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July 8, 2001, Chandigarh, India   
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GUEST COLUMN A PAGE FROM HISTORY |
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NATIONAL SECURITY
Harihar Swarup
Damocles sword hangs over Jaya
Humra Quraishi
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The tuition issue: Perception and the whole truth ALDOUS Huxley once complained that tragedy does not portray the whole truth. Sherwood Anderson made a similar complaint about man’s perception of life. Thus, in life, as well as in letter, the whole truth is hard to come by. A thousand things come in the way of perceiving the whole truth, and man remains naturally inclined to be contented with half truths. Ego and Eros, avarice and anger, pride and prejudice, sense and sensibility, all play their respective roles in perceiving the truth in a coloured light. The consequence is a convenient and distorted simplification of a complex fact or phenomenon. When truths are perceived by politicians and administrators, the chances of making a partisan perception increase all the more. The recent drive against “tuition” suffers from the shortcomings of a slanted perception. Limitations of the partisan view have plagued the perception of private or extra-teaching by school and college teachers. The case of the teachers seems to have been viewed from a narrow administrative angle, ignoring and obliterating some very vital facts, which when viewed dispassionately will show the case from various other angles equally relevant for an understanding of the causes and consequences of what has come to be known “tuition”. The matter being of great social significance and educational importance, it seems imperative that an attempt is made to present the whole truth about the case. To begin with, it has been made out repeatedly that teachers do not teach in their duty hours only to ensure for themselves “tuition” work at home. Long newspaper reports and the public response supporting this account show how widely the perception has received public endorsement. But is it the whole truth? Let us be honest and admit that those who do “tuition” work are those very teachers who not only do teaching in their duty hours but also do it better than others. And it is for this very reason “of their being better than others” that they are in great demand for “tuition” work. Is it not a fact that these teachers run after tuition work? On the contrary, it is we, the elite parents, the affluent parents, who run after these teachers, and quite often bring recommendations to make them agree to our request. Those who do not teach in their classes are never in demand for extra-coaching. As for the coaching institutes, where college and school teachers do “tuition” work, those in the big cities like Delhi or Mumbai have introduced admission tests even for coaching. When the “tuition” teaching has assumed such proportions, there must be valid reasons for the spectacular phenomenon. A small aspect of the case is the meaning of “tuition” which most people seem to mistake for illegitimate teaching. Let us be clear about the meaning of the word “tuition”, which in the public mind has come to acquire ignoble and unethical associations. To a large majority it amounts to some sort of corruption, an underhand activity. The fact of the matter is that ever since the system of education was formalised and institutionalised in the shape of schools, colleges and universities, students have been regularly charged “tuition” fee for every form of teaching that they receive at these institutions. The word appears in the honourable columns of all calendars and receipt-books of these educational institutions. In the public mind, however, the word is only meant for private teaching by the teachers of schools and colleges conducted in their homes or coaching centres. The general perception is that “teachers (implying all teachers) do not teach in the classrooms, and “fleece” the students by forcing them to join “tuition” groups at home or in coaching centres. The practice “naturally” provokes indignation against the “teachers”, who deserve, in the common perception, punishment for this act of illegality, illegitimacy, and immorality. Let us, therefore, look into the case from all these angles, and look as well into the various facts that defy the common perception. In the first place, it is not “all” teachers who do “tuition” work; it is only a small percentage, not exceeding 20 out of a hundred. The others may be inclined, even tempted, to do the work. But to their dismay, they are not able to attract much clientele. Interestingly, only the very best are in demand in this highly competitive field. Also, it is the very best of the student stock who hunt for these “tuitioners”. Further, it is the sons and daughters of the privileged classes, including the politicians and bureaucrats, traders and merchants, teachers and technocrats, who enjoy the benefit of the much maligned “tuition”. Of course, those not in a position to pay “extra” for the “extra-teaching” remain deprived of the benefit. Cruelties of the competitive society do not constitute an issue in the market-oriented economy of our time! The moot question that arises now is why the best teachers, the best students and the best persons are involved in this illegitimate and immoral activity of “tuition?” Reasons are many that have helped the business of tuition to attain the status of a regular institution, but three in the main should be of immediate concern to those responsible for the management and administration of education. The first and foremost reason for the rise of the “tuition” business in the form of private home-teaching or private institutions of coaching, and lacking the legitimacy of “recognition” by the University Grants Commission or the various school boards at the central or state level, is the failure of the regular and legitimate institutions of learning names schools and colleges. The fact that for both the purposes of employment and admission to professional courses the entrance tests have been introduced, with the implicit declaration of the university degrees as unreliable, clearly indicates the failure of these institutions. If we go further into the reasons responsible for the failure of these institutions, we would mainly find the following three: (1) The uneven standards of the “mass” universities started, mainly, to satisfy, not the standards of higher education, but the “aspirations” of the “local or regional” populace. (2) The lack of proper infrastructural facilities, including adequate and proper faculty. (3) The suitable control of the educational institutions by the politico-bureaucratic authority and the paraphernalia of people associated, directly or indirectly, with that authority. Let us, therefore, look into these vital reasons that have given rise to the phenomenon of private teaching called “tuition”. In the interest of the uniformity of selection and the detection of merit, the university degrees had to be ignored and the all-India or state level tests had to be introduced for making meritorious selections of candidates for the medical and technical professions. This went further to the introduction of entrance tests even for the non-professional courses at the university. The uneven standards among 250 universities were so marked that no one objected to these “objective tests”. Of course, large numbers of candidates seeking admission to professional and technical courses was also a reason in itself. Reasons for the uneven standards are not far to seek: opening universities without having norms and standards for the institutions of higher learning, leaving them ill-equipped and understaffed, manning them with sub-standard selection of teachers and other staff, making them subservient to the politico-bureaucratic state apparatus, can be identified as the main reasons for the dismal condition of learning and administration in our universities. As for the colleges, things are even worse at that level. In the interest of economy, most colleges have neither qualified nor adequate staff, neither laboratory updating nor addition of latest books, and have instead large classes of 80 to 100 students with tutorial groups of 25 to 40. What quality of education is possible in such conditions? Where would the students wanting to compete in the national or global market go, if not to the private coaching academies and the “tuition” doers? How can the students or the teachers, the best on both sides, be blamed for the extra effort they put in to survive in the “open” market? The better teachers have also to compensate for the weak colleagues and bad selection as also for the absence of proper facilities in the general lot of our schools and colleges. Now, does this extra-effort amount to illegality and immorality? In our regular or authorised schools and colleges, teachers are termed as “whole-time” employees of the institution, expected not to undertake any other work. Two questions arise: 1. What does the term “whole-time” mean here? 2. Where lies the morality of the institution? As for the first, whole time should mean the institution’s working hours, for which the duties of a teacher are clearly laid down. Surely, if a teacher fails to perform those duties for reasons of tuition or otherwise, he/she deserves to be punished. But if he/she puts in extra-effort for reading and teaching more, for updating his/her knowledge, for making it competitive, for imparting it to better students who would pay for his/her extra-effort, should this work called “tuition” in the common vocabulary be considered illegal and therefore punished, should it be considered immoral and therefore condemned? Here, one not so irrelevant question is: if an employee is a “whole-time servant” in the literal sense, then why allow non-practicing allowance of private practice to the doctors, and allow extra payment for additional or over-time work to several cadres in the administrative services? Obviously, the legality is limited to work during the duty hours only, which duty does not extend to the employee’s life outside his/her work place. It is here that a difference has always been drawn between the bonded labour and the contractual employment. One implication of such an indictment is that only those who are selected for extraneous reasons, who would neither read further nor teach extra, who can be called the deadwood of the system, are the proper stuff desirable for the public sector. No wonder then that the public sector in industry, education or service, has the reputation of being rather incompetent and inefficient. In short, the point being attempted is: why punish better teachers for the failings of the governments and their agencies; why punish those who, despite the failings, maintain some standards of education to disburse that education among those students who are desirous to do well? No doubt, there are a large number of those teachers also, especially at the post-graduate level in the colleges or in the culturally backward areas, who exploit the helpless students through “tuition” work. These teachers do call for condemnation, and perhaps punishment. In this case also, however, it is the condition that has caused the malady. And if the conditions are not changed, the logical consequence of the malady can never be prevented. It is therefore; better to work for its presentation than to try to curb it by unnatural cure. If our managers and administrators of education are keen to end the institution of “tuition”, let them provide at least 6 per cent of GNP for education, provide proper infrastructural facilities and competent faculty, provide updated laboratories and libraries with Internet access, and allow the institutions of education to be managed and administered by the “educated” only. Let them create conditions to reduce the wide gap between the formal education in our schools and colleges and the private “tuition teaching in the colleges of competition, between the Board of University examinations and those conducted by the professional bodies of various trades. The present campaign for making education economical by decreasing the number of teachers and increasing the number of students in classes and tutorials, by ignoring the academic claims of research and specialisation, by imposing the industry’s norms of work and accountability, is ill-conceived and misdirected, which can only demoralise the teachers and degenerate the standards. For God’s sake, let us not cover up our own failings and weaknesses by making scapegoat of those who at least earn extra by their own hard work and additional effort. We better do our duty and provide better teachers better infrastructural facilities and better service conditions so that better teaching in our schools and colleges becomes possible. In the absence of all these, no curbs are going to yield the desired results. On the contrary, authoritianism practiced on ill-provided institutions will only lead to more ills than it intends to cure. The writer is former Vice-Chancellor, Kurukshetra |
He was patriotic, scholarly and fearless THE founder president of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh, first leader of the Opposition in the Indian Parliament and first martyr for the unity of truncated India, Shyama Prasad Mookerji, was born on July 6, 1901 at Calcutta. He inherited a rich legacy of patriotism, scholarship and fearlessness from his father, Ashutosh Mookerji, who was a Judge of the Calcutta High Court and Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University. After a brilliant academic career, Mookerji became Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University at the age of 33. He was also elected a representative of the university to Legislative Council of Bengal. The call of duty to the university and the nation impelled him to take active interest in politics. He joined the Hindu Maha Sabha, which was then headed by Veer Savarkar, who appointed him its working president in 1939. The refusal of the Congress to form a coalition government with the Krishak Praja Party of Fazal-ul-Haque after the general elections of 1937, enabled the Muslim League to form the government, with the help of Fazal-ul-Haque. But Fazal-ul-Haque soon fell out with Jinnah, resulting in the fall of the Muslim League government. Fazal-ul-Haque then formed a new government with the cooperation of Shyama Prasad Mookerji in which the latter became the Finance Minister. But Mookerji soon realised that real power was still in the hands of the British Governor. He resigned in protest against the vindictive policy towards the flood-hit people of Midnapore for their role in ‘Quit India Movement’ and arrest of all Congress leaders. He also wrote a long letter to the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgo, in which he not only condemned the repressive policy of the government but also put forth a constructive plan of action to resolve the impasse. In the absence of all Congress leaders, who had been arrested in 1942, he became the voice and tribune of nationalist India emerged as a top national leader. The man-made famine of Bengal of 1934 brought forth his organisational skill. He organised relief of the famine-affected people on a massive scale and saved thousands of lives. He put forth the nationalist view point before the Cripps Mission in 1942 and the Cabinet Mission in 1946. He blasted the case of the Muslim League for the Partition of the motherland and explained the wider implications of the partition with telling effect. But all his arguments proved ineffective when he was confronted with the fact that the Congress, which represented the Hindus on the basis of election, had already conceded partition in principle. According to the original plan of the partition, the whole of Bengal and Punjab were to be given to Pakistan. He put forth the demand for partition of Bengal on the same basis on which the country was going to be partitioned. He thus saved West Bengal and East Punjab for India. When Nehru tried to involve him also in the blame for Partition, he retorted “you partitioned India. I partitioned Pakistan.” Mookerji was elected to the Constituent Assembly of India from Bengal in 1946. On the persuasion of Gandhiji and Sardar Patel, he joined the first national government of free India, led by Nehru. As the first Industry Minister of India, he formulated the Industrial Policy of free India. Sindri Fertiliser Factory and Chittaranjan Locomotive Factory and H.A.L. at Bangalore were his gifts to the country. He resigned from the Nehru Cabinet in April 1950 in protest against the Nehru-Liaqat pact which allegedly betrayed the interests of not only Hindus and Buddhists of East Pakistan, but also best interests of India. But for this pact, the police action planned by Sardar Patel might have partitioned East Pakistan and created a secure homeland for the Hindu minorities within an independent Bangladesh. His speech in Lok Sabha on April 14, 1950, in which he gave reasons for his voluntary resignation from the government wax the severest indictment of Nehru government. His prophetic warning that Nehru’s policies if not changed, would create a situation worse than that prevailing in 1947 before the partition of the country, has come true. Events and developing situation have proved him correct. After the resignation from the Nehru Government, Mookerji founded the Bharatiya Jan Sangh with the active cooperation of Arya Samaj and RSS in 1951. It took part in the first general elections under the new Constitution of India when it was just three months old. It could win only three seats, including that of Mookerji in the first Lok Sabha, but got enough votes to be declared a national party by the Election Commission. Soon after the session of Parliament began, Mookerji was able to form a National Democratic Party in the Lok Sabha by uniting a number of small parties, including the Jan Sangh, Gantantra Parishad and Hindu Maha Sabha with a strength of 32. He was elected its leader. This party thus became the largest single party in the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and Mookerji became the virtual leader of the Opposition. After some time, Asoka Mehta, the leader of the Praja Socialist Party with 22 members in the Lok Sabha, approached Mookerji that the PSP had decided to join his front in the Lok Sabha, so that he could be recognised as the official Leader of the Opposition with Cabinet rank on the condition that Hindu Mahasabha was excluded from it. Mookerji rejected this offer. He told Ashoka Mehta that he too believed in Hindu rashtra and that he was not prepared to compromise on principles to become official Leader of the Opposition with Cabinet rank. Because of his stature, integrity and Parliamentary skill and performance in the Lok Sabha, he soon began to be acclaimed as the alternative Prime Minister of the country. It peeved Nehru. The mysterious medical murder of Mookerji who had been arrested and detained for taking up the cause of full integration of Jammu and Kashmir state with the rest of India and abrogation of temporary Article 370 of the Constitution on June 23, 1953, came as a stunning blow not only to the Jan Sangh but to the entire nationalist India. Nehru’s stubborn refusal to institute a judicial enquiry into his mysterious death in spite of near unanimous demand of the Parliament created doubts about his role in this national tragedy. Mookerji’s sacrifice forced Nehru to take action against Abdullah, who was dismissed and put in jail, and start the process of integration of J&K state with the rest of India. But he failed to carry this process to the logical end. Dr Mookerji’s suggestion that the state should be re-organised on the basis of geography, history and that Jammu and Ladakh should be integrated with the rest of India was desired by their people and some special status might be granted to Kashmir Valley for some time is as relevant today as it was in 1952, when it was first made. The Bharatiya Jan Sangh is today the most important legacy of Dr Mookerji.
(INFA) |
Reality of nuclear missile defence: Indian scenario IT does come as a surprise, that the United States of America, without achieving the desired result in the ballistic missile interception by an anti-ballistic missile, has extended the hand of cooperation to India in the field of national missile defence. India on its side of course will weigh all pros and cons from the military and political point of view, and the government will take the recommended step in this direction but still one cannot help being forced to consider all ramifications in this serious aspect of national security. It was the realisation by the Americans, about the difficulty to intercept an incoming ballistic missile, which made it such a dauntless advocate of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). It was basically to ensure that the states not so friendly to the USA or its allies, and also the so-called rogue states do not become a threat to them with the advantage of the technology. With the capability to intercept the ballistic missile totally missing, one is not at the mercy of the one who has the initiative to launch the first attack specially after India has declared “No first strike” as its national policy The situation is very much akin to the boxing ring, where it is said that it is not only important to hit your opponent, but is equally important to neutralise or deflect his punches. If one cannot neutralise or deflect the incoming ballistic missile of the opponent, then like the boxer one must be strong enough to absorb the impact of the punishing punch, without losing balance, and be able to strike back. So let us translate the above scenario in the Indian context. Having now realised that we are nowhere near acquiring the ability to intercept and neutralise a ballistic missile strike nuclear or otherwise, we should now at least be interested in developing the ability to absorb the punch of the nuclear missile strike, and hit back without losing control of ourselves. It is of no use to boast of being a nuclear power, without even having any rudimentary wherewithal of some sort of defence against such an attack from any side. The basic requirement to meet such an eventuality is to have an effective nuclear attack, warning system, coupled with appropriate nuclear shelters to protect the masses against the heat and radiation effect of the blast. If one observes European cities, especially the east European cities, carefully, one would notice that besides proper nuclear shelters, there is deep and long metro rail systems. These systems can accommodate a very large mass of humanity. The developed countries are no doubt very clear about the total state of affairs after having dragged the humanity to such an unfortunate juncture. The total freedom to proliferate the nuclear weapons, inspite of the high sounding but totally non-effective restrictions like the NPT the CTBT and the MTCR are doing precious little for the mankind. Does it surprise us that till date the list of banned weapons of mass destruction with Geneva, does not include the nuclear weapons at all? In fact, the famous judgement of year 1996 of the International Court of Justice, while debating on the nuclear issue, chose to state that the nuclear weapons could not be banned and the military commanders could use them as tactical weapons within the constraints of the humanitarian laws. What it actually means is that interested parties can use the nuclear weapons tactically if the military necessity so demands. Now where does it leave a country like India, which is getting ready to develop the nuclear weapons, and its carrier missiles, and has no system to neutralise an incoming nuclear raid, and further has no protection from the holocaust-like effect of a nuclear attack. The nuclear attack, as is known the world over, will be carried out most of the times through ballistic missiles, and will be an area terror weapon, with no precision, will naturally strike the most vulnerable populated zones to be fully effective. A firm national policy in terms of passive nuclear air defence (ground defence) should be spelt out at once, which should be a part of the broader overall nuclear doctrine, defining the threats and capabilities parameters. The policy should further list out the actions to be taken by the various agencies in this aspect. Defence services, especially the Air Force, besides having a massive air defence setup, also have a fully developed and active nuclear chemical and biological warfare cell. This body should be brought in as the core organisation, with other bodies like the civil defence, the fire fighting and the home guards departments to work out various actions from training and disseminating the knowledge in the field to creating protective infrastructure for the civil population to conducting regular training for the masses. Even if one does not possess a proper nuclear strike or defence capability, one must have a developed protection infrastructure. This step will not only bring in confidence amongst the masses, but will act as a cohesive force for the entire population and bring them out as one strong body not only to survive the terrible eventuality of a nuclear holocaust, but also be able to launch an effective second strike to neutralise the adversary as best as possible. |
Many firsts in career
of Fathima Beevi THE unceremonious exit of the Tamil Nadu Governor, Ms Meera Sahib Fathima Beevi, is, for the first time, seen as a setback in her otherwise highly successful career in the portals of judiciary spanning over four decades. The moral one may draw is that a successful judge need not necessarily be successful in a gubernatorial office. Ms Fathima Beevi has never been in politics and she says so without mincing words: “ I am not a politician”. She was the first woman Governor of the Tamil-speaking state and before that created a record having been appointed the first woman judge in the annals of the Supreme Court. She became the second from the weaker sex in the world to have attained that exalted position; the first was Ms Justice Sandra Day Connor of the USA. Ms Fathima Beevi may not be a politician but the manner of her removal has drawn flak from politicians as well as constitutional “Pundits” and brought to the fore once again a host of questions about the functions and duties of the Governor. Was she made a scapegoat in the ongoing war of attrition between DMK supremo M. Karunanidhi, an ally of the ruling NDA at the centre, and a vengeful Chief Minister Jayalalitha ? Did the axe fell on her for not toeing the Centre’s line? Should the Governor be a puppet of the ruling dispensation in Delhi? These questions are bound to raise a fierce debate in the light of the Sarkaria Commission’s report on centre-state relations and consultation papers circulated by the National Commission set by the NDA government to review the working of the Constitution. One set of paper , circulated for generating a debate and eliciting public option, deals exclusively with “ the institution of Governor”. The fact, however, remains that Ms Fathima Beevi was selected after her appointment was tacitly approved by Mr Karunanidhi when he was the Chief Minister. Also accusing fingers were raised when she administered oath to Ms Jayalalitha , who was a convict and had been disqualified from contesting elections. This could be reason for the DMK chief’s disenchantment with the Governor. Constitutional experts say she acted strictly in accordance with the letter and spirit of the statute and did not take into consideration other factors. As a former Supreme Court judge, she must be knowing her constitutional parameters well. There was a time when Ms Fathima Beevi remained only “ladyship” amidst a galaxy of “lordships” and proved her conviction that “today’s world is not the world of men alone”. Many lawyers habitually addressed her as “your lordship”, forgetting the gender difference. Hailing from the Muslim community, she had to struggle in life to come up in a male-dominated society. Orthodox in the family discouraged her from taking to legal progression because a Muslim woman practising in a court of law was unheard of in those days. Her father, however, stood by her and encouraged her to join the legal profession. In a rare interview to this correspondent soon after taking over as the Governor of Tamil Nadu, she spoke of tough days in her career. “Those were hard days. It was really tough for a woman to enter the legal profession. When I went to college there were only three Muslim girls out of 500 students. My father was firm that I should go in for the legal profession. In fact, it was he who chose this career for me and my mother, too, pushed me to don the lawyer’s gown”. In her subsequent legal career, Ms Fathima Beevi was just outstanding and acquired many “firsts”. She was the first-ever woman Munsif of Kerala; first woman member of the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal; first Muslim woman judge of the Kerala High Court and lone woman member of the National Human Rights Commission before she was appointed the first-ever woman Governor of Tamil Nadu. She had often described herself as a “grassroots” lawyer, having made her way from the lowest rung of the judiciary to the highest court of the land. As a member of the Human Rights Commission, Ms Fathima Beevi, took keen interest in alleviating the atrocities on women and safeguarding their human rights. She stressed the need for curbing the menace that inhibits the enjoyment of basic human rights by women. There were law and statutes which have been amended from time to time to deal with violence against women but, she felt, that stronger provisions and their effective implementation were needed. While working with the commission, she held a definite view on the vexed question of uniform civil code. She reportedly felt that the Constitution granted freedom and personal law to every section of the people in the country. The enactment of the common code was not just possible given the continental size, the social, culture and economic diversity of India. |
Damocles sword hangs over Jaya THE last word on the standoff between Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalitha Jayaram and her immediate predecessor M. Karunanidhi is yet to be said. Jayalalitha may have fulfilled her election vow to settle scores with Karunanidhi but she clearly underestimated her rival’s clout with the Centre. It is a different thing that the DMK cadres are not happy with New Delhi letting go the Tamil Nadu Government with a mere warning and they still feel that nothing less than President’s rule can avenge their leader’s humiliation in Chennai. Union Ministers Murasoli Maran and T.R. Baalu in their meeting with the Prime Minister are understood to have expressed their reservation over the mere warning given to the Jayalalitha Government. The Centre however, feels that the warning would act as the Damocles sword over Jayalalitha and she can ill afford to make another mistake now. It has also sought strict action against the police officers who manhandled the Central Ministers. A police source in Tamil Nadu says the entire force is irritated over the politicians using them as shuttlecocks. He points out that what should have been a normal arrest turned out to be a major dramatic event with television cameras blowing the episode out of proportion. Unlike what is being projected, both the police and the DMK leader were prepared for the midnight exercise. Or how else does one explain Karunanidhi walking to the police station in his lungi and white shirt with his pen neatly pinned on his front pocket? Midnight drama at North Block More on midnight dramas. It was not confined to the southern metropolis alone, with New Delhi and Mumbai too staging late night
shows. Strangely, though, the chief protagonist of this two-act play was also a Tamil — UTI chief P.S. Subramanyam. The suspension of the country’s largest mutual fund scheme US-64 evoked severe backlashes from all and sundry, including a visibly distressed Finance Minister, who told journalists on Tuesday morning (a day after the chilling announcement came) that the working of the UTI will be reviewed. More, however, was to follow later, and hardly had senior Finance Ministry officials packed for the day, they were summoned again to North Block to brainstorm on the immediate course of action. According to North Block insiders a half-asleep Subramanyam was shaken out of his slumber — literally — with directives from the Finance Ministry to put in his papers immediately. The UTI big boss, like a duty-bound soldier in the barracks, drove down to his New Marine Lines office in Mumbai to fax in his resignation. If on Monday night, millions of investors spent sleepless nights, it was the turn of the UTI chief to stir up to a new dawn — a bit of soul searching and job hunting.
Ever heard of ‘stick economy’? This type of economy remains most important to India and Pakistan even as the two countries race towards ‘click economy’, giving a short shift to their traditional ‘brick economy.’ Though a lecture in memory of Devi Lal could hardly have been an opportunity to talk economy, Pakistan’s High Commissioner to India Ashraf Jehangir Qazi did so, drawing attention towards the Tau’s contribution to strengthening the ‘stick economy’ which sustains agrarian states of India and Pakistan. The High Commissioner pointed out that though focus was again shifting to brick economy after ‘click economy’s’ bubble burst, the economic bedrock of South Asia continued to be the ‘stick economy’ (the symbol stick comes from plough). Devi Lal proved that the one who serves farmers can be a leader too, Mr Qazi said paying tributes to the kisan leader. Asserting that Devi Lal was not unknown across the border, Qazi said the two countries should have more leaders like him.
Limelight party With so much happening on Kashmir, Prof Bhim Singh’s Panthers Party is peeved that it has no role in the entire exercise. Not one to be left out, the ingenious politician struck upon a novel idea to be in the news. An advocate from his party filed a first information report on the disappearance of Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah. Though it is learnt that Abdullah is in London with his family, the Panthers Party made a hue and cry about his missing from the scene. The party claimed that the J and K leader was last seen on June 2 and there was no trace of him after that. It sought the help of the intelligence agencies in tracing him. While this stunt has brought the Panthers Party into the limelight, it has also highlighted the insignificant role of Dr Abdullah in Kashmir affairs. The All-Party Hurriyat Conference has managed to make more waves than him.
Censoring Bhandari Remember Romesh Bhandari, controversial former Governor of Uttar Pradesh. He would have been back in the news but for a last minute intervention from the present Government. Bhandari, who was also a former Foreign Secretary, was invited by the hosts of the show, Talk Back, in Doordarshan. The topic chosen was the events in Tamil Nadu and the forthcoming summit talks between India and Pakistan. It was felt that Bhandari was eminently placed both as Governor and Foreign Secretary to speak on both subjects. True to his style the former Governor, who is also a Congress politician, was forthright in his views. The popular programme with Romesh Bhandari as the focal point and hosted by the Editor of a leading national daily, was blacked out. The authorities preferred to show another programme that was canned earlier and which in the present context was rather insipid and out of context. Guess what ruling party members have to say on this? It was only a fortnight ago that they were talking about the dark days of the Emergency. (Contributed by Satish Misra, T.V. Lakshminarayan, Prashant Sood and Gaurav Choudhury). |
Visit to give old Delhi a facelift AS a senior colleague commented there seems to be no dearth of media focus on racy political happenings, and with that trend the rest of the news and news-makers get pushed into the background: “A full week got dedicated to happenings in Nepal and then Ms Jayalalitha and her men took away another two days and now Gen Pervez Musharraf is on the scene and a good 10 days will be reserved just for him and him alone ..” This observation sums up the hype getting created here — Doordarshan and other channels are setting up studios /centres in Delhi and Agra for live coverage, media teams have already been sent to Srinagar to report on the mood of the general public in the valley; newspaper space is getting blocked by details of the size of the Daryaganj haveli where Pervez Musharraf spent his early years, or those details of where he would be lodged; the length and width of the hotel suite complete with that balcony with a view, of Taj Mahal..…. We seem to be getting impatient and going completely overboard with all those details and just in case the talks don’t really materialise along the so called peace process lines there will be added disappointment. Or fury. Or both. Whilst on one hand we are being fed on those frills that Begum Sehba Musharraf loves Kashmiri cuisine have we bothered to know that certain districts in J&K are affected by drought, or for that matter though there is much focus on the ongoing tussle between MLAs of the Old Delhi area on the money getting spent on the cleaning spree of the Daryaganj locality, have we bothered to know why Old Delhi continues to be a notified slum area ... housing some lakhs. This historic area has been officially reduced to slum status. And in keeping with our strange hypocritical attitude it is now getting spruced up when the General and his entourage would be spending few minutes in those lanes. Similar efforts are on at New Delhi’s Basti Nizamuddin where the dargah of Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia is situated. The General is likely to visit the dargah for “fatiya” and short of widening the lanes the rest of the bandobasts are on …. And at this stage it is difficult to comment whether the mood is upbeat or not really so vis-a-vis the General’s impending visit. The general attitude is laced with that typical “just maybe” … sort of sentiments — is that though nothing substantial is likely to be attained yet lets give this Indo Pak summit a chance. North-East sidelined Meanwhile, unfortunate it may seem but many other developments are getting sidelined. The sentiments of the people of the North-East, where the spark of unrest has been ignited and the aftermath has begun. Talk to any person from the North-East and he sounds disgusted by the divisive political games being played. Then, though the very recent developments in Tamil Nadu go out to prove that the politician misuses the civil servant yet the IAS and IPS associations have been mum. None of these associations (Central and nor those at the state levels) have spoken out against the political circus. Yes, Jayalalitha went overboard but correct me if I am wrong that with the change of every Prime Minister or for that matter change of every Chief Minister witch-hunting of a more subtle kind takes place, where the favourites are given top slots and the rest made to stand on that bench out there .... Whilst on this, the latest is that NC Saxena — the senior-most bureaucrat in the country who has been bypassed for the CS post — has gone on long leave. The man has written so very extensively on rioting (to be more precise highlighted government machinery’s partial role in trying to control it), on environment and development issues and yet the fact remains that the man has been bypassed for very obvious political reasons. So whilst Jayalalitha indulged in blatant misuse of power at the state level, the Centre here is doing it in a more discreet fashion. And with accountability to none these subtle and blatant games would go on …. . And before moving on let also add that I have had the privilege of interviewing the former Governor of Tamil Nadu, Ms Fathima Beevi, who also happens to be the first woman judge of the Supreme Court of India. And in the last 15 years one has interviewed over a hundred personalities but only a handful have left an impact. She’s been one of them. In fact, during the interview she checked and cross-checked each word and sentence she had spoken and sensing that I was getting impatient she had stressed that that’s always been a habit with her. With that backdrop to have faltered as Governor seems rather unlikely. In fact, before this entire drama there was talk of her being removed, for the Centre wanted one of its own men to rein in Ms Jayalalitha. Another
departure Another ‘prominent ‘who left New Delhi last week was Mike Wooldridge — special correspondent and bureau chief with the BBC. It could have been termed a routine transfer but, no, not really so — because his wife, Ruth, will be missed by hundreds of families. Ruth, a trained nurse and a volunteer with ‘Cansupport’, was one of those who looked after the terminally ill cancer patients right till their end came. “About 400 terminally ill patients died with us ….. after their families had either deserted them or couldn’t really cope with the ongoing sorrow. ‘Cansupport’ volunteers took on the responsibility of looking after them right till the end came”, she told me at a farewell lunch hosted by Rani and Vijay Shankar Dass. And though Vijay is better known as Salman Rushdie’s lawyer, spouse Rani is one of those activists whose film on the condition of under-trials in our jails has left a lasting impact on my psyche. It was screened here at the British Council and I very strongly suggest that more and more of us view it for it shows the hapless state of the under-trials. Mind you, over 70 per cent of them are innocent yet they sit stuffed in those hell holes. |
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