monitoring the water release to Tamil Nadu on a day-to-day basis and Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, in his capacity as the CRA Chairman, came to Karnataka’s rescue by reducing the quantum of water release. Ms Jayalalithaa’s claim that Karnataka’s farmers were not committing suicide but were being pushed into the river so that the government would use it an excuse to stop water release to Tamil Nadu is outrageous. This is politics at its lowest ebb and forms a dangerous pattern in the sharing of river waters. Politics has vitiated the system to such an extent that even chief ministers do not seem to follow any code of conduct in their interaction with their counterparts in neighbouring states. How can President’s rule be a solution to the Cauvery dispute? Article 356 has been misused by successive governments at the Centre time and again and clearly, one wrong cannot be a substitute for another. The best course before the Centre would be to make Karnataka see reason and comply with the CRA’s directive. In the meantime, concerted efforts should be made to evolve a mutually acceptable distress sharing formula so that both states do not face problems due to the vagaries of monsoon. There is some truth in Ms Jayalalithaa’s complaint that Karnataka has been continuously and consistently flouting the Supreme Court ruling and the CRA’s directive on the water release. There is no hope of a
permanent solution to the inter-state river water disputes among various states as long as upper riparian states like Karnataka continue to claim monopoly over water resources as a matter of right. It is time water was treated as a national asset with a Central authority to examine water sharing between riparian and non-riparian states. |
Air pollution alarm FOR every person who gets crushed to death by a speeding car or a truck or a bus there are at least three who are likely to meet the same fate by merely exhaling the deadly emission of vehicles that run on diesel, petrol and other fossil fuels. According to the World Health Organisation, air pollution claims over three millions lives every year now, compared to the one million who die in automobile accidents. A study published in the Lancet in 2000 concluded that air pollution in France, Austria and Switzerland was responsible for 40,000 deaths annually. Half of these were attributed to air pollution caused by vehicular emissions. In the USA road accidents claimed 40,000 lives every year while air pollution claimed nearly double as many lives. The situation in most of the Indian metros is equally alarming. The Supreme Court has managed to nudge the civic authorities in Delhi to take steps for bringing down the level of air pollution to internationally prescribed limits. But a lot of work still remains to be done. However, Delhi is not India. Unless urgent measures are taken in other metros and congested cities like Ludhiana and
Jalandhar in Punjab the situation in India may become as alarming as it is in the developed world. The developed countries at least have the resources to cope with the problems caused by reckless industrialisation. But developing countries like India simply do no have the resources to stop catastrophe in the form of increased level of air pollution striking the vulnerable sections of the people. It is true that governments go to great lengths to reduce the rate of traffic accidents by fining those who drive at dangerous speeds and arresting those who drive under the influence of liquor. Few governments pay the same attention to the need to penalise those whose actions become the source of slow poisoning, leading to serious complications and even death, among an ever increasing number of people across the globe. Environmental groups and lobbies raise the issue from time to time at the appropriate forums, but their protests and expressions of concern are usually ignored. Deaths from heart ailments and respiratory complications (with air pollution playing an invisible role) do not attract much notice because of the lack of “drama” unhappily associated with the deaths caused by road
accidents. Only when governments begin to realise the economic cost of air pollution can any meaningful response be put into place for drawing up an effective policy for checking all forms of pollution. How about a policy that reduces the income tax burden on those who use the eco-friendly bicycle for commuting within the city and passes on the burden to those who use fossil fuels? Yes, the polluter, and only the polluter must pay for the “sin” of discharging deadly gases in the air through vehicular emissions. |
Ignore Musharraf’s rhetoric GENERAL Pervez Musharraf’s speech in the United Nations General Assembly special session on September 12, 2002, was a new benchmark in his anti-India rhetoric. The reaction to his speech ranged from “speaking with a forked tongue”, “multiple lies and distortions”, “height of duplicity”; and of “crossing all limits of lying” by the Prime Minister of India. The problem that the international community, particularly India, has with Pakistan is of its support to terrorism and being its epicentre. The recent arrest of Al-Qaida suspect Ramzi bin al Shaba after a shootout in Karachi and the fact that there is no let-up in cross-border terrorism in J & K shows that this problem is far from over. Meanwhile, General Musharraf, with American support, now deludes himself as the champion anti-terrorism fighter and feels confident to cast aspersions on India’s track record of secularism and democracy. It is, therefore, necessary to take note of his chameleon-like track record on terrorism. After the dramatic events of September 11, 2001, there was a major change in General Musharraf’s policy. Threatened by the Pentagon, Pakistan was forced to abandon its foster child, the Taliban. In a major speech on September 19, 2001, General Musharraf explained his government’s predicament. He justified his decision to side with the USA on account of some of his country’s critical concerns: (a) protection from external aggression, (b) faltering economy, (c) the safety of Pakistan’s strategic assets, and (d) the Kashmir cause. Faced with a crisis, General Musharraf reacted predictably. He assured the USA of “unstinted cooperation”, warned India to “lay off”, and raised the pitch of Kashmir. The December 13, 2001, terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament and the subsequent deployment of the Indian Army on the border was projected as a new threat to the Pakistani military regime. Deployed for law and order duties, and on the western border, the Pakistan Army scampered to react. Before the US decision to list the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) and the Lashkar-e-Toyiba (LeT) under “Foreign Terrorist Organisations” on December 28, 2001, a series of quick moves were taken in Pakistan.
On January 12, General Musharraf, after considerable prodding and threats, made another landmark speech. He promised that “no terrorist groups would be given patronage in Pakistan”. On the same day, a crackdown was launched and some leaders were arrested. However, this petered out within a month. The following developments marked the post- January 12 scenario: -
Pakistan faced international embarrassment when it was revealed that Omar Sheikh of JeM, who had earlier admitted his involvement in the December 13 attack on the Indian Parliament, was involved in the kidnapping and beheading of American journalist Daniel Pearl. The ISI kept him for a week. When he became a hot property, it handed him over to the civil police. By May 2002, it was apparent that cross-border terrorism was far from over. Reliable intelligence inputs confirmed regrouping, equipping and training of jehadis from other parts of Pakistan into PoK for induction into J&K. They were absorbed in the Hizbul Mujahideen and other groups of the United Jehad Council, provided Pakistan Army uniforms and issued weapons. After May 14, 2002, Kaluchak incident the Indian military pressure on Pakistan mounted once again. Pakistan officials started giving oblique warnings of a nuclear conflict. General Musharraf in an interview said that nuclear weapons could be used for Pakistan’s defence. On May 22, however, the General once again promised that his government would not allow Pakistan’s territory to be used “for any terrorist activity anywhere in the world and no organisation in Pakistan will be allowed to indulge in terrorism in the name of Kashmir”. Pakistan military has always been stingy with truth. A major “lie” from General Pervez Musharraf, his PRO Major-General (then Brigadier) Rashid Qureshi and his Military Operations staff surfaced during the Kargil war. Despite mounting evidence given by our staff, the Pakistan military continued to insist that (a) Pakistan (initially) had no knowledge of the intrusion, (b) Pakistan Army was not involved, and (c) the Line of Control (LoC) was vague and not delineated (till a Survey of Pakistan map with LoC alignment as printed by them was faxed)! Since then exposures notwithstanding, there have been several such obfuscations of facts as well as commitments. The truth, as admitted by General Musharraf at the Asia Society meeting in New York, is that he could be “replaced” if he is found to be going against the interest of the Pakistan Army on the J & K issue. The other truth, as the above narrative shows, is that whenever under pressure, e.g. the Kargil war, the September 11, 2001, event, the terrorists’ attack on the Indian Parliament (December 13, 2001), and the Kaluchak incident (May 14, 2002), General Musharraf has buckled. As per available statistics, terrorists’ infiltration and their activities in J & K during such periods have also come down. Ever since coming to power, General Musharraf’s consistency of purpose has marked Pakistan’s relations with India. Despite several speeches and international commitments — the last one was done in Almaty (Kazakhstan) — measures to rein in the jehadi groups operating against India have remained cosmetic. General Musharraf failed in the Kargil war but succeeded in smothering democracy in his country and is now trying to become a statesman. With his track record, there is hardly a chance for that. He lacks domestic credibility and his “stalwart ally” status with the Americans is temporary; he is bound to be dumped as soon as their current mission is over. After the measured reply by the Prime Minister at the UN General Assembly, we should ignore his rhetoric. It would be futile to conduct a serious political dialogue with the General and we must not sign any agreement with Pakistan so long as he is in the chair, for that would have little credibility. This time and space should be utilised on post-election follow-up measures in J & K and strengthening its administration and democratic institutions. We need to prepare and articulate the broad parameters of our J & K policy that takes into account the interests of all people of that state, on both sides of the LoC, directed to gain domestic and international credibility. This framework should contain a long-term plan, based on secularism, democracy, and more open regimes, social and economic welfare packages. Meanwhile, given the abhorrence of the world community to terrorism, we must put Pakistan in the dock for flouting UNSC Resolution 1373 which requires all nations to stop giving succour, sanctuary, training or supply of arms and ammunition to terrorists, and to file a report on the measures taken against the menace. General Musharraf’s duplicity in sponsoring cross-border terrorism against India and his government’s failure to adhere to various international conventions on terrorism and evading compliance with INTERPOL notices should be highlighted. Alongside, we need to continue with the following measures:
The writer, a retired General, was the Chief of Army Staff during the Indo-Pak Kargil war. |
Applause and accolades SAURAV Ganguly’s rejoicing at a winning match by removing his shirt and making it flutter like a flag, loftier still, above his head, in a circular motion, might have given rise to posers of sobriety and decency. But his bumping and literally entering into Mohammad Kaif and flooring him almost riding a la a WWF wrestler, evoked much exuberance and thrill, combined with excitement of sorts. Personally, I would bail out the Bengal Tiger, for both the overt actions as being deeply honest expressions of a victorious temperament. We have known clapping as a practice in vogue since ages as an emotive outburst for the appreciation of some feat by an individual or a team. Of course, everything else like hugging, embracing, lifting up — even on shoulders — necessitates a closer, physical contact between the person applauding and the one applauded. Clapping still remains, among other things, one of the means to send felicitations, with people who cannot have an immediate, direct and handy contact with the subject of such appreciation and applause. Thus, clapping ensures a kind of vibes-transfer, like a flying kiss, between a person applauding and the one applauded. But surely, the element of physical gap is the hard reality. Movies have been a great source for me to recall my feelings of applause and appreciation, expressed and implied, while clapping. I remember when I watched a Jaani Raj Kumar movie of yesteryears, the crowd in the cinema would indulge in incessant clapping, only by seeing the legendary thespian climb down the stairs, wearing white pants and white shoes, in a gait typical only of him. His macho style and inimitable dialogue delivery elicited from the cine-lovers of those days not only admiration and adulation but also a thunderous applause, always. I have heard even 12-year-olds blurting out accolades on him saying, “Jiyo beta, jiyo!” I also remember, again as a keen movie lover, the audiences bringing their hands together when some sacrifice was made by a character in the plot, which, besides cajoling, generally surprised them too. The villain having his nemesis coupled with poetic justice was sure to occasion applause and an uproarious one at that. On the cinema screen, if Gandhi, Nehru, Shastri, Subhash and Bhagat Singh appeared, that was the most appropriate moment the entire cinema hall would go up with ranting of applause. Very vividly I can recall the 20-or-so-minute sequence of a chariot race in the 11 Oscars credited Ben Hur. When President Bush, after September 11, promised to root out terrorism, it evoked thunderous applause even from the opposition parties. Well, promises always promise paeans being said and encomiums being sung, at least at the time when they are made. I wasn’t quite surprised when on the funeral ceremony of the late Princess of Wales, Lady Diana, her brother extolled the virtues of his sister, and on each word he spoke, the mourners present clapped liberally with moist eyes. We in India generally refrain from clapping on such occasions. But it may be remembered that it is only the heart-felt emotions that compel your hands being brought together. And after all what would a standing ovation mean if it is devoid of clapping! Mere rising in obeisance is either too servile or too submissive a gesture and should be reserved for gods and godly things. There is yet another kind of applause, of course. I take it again out of theatrical performances. A protagonist makes a soliloquy. Indulges in a monologue for a long time. Doesn’t pause even for seeking a positive response. Goes on with the tirade at the highest of the pitch. And then there is sudden drop in the notation and modulation, followed by a long and uneasy lull. Then from one of the protagonist’s screen- detractors, who has obviously been won over and vanquished by the argument, comes out with a slow but hard and loud clap. One clap. Two claps. Four claps. And claps and claps. And the desired effect is achieved. Applauses and accolades leave a great impact on the otherwise turbulent human minds. When a myriad cobwebs are removed and emotions get the better of arguments, what flows then with honest intent is an unending stream of claps. Now, how about bringing your hands together for this one! |
A rare visit to Sitapur Main... Putra Shri... Shapath Leta Hoon Aur Pratigia Karta Hoon Kee Main Bharat Aur Bharat Ke Vidhi Dwara Sathapit Sanvidhan Ke Prati Pooran Sharda Avam Sachhi Nistha Rakhooga Thatha Apane Padh Ke Kartavao Ka Palan Immandari, Parisharam Avam Nishpakshta Ke Sath Karoonga. Main Yeh Bhee Shapath Leta Hoon Main Janata Se Sadhbhav Avam Shisthachar Ka Vyavahar Karoonga. Ishwar Meri Sahayata Karein. Briefly stated, this is an oath of allegiance for total devotion to the Indian Constitution — to carry out all official duties with integrity, honesty, hard work, impartiality, and by civilised behaviour towards all. This is the oath I was requested to administer to over 500 young Sub-Inspectors on their passing out parade of Uttar Pradesh Police, at Sitapur. I was informed that this was the largest batch of direct Sub-Inspectors ever recruited in UP. It was so because there had been no recruitment almost for 12 years in this rank, hence an overwhelming vacuum existed in this regard. This was personally a rare visit for me to Sitapur’s U.P. Police Training College. I was invited to be part of a historical occasion by a senior colleague of mine, of another state, to share the honours with him (quite unusual in services). It was their (the SI’s) passing out parade when these cadets after having spent one year of hard training, were now ready to get posted to units to shoulder responsibilities. And all of them were anxious, apprehensive, yet hopeful. Prior to this I had opportunities to find out how things were. And this is what I found out: Transfers were very frequent. Many officers were moved out within hours, days, months — many many times over. Hence none of them expected any stability in any of their tenures. None of the subordinates were sure of their seniors. Many transfer orders did not make it to the news and therefore not many knew where their colleagues were. Same was the case with suspensions. Many had suffered the ignominy of having been suspended, reinstated, reposted, re-transferred and so on. Suspensions, reportedly, were not based on prior or proper enquiries but on the spur of the moment with an element of verbal and public humiliation. I further realised that most of the U.P. Police Officers’ families were at present single parent run —i.e. mothers running the households. In view of insecurity of postings the police officers now station their families at one place, for the sake of stability at least of their children’s education while they themselves stay on a roller coaster. Hence when fathers go home, which is once in a while, it is Diwali for children. Police officers, I was told, have got so used to short tenures that now, even a year at one place, looks long enough — and considered either a great success or a cause for anxiety. All extraneous factors except professional capability or suitability (barring exceptions) were becoming the deciding factors for most of the changes. This was reportedly the situation across the rank and file. More still, some sections of society were being totally overlooked as being unacceptable. Unholy nexuses were playing a dominant role in various situations. Truck accidents or rash or negligent driving were emerging as a cover for homicides. Many Panchayat heads were extortionists and representatives of mafias or robinhoods, to ensure a very high voter turnout or else the trucks are anyway there to run over defiant individuals. (with not many left who would dare). It appeared to me that the rank and file of services could be categorised in the following categories (a) aligned, (b) rejected (read unacceptable), (c) Those who tried alignment but had given up due to experience gained, and (d) purely non-aligned. The last category i.e. (d) of purely non-aligned was the smallest, I assessed. The category of (c) i.e. tried alignment but now given up, was increasing. Many officers were volunteering to stay on the sidelines, for reasons of self-respect and personal integrity. Hence, all this information was in my mind when I delivered the oath to the fresh entrants. I wondered, what did it mean at all, any more, in the given circumstances. Was it not going to be a case of enmasse breach of trust, if and when, by their actions, the oath is violated? I tried my best, within my capability, to instill in the young new entrants, a sense of responsibility by reiterating the essence of the oath that it shall be a crime to breach it — a crime of breach of trust impregnated with serious social and legal
consequences. I urged them to ask of themselves every morning whether they had strayed or stayed on the path they swore to walk on, all their
life. Whatever be the temptations, or compulsions, in their oath, there was no clause for ‘ifs’ or ‘buts’. |
‘Common Kashmiris must get relief’
IT has been a sudden and unexpected entry into politics for Bilal Lone, elder of the two sons of People's Conference chief Abdul Ghani Lone who was assassinated in Srinagar in May this year. A member of the executive committee of the All Party Hurriyat Conference, Bilal Lone, 38, also heads the Supreme Council of the People's Conference which has his younger brother Sajjad Lone as one of the four members. Touched by the support of people in Kashmir, specially in Kupwara which is the bastion of the People's Conference, the two brothers have been working towards preserving and taking forward the political legacy of their father. A graduate and a businessman for 14 years, Bilal Lone stresses to The Tribune in New Delhi that there is imperative need for flexibility to solve the Kashmir problem. In keeping with the Hurriyat Conference’s decision not to take part in Jammu and Kashmir Assembly polls, the People’s Conference removed its leaders, including senior functionary G.M.Sofi, from the party after they decided to contest the elections which were promised to be free and fair. As head of the party's apex policy-making body, Bilal Lone is keeping his ear firmly to the ground. Excerpts of the interview: Q: What is your reaction to the turnout in the first phase of assembly elections? A: We are not taking part in the elections. So whether the turnout is high or low, we don’t want to comment. Q: Were some people in the People's Conference in favour of taking part in the polls? A: No, we are not. We had problems with some of our people and they have left the party. We did not succumb to their pressure. Our policy is the same as was of Lone Sahab. Q: The young leadership in the All Party Hurriyat Conference seemingly favours a more flexible approach on the Kashmir problem. A: Flexible is the key word now. We have to be flexible. Nothing would come out of a rigid approach. It is a question of future generations. The suffering of people in the past has to be taken into account. Q: What will be the party’s stance towards the party rebels if they are elected? A: We have said that they cease to be members of the People’s Conference. They have violated our policies. Their getting elected or not does not bother us. They have their own ways, we have our own. They did not agree with us. This, however, does not mean that we start attacking them. Q: The Hurriyat leaders have often been accused of lacking a mass support base. A: Basically, we have never been given an opportune event to test our popularity. We, as part of the Hurriyat, think that we have the support of the masses. There may be difference of opinion but I think in the end the majority of the people will be with us. Hurriyat is a forum and we are all a part of it. The parties have their support and we come to each other’s help. Q: What prevented the APHC from contesting the polls? A: The APHC feels that the people of Kashmir are not interested in the polls. This is only for a change of governance. The APHC talks of future dispensation and aspirations of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Elections and the APHC stand are two different poles which cannot meet. We being part of the Hurriyat stand by its decisions. Q: What is the way forward? A: Let’s start a dialogue where we can talk everything. The more we run away from dialogue, we will be wasting our time. We all are responsible for the prevailing situ and Kashmir. Sooner the dialogue starts, the better. Let us not lay any preconditions. If we are serious to resolve the Kashmir issue, all of us have a role to play. Q: Talks have already started between the Hurriyat Conference and the Kashmir Committee. A: We hope that positive signals will come out of the talks with Kashmir Committee. Q: Are you satisfied with the progress of talks? A: Only two rounds of talks have been held and then the issue of elections came. It is not a question of being satisfied. The basic problem should be addressed and once this is done, you will see that the suffering of the people will be reduced. People’s Conference feels that if a positive approach emerges, then no constituent of the APHC should run away. We should try to play our roles and get off our egos — as individuals and as parties. The common Kashmiri is suffering a lot, more than the political class. They should get relief. Q: How do you see the Hurriyat Conference talks with the Kashmir Committee progressing? Hurriyat has spoken of flexibility. A: Flexibility encompasses a lot. We should start talking. Tall statements would not do any good. We want people of India and Pakistan to live in peace and prosperity and if Kashmiris can become a bridge in achieving this, we are willing to do so. Q: How are you coping with the sudden and new responsibility of leading a political party? A: This political party has been formed by the late Lone Sahab. We consider it as a treasure. We feel that people associated with Lone Sahab should not feel his absence. But we will also like them to know that we need their help, guidance and blessings to take the mission of Lone Sahab to its logical end. This is a very big responsibility on us. Our role model is Lone Sahib and we will never fail him. We are grateful to his supporters who, after his death, are continuing to give us the same affection. Q: There are many young leaders on the horizon of Kashmir politics. How do you visualise the future. A: We want the good wisdom of the Almighty so that we do not fail the people. We have to bring some change in our way of work. Flexibility is needed in every way possible. A spade should be called a spade. It should not be that darkness is described as light. The world powers play a role where there is a problem and we have to see the changing world scenario. It is no more a closed world. People from the embassies were in the Valley recently. Q: In view of the bitter exchange of words between India and Pakistan at the UN, do you see prospects of dialogue in the near future. A: We would have been very happy if instead of exchanging brickbats, India and Pakistan talked to each other. This is unfortunate. It would have been much better to sit across the table and talk on Kashmir issue. Q: What do you see as a solution to the Kashmir imbroglio? A: A
solution cannot come from the People’s Conference alone. We would
like a solution that is acceptable to the people of Kashmir. That
solution cannot be arrived at in a day. We suggest that dialogue
should be started immediately between the parties concerned. All the
parties should shed their rigidity — whether it is Kashmiris, India
or the Pakistan government. They have to be flexible so that the
suffering of people comes to an end.
|
A philosopher
broadcaster THE passing of P.C. Chatterji, known affectionately to friends and colleagues as Tiny, is really the passing of an era. Former Director-General of AIR and Doordarshan, President of the Asia Pacific Broadcasting Union and loosely connected with Commonwealth broadcasting, Chatterji served everywhere with distinction and brought great honour to India. Born into a family of eminent educationists, Chatterji landed up in broadcasting by chance. His grandfather S. K. Rudra was the first Indian Principal of St. Stephen’s College. The post was offered to C.F. Andrews, but he turned it down, saying Rudra was better qualified. Gandhiji was a frequent house guest of Rudra and has written about the many political decisions which were taken in his house. His father G C Chatterji first taught philosophy at Government College, Lahore, then became its Principal and later Vice-Chancellor of Rajasthan University. P C. Chatterji whose discipline was philosophy and he later wrote books in the subject was actually selected for the Air Force, but as the queue was long, he asked a friend in All India Radio in despair if he could suggest something broadcasting. He was selected as a sub-editor in News Division on a paltry three-figure salary and years later was the first from the newsroom to rise to the top as DG. But those were heady early days and among his colleagues in the newsroom were Nirad C
Chaudhuri, the Bengali poet Samar Sen, Pran Chopra and Amalendu
Dasgupta, both later to become Editor of The Gol Obhrai, who used to come to draft the 9 p.m. English news straight from the Chelmsford Club in dinner jacket and black tie. He rose later to the highest media position in the United Nations in New York. When
P. C
.Chatterji crossed over to the programme side as Station Director, he was posted in many stations, from Shillong (where he had Khasi friends to the last) to Srinagar, where its academics and writers still remember him. In Lucknow, he built up a friendship with the temperamental Begun Akhtar. But it was in Kolkata that this third-generation member of the Bengali family settled in Punjab, and without knowing a word of Bengali, that he endeared himself to the normally snobbish Bengali intellectuals, from writers Sudhin Dutt and Buddhadeb Bose to painter Jamini Roy, who had shunned AIR but agreed to be interviewed by poet Bishnui Dey in an interview lasting six hours and broadcast in six instalments of excerpts. He was also very friendly with Shombhu and Tripti Mitra and never missed their plays. But Chatterji’s most memorable professional achievement was stopping the broadcast of a script by the then Labour Minister of West Bengal, Subodh Banerjee, rightly pointing out that some sentences criticising the President and the judiciary were against the Constitution. The Government of India stood by Chatterji and this led to the framing of the AIR Code, which now takes care of such problems. The passing of P C Chatterji does, indeed, mean the passing of an era where courageous media officials could stand up to the Establishment and politicians on matters of principle. The Kashmir elections naturally dominated news coverage. One only felt sorry that viewers in Pakistan, who are not allowed to watch Indian channels such as DD, Star News, Aaj
Tak and Zee, could not see how they were conducted, both the BBC and CNN choosing to be very brief in their reports., not even headlining them properly and then giving ambiguous comments in typical patronising style Among the most irritating telecasts were the silly gimmicks introduced by Sony Max in its coverage of the Colombo cricket matches which ruined everything for cricket lovers. To have Charu Sharma as a poor man’s Harsha Bhogle was bad enough (he is far too familiar with top cricketers and talks too fast), especially as the best commentators were missing, but to thrust Ruby Bhatia, asking stupid questions in Hindi of a top Sri Lankan cricketer, and with some other giggling Marias doing the same, was an insult to the game and to viewers, notably cricket lovers. They should be dropped immediately. TAIL-PIECE: Top marks to Sanjeev Singh of
NDTV-Star News in Gujarat for obtaining the tape which gave the lie to Narendra Modi’s denial of his highly objectionable statements about Muslims. Bravo, Sanjeev. Keep it up. |
Beyond and above books, messiahs, religions is ‘That’ kingdom! In non-self countless are visions, without ‘That’ Wisdom! As One witnessed water-wave-ocean, in ‘That’ Freedom! Over and above fear, fancies, isms is Sufi’s kingdom. Lord’s Truth, O Sufi is not every one’s tea intellectualising, does not free without isms too, be tread softy, O Sufi! By and by, sufi walk ‘That’, Truth’s street of this-that, free without concepts, just be tread softy, O Sufi! Seek Mercy, O Sufi to ‘That’, Kingdom see where All one, be fable is not Truth, mystic tread softly, O’ sufi! — Fakeer Ishavardas (Shah Ghulam Almast)
*** Overcoming stress 1. Fill your minds with thoughts of God: wake up in the morning with a great thought of a Great One or a Text from a scripture dear to you. 2. Close the day by reading some positive literature. 3. Practice the presence of God. 4. Never neglect your daily appointment with God. 5. Breathe out peace, love and blessing to all. 6. Forgive before forgiveness is asked. 7. Help others. 8. Be relaxed at all times. 9. Develop a healthy sense of humour. 10. Always see the bright side of things. 11. Develop faith in
the goodness and caring power of God. 12. In all conditions of life let the words — “Thank you, God” — be on your lips all the time. — Twelve ways to overcome stress by H.H. Dada, J.P. Vaswani |
| Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir | Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs | Nation | Editorial | | Business | Sport | World | Mailbag | In Spotlight | Chandigarh Tribune | Ludhiana Tribune 50 years of Independence | Tercentenary Celebrations | | 122 Years of Trust | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |