Friday, May 31, 2002, Chandigarh, India





National Capital Region--Delhi

THE TRIBUNE SPECIALS
50 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE

TERCENTENARY CELEBRATIONS
E D I T O R I A L   P A G E


EDITORIALS

Tell Pakistan, not India
H
as the international community really woken up to the danger of a desperate Pakistan launching a nuclear attack on India? Rough estimates suggest that a nuclear war would kill at least 12 million people in the sub-continent. Add to it the longer term consequences the two countries will have to cope with to understand importance of a global initiative for defusing tension on the Indo-Pak border.

Police firing in Jind
T
he farmers’ agitation in Haryana is set to spread after the death of two farmers in police firing near Jind on Wednesday. The occasion was solemn — activists of the Bhartiya Kisan Union had gathered in large numbers at Kandela village to mourn the death of a farmer in another incident of police firing on May 20. Their mood was hostile as they felt betrayed. 


FRANKLY SPEAKING 

The drive against proxy war
India in a Catch-22 situation
Hari Jaisingh
"W
e will have to change the method of countering the proxy war". The author of these words is Union Home Minister L.K. Advani. 




EARLIER ARTICLES
 
MIDDLE

The witty Pandit
P. Lal
Panditji had been fed — he had to be — with burfi, almonds, cashewnuts and fruits, topped with milk, before he could be asked to pronounce on the effects of heavenly stars on earthly mortals. He had been especially summoned to Chandigarh at my residence that very morning from Jalandhar, his usual seat of consultation and prophetic pronouncements.

COMMENTARY

Is Myanmar lost to Chinese dragon?
M.S.N. Menon
The answer is no. The Myanmarese are a fiercely nationalistic people. The country is already part of ASEAN, part of the Ganga-Mekong project, part of the Great Mekong Region and a member of the economic association of India, Bangladesh, Thailand and Sri Lanka. Its future is thus already committed.

TRENDS & POINTERS

Another reason to eat broccoli
B
roccoli is not only loaded with vitamins and minerals — it may carry a substance that kills bacteria that cause stomach cancer, researchers have said. A compound that helps give broccoli its distinctive taste, which some love and others hate, also kills the helicobacter pylori bacteria, blamed for most cases of stomach cancer, French and U.S. researchers have said.

  • A weapon in tears
  • New drug lasts longer than Viagra

Insulin shots do not prevent diabetes: study
R
egular insulin shots do not delay or prevent childhood-onset diabetes, according to a new study in Thursday’s New England Journal of Medicine that appears to dash hopes that the hormone can keep children from developing the blood-sugar disease.


SPIRITUAL NUGGETS



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Tell Pakistan, not India

Has the international community really woken up to the danger of a desperate Pakistan launching a nuclear attack on India? Rough estimates suggest that a nuclear war would kill at least 12 million people in the sub-continent. Add to it the longer term consequences the two countries will have to cope with to understand importance of a global initiative for defusing tension on the Indo-Pak border. However, it would be naive to mistake the flurry of diplomatic activity as a serious and just response to the crisis that may escalate into a full blown war. On Wednesday British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw breezed into Delhi and Islamabad to give a lecture on the importance of showing restraint for solving bilateral disputes. Such dilly dallying tactic may suit Pakistan. It is inconceivable that a country tottering on the verge of bankruptcy can afford to send trained and armed terrorists to India as part of its flawed Kashmir agenda without indirect help from countries that want to somehow gain more than a toehold in the sub-continent. Mr Straw said nothing that has not been said before. US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is reported to have packed his bags for a short trip to the potentially most dangerous place on the globe after West Asia. He too is not going to tell Pakistani dictator Pervez Musharraf to back off or face the consequences of collective global displeasure. General Musharraf’s irresponsible statements have become both repetitive and irritating. And what adds to the sense of irritation in India is the lack of sensitivity among responsible members of the global community to the mounting tension.

When they deliver the same lecture of restraint to both India and Pakistan they send out an unmistakable signal that India does not have a case to expect focused global pressure on Pakistan alone for sowing the seeds of nuclear tension in the sub-continent. India is the wronged country. And enough evidence has been supplied to the global community, including the US, Britain and the European Union, about Pakistan’s role in spreading terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir and communal tension in other parts of the country. The global community expressed displeasure over the violence in Gujarat. But did it examine Pakistan’s hand in the Godhra and the post-Godhra incidents? India is willing to provide evidence, but will that make the international community take a tougher line against Pakistan than it has taken so far? Will it care to send independent observers to find out the groups behind the bomb blasts in public transport buses in Ahmedabad on Wednesday and their long-term plans? Underworld don Dawood Ibrahim was responsible for the Bombay bomb blasts. But Pakistan has consistently denied that he is now hiding in Karachi and enjoying the life of a perpetual state guest. The Ahmedabad blasts are part of a larger and more diabolical game of spreading the vile tentacles of Islamic terrorism to other parts of India. There has been some hint of stopping military and economic aid to Pakistan for making it mend its ways. The usual hint of action is not good enough. The day the White House and 10 Downing Street decide to crack the whip General Musharraf will be singing a different tune. Until that happens the visit by Mr Jack Straw or by US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage or later by Mr Rumsfeld is not going to help much in defusing tension in the sub-continent. The post-September 11 commitment to rooting out international terrorism in all its forms will remain unfulfilled unless the nurseries of global terrorism that are responsible for murder and mayhem in Kashmir and elsewhere in India are destroyed in Pakistan. Has the USA ever dropped a serious hint to the dictator to stop training and sending terrorists to India? The insistence on dialogue between the two countries without addressing the problem of terrorism will not work.

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Police firing in Jind

The farmers’ agitation in Haryana is set to spread after the death of two farmers in police firing near Jind on Wednesday. The occasion was solemn — activists of the Bhartiya Kisan Union had gathered in large numbers at Kandela village to mourn the death of a farmer in another incident of police firing on May 20. Their mood was hostile as they felt betrayed. The BKU, it is given out, released the seven hostages a few days ago on the tacit understanding that the arrested farmers would be set free in exchange. A DSP had negotiated the deal, but the state government denied any such arrangement. This had naturally inflamed the protesters’ mood. On their way back from the condolence meeting, some of the farmers reportedly tried to block the Jind-Hansi road, which led to police firing and a lathi charge. Given the turbulent situation, the trigger-happy Haryana police could have exercised restraint and tried softer methods of mob dispersal. The BKU has threatened to block roads all over the state and gherao the ruling party’s MPs, ministers and MLAs. Encouraged by the response to its call for protest and inept handling of the situation by the government, the angry BKU leadership is in a do-or-die frame of mind and seems unmindful of the discomfort its agitation will cause to the general public. While the BKU cannot be allowed to indulge in any unlawful activity detrimental to the peace in the state, the government needs to act with utmost caution and avoid adding fuel to the fire.

State politicians are largely responsible for the present volatile situation in Haryana. Over the years politicians of all hues have made wild promises to farmers, offering free electricity and irrigation water, if voted to power. The Chief Minister, Mr Om Prakash Chautala, is no exception. When in opposition, he had, according to press reports, supported, and encouraged the BKU agitation. He had entered into a written agreement with the BKU. The simple and straightforward farmers had believed a politician’s word and have a reason to be furious now. The mishandling of the kidnapping of the Fatehabad SP’s daughter has also given the farmers further ammunition to attack the Chautala administration, which had reportedly let off a number of criminals in lieu of the release of the SP’s three-year-old daughter. If criminals could be thus released, argues the BKU, why can’t the government release the detained farmers? The government has tied itself into many knots and the present crisis is largely of its own making. The fact that farmers in the neighbouring Punjab are getting free power and water supply rubs salt into their wounds. While as a short-term measure, the ruffled feelings of the farmers should be soothed, in the long run a comprehensive study of issues relating to agriculture in the post-WTO scenario needs to be undertaken. The farmers are passing through a critical transition phase. They need a helping hand, not bullets, from the government they have elected.

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The drive against proxy war
India in a Catch-22 situation
Hari Jaisingh

"We will have to change the method of countering the proxy war". The author of these words is Union Home Minister L.K. Advani. What, however, is disquieting is that brave declarations and oft-repeated rhetoric of our leaders — from the Prime Minister downward — have not contained Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. The man-in-the-street apparently does not relish leaders merely bragging without solid action in support.

When three and a half years ago 22 Hindus were massacred at Chapnari in Doda district, Mr Advani declared after visiting the gory site: "If such massacres recur, we have no right to be in power. I will resign." Since then the state has witnessed more than 35 such major massacres at the hands of Pakistan-backed foreign mercenaries and militants. Mr Advani remains where he is. One does not grudge this. The modern Sardar Patel may have his compulsions to act at will. But I am sure no one compels him to strike brave postures without well-thought-out brave action. At stake is the credibility of the BJP-led NDA government.

Ironically, the Home Minister has subsequently said the government would adopt a proactive policy against militants. During the past two years or so, the contours of this proactive policy remain invisible.

When Defence Minister George Fernandes was once asked to comment on the proposed pro-active policy, he retorted: "You better ask Advaniji about it." Perhaps even the Defence Minister had no clue. All the same, Pakistan's military regime has carried on merrily with its highly provocative and belligerent postures. I am not sure whether Mr Advani has any regrets about his earlier misplaced utterances. He has also not broadly spelt out his new strategy to combat the proxy war.

A Home-cum-Defence Secret? We certainly respect that but not empty words which do not change the ground reality in tune with the nation's interests.

Taking a broad view of the situation, the government has three options. One, to declare a war against Pakistan, especially with a view to hitting the terrorist camps on the lines of American action in Afghanistan.

Two, to evolve a foolproof mechanism to prevent Pakistan-trained militants from sneaking into Jammu and Kashmir.

Three, to launch a massive multi-dimensional operation to flush out the militants from their hideouts, especially from their bases in hilly areas of Kupwara, Anantnag, Doda, Poonch and Rajouri districts. Such an operation will require full backup of the IAF for the ground troops.

Before exercising the first option, New Delhi will have to take into account the global compulsions, particularly American response, and the extent of support it can garner from the international community.

When Mr Fernandes was recently asked by The Tribune's representative in Jammu if mere condemnation by the US authorities of the terrorist strike was enough, he shot back: "It is not enough."

How the Americans go about protecting their global interests is their business. They at least know what advantages they can to derive from the messy situation in the subcontinent and beyond. As for South Block, it must be said that Indian diplomacy faces its toughest challenge ever today. So, only well-tuned and well-coordinated efforts can give us dividends vis-a-vis Pakistan's highly crafty General.

Some pundits suggest that New Delhi should close down its High Commission in Islamabad and ask the Pakistan government to wind up its High Commission in New Delhi. Such a step, they feel, will snap the separatists' links with Pakistani agencies. Further, this might help stop the flow of funds to the separatists through the Pakistan High Commission. This suggestion will have to be coolly and rationally examined on the touchstone of national interests.

As for the political option, it will be worthwhile to initiate a dialogue with the people of Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi may face rough weather on this count but it needs to be kept in mind that in a democratic polity there is no substitute for an active, purposeful and dynamic process of dialogue.

Remember the Pak-sponsored tribals, who invaded Jammu and Kashmir in 1947-48? They were more ferocious than the Taliban forces. But they were beaten back because of active cooperation extended by the local people then to the Indian forces.

In 1965, a full brigade of Pakistani troops infiltrated into Kashmir in the guise of civilians. The people in the valley got the scent of it and helped the Indian authorities to apprehend them and have them eliminated.

Even if the establishment succeeds in removing the people's alienation to some extent, it would help the government tackle the menace of terrorism more effectively than in the case at present. It is necessary to do something solid to win back the people's confidence — something short of conceding the azadi demand. There are bound to be quite a sizeable number of buyers for a new bold positive initiative. The message has to be clear: we mean business.

As for the military option, a commando-type operation can be initiated with the aim of destroying terrorist camps and the headquarters of militant outfits, including the United Jehad Council. Besides, India can organise a naval nakabandi in the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean to the discomfort of the military regime at Islamabad.

Whatever methods New Delhi adopts to force Pakistan to see reason and stop cross-border terrorism, there must not be any room for complacency. Hitherto, India has been "fighting Pakistan" through rhetoric and with the help of its secular ideology. After the recent Kaluchak massacre, some Indian leaders remarked: "The enemy cannot go unpunished." On another occasion, they said: "Enough is enough. Our patience is exhausted." These empty threats are unlikely to disturb General Pervez Musharraf's sleep!

The tendency of Indian leaders to think belatedly or in instalments is disgusting, to say the least. After a gap of over five months of the militants' strike at the Parliament complex on December 13 Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee regretted the other day at Manali that India should have given an immediate and fitting response to Pakistan.

To quote Mr Vajpayee's exact words in Hindi: "Jis din Parliament par hamla hua, usi din suchmooch mein Bharat ki or se unhen uttar milna chahiye tha, lekin duniya ki awaz uthi...hum khoonon ka khel band karna chahte hain...."

Fine. The tragedy of Indian leaders invariably is that they wake up after missing the bus! What should we make out of such lapses?

True, India cannot take a unilateral decision to counter the Pakistani mischief militarily without the Americans' consent. This is part of the global reality, especially when US military experts are sitting right in Pakistan and control its major military bases.

It is also no secret that the USA has its own gameplan for the region. It has a long-term strategy to set up military bases in Pakistan and Afghanistan to counter any future Chinese or Russian moves. The US administration is, therefore, unlikely to loosen its hold on Islamabad. It has to watch its interests beyond Kabul, in Iran and the Central Asian republics. And right now General Musharraf is a convenient puppet in its hands to play around. And the General knows the art of how to bend over backwards for his sheer survival.

Ask any political leader in Srinagar belonging to the National Conference, the BJP or the Congress, about the US policy vis-a-vis the India-Pakistan conflict on Kashmir, the instant answer will be: Washington right now has more interest in Pakistan than in India. This fact needs to be kept in mind by the policy-makers so that the country is not misled by the sweet balancing act by the American authorities.

Some politicians in Srinagar point out that had the US President been serious and sincere about reducing the tension on the LoC and forcing Islamabad to end its cross-border terrorism, he could have easily used the weapons of military hardware supply and economic aid to tame General Musharraf.

To say this is not to deny the USA's sympathetic attitude towards this country after the September 11 terror show by the Al-Qaeda terrorists at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Still, repeated US pleas to President Musharraf to match his words with deeds could, at best, be seen as a mere cosmetic exercise to keep Indian leaders in good humour.

New Delhi has already given documentary evidence to world leaders regarding Pakistan's continuous active support to the terrorist operations in the valley and beyond. Still, the American war against global terrorism is not exactly directed against Islamabad which is certainly an "epicentre of terrorism" in the region as External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh has put it rightly.

Interestingly, going by his public postures, anyone who is terribly upset over New Delhi's lopsided policy over Kashmir, it is Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah. He has said on a number of occasions that India should not walk on American and Russian sticks, but must move on its own.

Berating the American duplicity, he says: "If the American forces can fly over many countries to hit the terrorist camps in Afghanistan, why cannot we (India) across the LoC?"

Unfortunately, India is not as powerful as the USA is in military and economic matters. Nor is Pakistan Afghanistan where the Taliban and other terrorist outfits surrendered tamely. Still, this country is definitely capable of repeating the 1971 success. But, then, the BJP leaders at the helm have neither the political will nor the strong nerves that Indira Gandhi possessed when she decided to take on Pakistan in 1971! A soft leadership sustains only a soft state. Is this the people's choice? Over to the readers.

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The witty Pandit
P. Lal

Panditji had been fed — he had to be — with burfi, almonds, cashewnuts and fruits, topped with milk, before he could be asked to pronounce on the effects of heavenly stars on earthly mortals. He had been especially summoned to Chandigarh at my residence that very morning from Jalandhar, his usual seat of consultation and prophetic pronouncements.

The Indian National Congress was holding its annual session in Komagata Maru Nagar in Mohali (Punjab). Mrs Indira Gandhi, the President of INC and the Prime Minister of the country, was camping at Punjab Raj Bhawan. The year was 1975 (December).

Senior police officers had been drafted from all over the state for security duty. They had arrived a week in advance for rehearsals and briefings.

Two of my colleagues from the IPS who had come from outstation had made themselves comfortable at my residence taking advantage of my bachelor-status then, and of a fairly large first-floor-accommodation which I had hired in Sector 35. I was posted then as an SP with the Punjab CID in the beautiful city of Le Corbusier.

Panditji’s services were requisitioned specially on the asking of one of my two guests, on a Sunday which was free from rehearsals and other official engagements. A constable had earlier brought, on a nightlong bus-journey, the horoscopes of the officer’s children, his wife and of the officer himself from his place of posting, to Chandigarh.

When Panditji’s countenance showed contentment after the generous helpings of sweets, fruits et al, my guest pulled out one of the horoscopes and handed it over to Panditji and begged of him to read his horoscope and to tell him what all lay in store for him in future.

Panditji spread the sheet, looked at the charts therein, made some of his own, scribbled down a few notes and then, after a deep contemplation, declared: “Your star is rising in the south.”

The officer could not conceal his glee and countered: “This means I may get the charge of district Bhatinda?” Bhatinda was to the south of his then place of posting.

“Yes, yes, you will,” Panditji spoke with authority.

The officer’s face shone with joy. Getting charge of a district for a young police officer was no joke then. Many strings had to be pulled for that. He had been desperately doing that for long, with no success.

After a few more predictions on his fate, the officer took the horoscope back from Panditji and passed him another from the lot, and said, “Panditji, this is my son’s. Please read this also.”

As Panditji spread it out, the officer noticed that it had his own name written on it, instead of his son’s. “Panditji, there has been a mistake. The horoscope you have just now read was not mine; it was my son’s.”, the officer complained. His face was ashen now. He remonstrated: “Panditji, how did you then declare that my star was rising in the south?”

Panditji was nonplussed for a moment. But then, he regained his composure and announced with confidence: “If you go to Bhatinda, your son, too, would go with you. What was wrong, therefore, if his charts also showed his star to be rising in the south?”

The officer felt reassured. Panditji had, of course, shown a remarkable presence of mind.

The Panditji left. The officer, too, left after the VIP duty. His star, however, did no rise in the south, not in any case over Bhatinda. He remained for a year or so where he had been and was then posted out to Delhi, on deputation with the Government of India.


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Is Myanmar lost to Chinese dragon?
M.S.N. Menon

The answer is no. The Myanmarese are a fiercely nationalistic people. The country is already part of ASEAN, part of the Ganga-Mekong project, part of the Great Mekong Region and a member of the economic association of India, Bangladesh, Thailand and Sri Lanka. Its future is thus already committed.

But what of Burma’s long association with China — for almost four decades? True, China has a strong presence in Burma. And it must have been a matter of great concern to China when Suu Kyi was released from house arrest recently for she has good reason to take Burma away from China. And this not only because of her bitter personal memories, but also because of the deep suspicion in which the Burmese hold the Chinese.

Myanmar has always lived in some fear of the Chinese. Twice it was conquered by China and twice it asserted its independence. But the dragon has never ceased to look upon Myanmar as an emergency gateway to the world — to the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean in particular. To China, the lure of the broad river Irrawaddy is irresistible.

Remember, when Japan blockaded China’s east coast before World War II, China constructed the Burma road with British consent. The Burmese never took kindly to this road and allowed it to be lost in jungles after Burma became independent. China had it revived.

Today, there are about 1.5 million Chinese in Myanmar, concentrated in North Burma. The Burmese never trust them. They have many bitter memories of the Chinese.

In 1945 the Kuomintang forces entered Burma as freebooters. But for the British army, they would have occupied Burma. In 1947 China asked Myanmar to take back the thousands of Chinese who had fled Myanmar during its occupation by Japan. The Burmese leaders refused, calling them “fair weather friends.” It was then that Beijing advanced its claim to 77,000 sq miles off Myanmar territory.

When the communists came to power in 1949, the territorial dispute was settled by U Nu, the Burmese Prime Minister, by conceding some villages to China. China undertook not to support the Burmese rebels in North Burma. But it never kept that promise. It even stirred up the local Chinese against the Burmese government.

U Nu could not control the situation. It was then that General Ne Win seized power. He went out of his way to placate the Chinese, but in vain. This forced him to take a series of steps against China. China was furious. Nationalisation of finance and commerce by Ne Win adversely affected the local Chinese and Indian traders. The Indians took it gracefully, not the Chinese.

Although Ne Win kept up his raids against the insurgents, Burma’s frontier remained troubled because of clandestine Chinese support to the rebels. With a new source of income in the narcotic trade from opium grown in China’s Yunan province, the insurgents became rich. They organised weapons even for the Indian insurgents. China did nothing to stop this.

Myanmar became more suspicious of China’s intentions as its intrigues along the frontier became more open. In 1966 Ne Win visited the USA and made it clear that he was not in the Chinese camp.

The Chinese in Burma might have been divided in their loyalty to Beijing, but on one thing they were united — on need to keep Burma under Chinese influence.

It is against this background that the incident of the “Mao Badge” took place. It showed the extreme sensitivity of the Myanmarese. During China’s Cultural Revolution, the Chinese embassy in Yangon distributed Mao badges to local Chinese students. The Burmese objected to it. But the embassy persisted. This led to the first all-Burma anti-China riots in July 1967.

China vowed to overthrow Ne Win. It called him a “war lord”. Ne Win no more felt the need to keep up the facade of correctness in his relations with China. He closed down all pro-China publications and clamped restrictions on the local Chinese. China, on its part, withdrew its technicians from Burma and cut off aid. It was during this period that China gave full support to the insurgency on both sides of the Indo-Burma border.

With the advent of Deng Xiao-ping, relations became normal. China continued to be the principal supplier of military equipment to Burma. And Deng restricted party to party relations. But, with all that, the junta remained suspicious of the Chinese. It looked to South East Asia for support. And ASEAN was helpful in preventing Chinese dominance over Myanmar.

Can the Burmese ever trust the Chinese after this long history of bitter relations? Never, I went into the details of this history to prove my point. The same can be said about the Vietnamese who fought a thousand-year war against the Chinese. Burma, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia thus form a solid anti-China bloc — the first line of defence of ASEAN against China.

Unfortunately, India’s policy towards Burma is not based on this realism. Nor is it based on a long-term vision of a common civilisation.

China prefers military rule in Burma. It cannot allow the restoration of democracy. It sees Suu Kyi as an enemy. Beijing will try its best to prevent her from coming to power. Did China have a hand in the March coup against the junta? (By the way, if our “Look-East” policy is to win, we must have our own media men in Yangan — not Singapore).

Considering the growing border trade and the movement of people across the border, India has done well in deciding to open a consulate in Mandalay, the second largest city of Burma (By the way, it is a centre of Chinese activity). India has offered to set up a hydropower station in Mandalay.

The military rulers of Burma are not a monolithic body as is believed. They are divided on Myanmar’s relation with China. Some of the generals are against China and for democracy. As for the rank and file, they are against China and perhaps with Suu Kyi.

Myanmar is going through a critical period. We need a dynamic and high profile ambassador in Yangon. If possible, a Buddhist. He must build up our relations with the Burmese from the grassroots. This should have been done years ago. And the best way is to promote tourism with a Buddhist angle. But with special concessions. What is more, it is time to restore the old shipping ferry from Akyab to Kolkata. It can serve both Burma and Indo-China.

Burma is a country of immense resources. Its 45 million people are industrious. But they are lagging behind. Unfortunately, foreign aid was cut off in 1988. America has just extended the sanctions for another year. This is unfortunate, for it only strengthens China’s hold on the junta. And some of the MNCs are withdrawing from the country for want of infrastructure.

India is particularly interested in Burma’s oil and gas, as also its hydropower resources. India has done well in opting for Myanmar gas instead of Bangla gas. We have two alternative routes: (1) which will run along the Kaladan river and join the grid in Meghalaya and (2) an offshore route from Sittwa (Akyab port) to Kolkata. The offshore is cheaper and safer. What is more, Kolkata needs more gas.

We must also explore whether it is cheaper to transport oil from Vietnam by the same route. It is time to provide the economic underpinning to our “Look-East” policy.

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Another reason to eat broccoli

Broccoli is not only loaded with vitamins and minerals — it may carry a substance that kills bacteria that cause stomach cancer, researchers have said. A compound that helps give broccoli its distinctive taste, which some love and others hate, also kills the helicobacter pylori bacteria, blamed for most cases of stomach cancer, French and U.S. researchers have said.

The next step is to see if people can cure themselves of a helicobacter infection by eating broccoli and broccoli sprouts, said the team at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore and the French National Scientific Research Center. Antibiotics can kill helicobacter and prevent stomach cancer, but they are expensive and have side-effects, which include killing off “good” bacteria that help the body digest food.

“In some parts of Central and South America, Africa and Asia, as much as 80 per cent to 90 per cent of the population is infected with helicobacter, likely linked to poverty and conditions of poor sanitation,” Jed Fahey, a plant physiologist at Johns Hopkins who worked on the study, said in a statement. “If future clinical studies show that a food can relieve or prevent diseases associated with this bacterium in people, it could have significant public health implications in the United States and around the world.” Reuters

A weapon in tears

Scientists have found a weapon in tears and mother’s milk to fight bacteria that are chronic risk to people with medical implants.

The arm is a protein that in effect denies a home to these bugs, preventing them from forming colonies called biofilms that resist the patient’s immune system and even the toughest antibiotics.

The protein, lactoferrin, is abundant in secretions such as tears, nasal mucus and breast milk, according to a team led by Pradeep Singh at the University of Iowa.

Lactoferrin gobbles up iron, depriving the bacteria of an essential nutrient and forcing them to “wander across the surface instead of forming cell clusters and biofilms”, they report in the British weekly Nature. AFP

New drug lasts longer than Viagra

A yet-to-be-approved impotence drug developed by Eli Lilly and Co and Icos Corp appears to be longer-lasting than Viagra.

Patients in a study reported success in achieving erections from 24 hours to as long as 36 hours after taking a 20 milligram pill of Cialis, said Indianapolis-based Lilly and Bothell, Washington-based Icos.

The study did not compare Cialis’ effects directly with those of Viagra, the $ 1.2 billion-a-year drug for erectile dysfunction Pfizer Inc introduced in 1998. “There are other studies that have looked at the length of the duration of Viagra’s effects, and usually it’s in the eight-to-12 hour range maximum,” Dr Raymond Rosen, the author of the Cialis study, said in a phone interview. AP

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Insulin shots do not prevent diabetes: study

Regular insulin shots do not delay or prevent childhood-onset diabetes, according to a new study in Thursday’s New England Journal of Medicine that appears to dash hopes that the hormone can keep children from developing the blood-sugar disease.

“In persons at high risk of diabetes, insulin at the dosage used in this study does not delay or prevent type 1 diabetes,” said Dr Jay Skyler of the University of Miami, who led a team of researchers in the nine-year study.

Diabetes is a chronic illness characterised by raised blood sugar levels. Type 1 diabetes, which makes up around 10 per cent of all cases, usually develops between the ages of 10 and 14.

The study’s findings contradict research published in 1993 and 1998 that raised hopes the shots might prevent diabetes. In the aftermath of those studies, which involved small groups of people, some doctors began giving insulin as a preventive measure to patients at risk for the disease.

The Skyler team had trouble finding patients for its research because they, or their doctors, believed pilot studies had already established that the treatment was effective.

As it turns out, it is not.

The researchers identified 339 youngsters with an average age of 12 who had a 50-50 risk of developing diabetes over the next five years. Half were given twice-daily shots of 0.25 units of insulin for every kilogram (1.6 pounds) they weighed, plus annual infusions of insulin over a four-day period. The rest were put under close observation.

They found that 70 of the youngsters who were not treated developed diabetes, but so did 69 who received the shots.

The findings, Skyler said, not only show the therapy doesn’t work but also suggest doctors should not prescribe treatments only “on the basis of small pilot studies.”

However, the Journal contains another pilot study that offers hope childhood-onset diabetes can be treated. That research, a small study conducted by Dr Kevan Herold of Columbia University, suggests a chemical designed to attack certain cells in the body may be able to slow the progress of type 1 diabetes if it is given early in the disease’s progress.

The chemical, a monoclonal antibody, tries to block the immune system before it can destroy too many insulin-producing cells in the pancreas. Reuters

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The virtuous man delights in this world and he delights in the next; he delights in both. He delights and rejoices when he sees the purity of his own work.

The virtuous man is happy in this world and he is happy in the next; he is happy in both. He is happy when he thinks of the good he has done; he is still more happy when going on the good path.

The evil-doer mourns in this world, and he mourns in the next; he mourns in bot. He mourns and suffers when he sees the evil (result) of his own work.

The evil-doer suffers in this world and he suffers in the next; he suffers in both. He suffers when he thinks of the evil he has done, he suffers more while going on the evil path.

—Khuddaka Nikaya. From the Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon (translator F.H. Woodward)

***

So long as the monks shall become full of faith, conscientious, afraid of blame, become great listeners, stirred in energy, mindful and wise, growth may be expected, not decline....

So long as the monks shall become the part in awakening that is mindfulness, that part that is mindfulness..... the part in awakening that is poise, growth may be expected, not decline....

So long as the monks shall become the thought of impermanence, of not-the-self, of unlovely things, of peril, of renunciation, of dispassion, of ending, growth may be expected not decline.....

Monks, this night a deva.... spoke to me and said: "Lord these seven things lend not to a monk's decline..... Reverence for this Master, dhamma, Order, the training, concentration, conscientiousness and fear of blame....."

—Anguttara Nikaya. From the Book of Gradual Sayings (translator, F.L. Woodward)

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