Tuesday, January 2, 2001, Chandigarh, India
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Elected coterie More teeth for EC Welcome rain |
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DHR MODEL OF GOVERNANCE Nepal needs to learn a lesson
The Red Fort (in)security LCA prototype to fly in Jan
Music lover preserves fading melodies
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DHR MODEL OF GOVERNANCE INDIA has adopted the Westminster style of democracy. Its important characteristics such as a multiple party system, periodic elections, adult franchise, separation of the legislature, the executive and the judiciary etc deal more with form than with the content of democracy. They constitute a necessary but not sufficient condition to characterise a system democratic in the real sense of the term. The essence of democracy lies in the nature of relationship between the people and the ruling elite. A system can be said to have acquired democratic essence only if the ruling elite is in true empathy with the masses and strives constantly to actualise their needs and aspirations in as concrete a form as possible. In India, one notices an ever-widening hiatus, a yawning gap between the form and content of democracy. The tension between form and content has reached a critical point in several states. Haryana provides a glaring example of this. It is easier to understand the phenomenon with the help of Haryana as here everything is done in the most unabashed and uninhibited style. It would be charitable to characterise the model of governance in Haryana as dynastic. A dynasty operates within certain constraints and it acquires certain norms as it has a long-term perspective to perpetuate itself. Haryana’s model can be best called ‘direct home rule’ (DHR) — a rule by a few members of a family where the state is treated as a fiefdom and the state capital becomes a mere extension of one’s farmhouse or a branch of one’s trading concern. Resources of the state are treated as God-given booty which are geared for private accumulation as quickly as possible. Servility of those who are down below in the administrative hierarchy, a concerted attempt to subvert and bypass constitutional structures and democratic norms to establish a direct rapport with the masses, snuffing out every possibility of dissidence in the ruling party and striking terror in the minds of the opposition to ensure its silence are some of the major traits of this model of governance. The case of the former DGP of Haryana, Mr S.P.S. Rathore, provides a telling example of this servility syndrome. The gruesome details of the Ruchika molestation case, her subsequent suicide, the relentless persecution of her family resulting in its virtual disintegration are too well known to bear repetition. But for the heroic resolve of an exceptionally valiant couple — Madhu Prakash and Anand Prakash — to seek justice and the leading role played by The Tribune to highlight the case, it would have been buried under the mighty politico-bureaucratic callousness. The request made by the CBI, the National Human Rights Commission and several other human rights bodies to remove Mr Rathore from his position in the interest of free and fair investigation failed to move the State Government. It stood behind Rathore like a rock. However, the judgement of the Special Magistrate condoning the delay in filing the charge-sheet against Mr Rathore created a disturbing situation for the Government. Even then, he was not placed under suspension. He was merely asked to proceed on long leave. The Tribune Editor in a signed front-page editorial (Dec. 5) on the case talked of the “vital issue of dharma” and “the morality of action or inaction”. However, the concepts of dharma, morality and propriety are alien to a feudal sensibility tinged with modern covetousness and megalomania. The more servile, supine and spineless a vassal, the dearer he is to the ruling baron. (Rathore, at a important police function recently at Madhuban, Karnal, read out as DGP a poem singing glories of the Chief Minister’s son!) The treatment being meted out to the village panchayats in Haryana these days provides an example of a calculated design to bypass a constitutional institution. The Panchayati Raj is a creature of the Indian Constitution. The Haryana Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, clearly defines the functions and duties of the gram panchayats. In spite of the bureaucratic control and interference in various ways, the Act invests the panchayats with enough powers to undertake or supervise a host of development works in the fields of agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry, dairying, poultry, piggery, fisheries, social and farm forestry, rural and cottage industries, drinking water supply, maintenance of tanks and ponds, rural sanitation, public health and family welfare, women and child development and so on. Besides the grants received from the State Government, a gram panchayat has the power to impose a special tax on the members of the gram sabha for any public work of general utility. A gram panchayat also raises revenue by leasing out panchayat land, selling forest produce on it and renting out shops etc constructed by it. If implemented seriously, the idea of gram panchayat can lead to flowering of grassroot level democracy. A few states have done remarkably well in this regard. However, any democratic institution is anathema to the rulers in the DHR model of governance and must be subverted as far as possible. Thus, the Haryana Government through an executive order decided to have a gram vikas samiti (village development council) in every village to undertake development work. If this largely nominated body has to carry out development activity and handle the funds for this, what is left for the constitutional body of the gram panchayat to do? It automatically loses its raison d’etre. This act of the Haryana Government has let loose a veritable hell on the countryside. Rural Haryana is seething with dissension and at places, violent clashes have occurred. The elected members of gram panchayats have not taken kindly to the move to deprive them of powers conferred on them by the Constitution. There are speculations about the real intentions of the ruling set-up. Some believe that the provision of a paid job in every samiti with a monthly salary of Rs 2500 will enable the ruling party to oblige several thousand of its activists and supporters. However, this purpose could have been served by creating similar posts in gram panchayats. Therefore, the real purpose seems to be to subvert a constitutional body and render the elected representatives redundant and to carry out development work in the village through a body controlled by the rulers at the top of the social pyramid. If the logic is extended a little further, a body can be created to take over most of the functions of the State Assembly. Unfortunately, this move of the Haryana Government has not evoked sufficient concern among social scientists, political activists and the media. How far this move is constitutionally valid and capable of standing the scrutiny of law is for legal pundits to ponder over. Systematic efforts have been made to snuff out dissidence in the ruling party. All powers are concentrated at the top and the elected legislators and ministers have to act as humble petitioners to get small favours. There are bizarre stories doing the rounds about the use of strong-arm methods to silence some legislators who have a potential for dissidence. Even small matters like the presidentship of a municipal committee or headship of a university department are referred to the top and decided at that level. The opposition has been bullied into silence by launching legal cases against important opposition leaders. The charges range from amassing wealth through unfair means to being an accomplice to murder. This is not to suggest that the opposition leaders are all angels. However, there is a calculated strategy to buy peace with some garrulous noise-makers on the other side of the fence. And the strategy seems to have succeeded. Those who regularly shot arrows at the ruling satraps are now seen sulking in silence. The best example of the DHR model of governance in Haryana is provided by the ‘Sarkar Aap Ke Dawar’ (government at your doorstep) conclaves. The Chief Minister regularly presides over the village gatherings with a retinue of bureaucrats, area legislators and party functionaries. The gatherings very much resemble a medieval court with a retinue of courtiers and a crowd of supplicants. The only personage missing is the official jester. Demands for the construction of rooms in the village school, a link road, sheds in the cremation ground, a village chaupal, a sports stadium, culverts on the canal, old-age homes, paving the village streets, brick-lining the water channels and a host of other things are put forth and granted on the spot or rejected, depending on the mood of the boss. One thing is worth noting at these conclaves. If the local legislator or an important party functionary displays overt interest in projecting a demand, he is brushed aside with a contemptuous gesture and the demand goes unheeded. If the same demand is presented by the villagers without the help of any intermediary, it is readily granted. Sometimes the demands granted involve a sizeable expenditure running into lakhs of rupees. Should a modern ruler assess the development needs of the state as a whole with the help of expert committees and then mobilise resources to undertake development works, fixing due priorities at the state level? Alternatively, should he, like a medieval baron, occasionally hold public court and grant largesses on the spot? Answers of these questions have a direct bearing on the democratic process. The DHR model of governance in Haryana seems to be working to the utter satisfaction of the power wielders at the top of the social pyramid. The top is keen to establish a direct rapport with the base, making redundant the midriff of the pyramid, comprising party functionaries at different levels and the opposition ranks. Even constitutional institutions can be bypassed or subverted if they prove to be irritants. The effort seems to be succeeding eminently. There is complete peace in the state. Not a leaf stirs without the approving nod from the top. However, there is a snag in the whole paradigm. In a democratic set-up, howsoever defective it may be, it is always the midriff provided by the party structure that mediates between the top and the base of the pyramid. And the opposition acts as a safety valve and a necessary corrective mechanism. If this midriff is weakened and rendered fragile beyond a point by snuffing out dissent both in the ruling party and the opposition by taking recourse to punitive administrative measures, the top can tumble at any time. |
Nepal needs to learn a lesson WHILE Nepal slides back to normalcy after all the violence and furore over a Hrithik Roshan remark that never was, the authorities there ought to do a lot of soul-searching. They may not have the courage of conviction to offer an apology to India and Indians, but they should at least have a guilty conscience. The way they allowed themselves to become a helpless pawn in the hands of a few mischief-makers made an ugly spectacle, to say the least. That there is a strong anti-India lobby in the Himalayan kingdom is an old hat. That the ISI and the underworld are using its territory for targeting India is also no secret. The real unfortunate part is that the government played into their hands. Without verifying whether Hrithik Roshan had made an anti-Nepal remark or not, it “ordered” him to offer an unconditional apology or else…. Private citizens may be forgiven for going on the rampage on a mere rumour, but a government is expected to behave in a more responsible manner. And yet, to appease a few leftist students and some disgruntled elements within his party, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala gave credence to the mischievous rumour thus projecting it as truth. With egg on its face, should not his government now apologise to Hrithik Roshan instead? Reacting to a media fabrication in such an unfriendly manner was not the only unexpected gesture. Nepal went beyond that during those hate-filled days. It displayed a lack of maturity and resilience expected of a country with which we have had such old bonds. For arguments sake, let us suppose that Hrithik had indeed made the offending remark, that he hated Nepal and Nepalese. Should that have become the cause of such anti-India mania that was on show? Everyone is free to hold his own opinion. More so if he is a private citizen like Hrithik, who is not a government functionary at all. Supposing you visit 10 countries and reach the conclusion that your stay in Nepal was the worst. If you say so in so many words, should that be considered an insult to a nation? Leave alone private citizens, even government functionaries ought to be allowed that much of liberty. US President Bill Clinton has gone on record to say that during his foreign visits, perhaps the best food he ever had was at New Delhi. He had every right to say exactly the opposite also. God forbid, if he had said that the food in Delhi was the worst, should riots have broken out here and should Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee have asked him to apologise? Such an outburst emanating from Kathmandu only reveals an undesirable persecution complex and nervousness. What has India done to earn it? In fact, it has been going more than half way to befriend Nepal. More than four million Nepalese live and work here. Its goods are also allowed free entry. All those are marks of good neighbourliness, not a big brother attitude. There is a fairly large hostile section in India also which feels that New Delhi has been unduly appeasing some of its neighbours. The alarming possibility is that the hate campaign in Nepal may provoke hotheads on this side of the border to retaliate in kind. The shouts of a fringe group not to allow Monisha Koirala’s films to run here are a consequence of the Kathmandu madness. The Indian Government is duty-bound to curb such activities, not encourage them through tacit support. The role of the Nepalese government has to be similar. A TV channel interviewed several Nepalese after the breakout of violence there. They spewed venom about India for the strangest of reasons. Some said that India wrongly accused a Nepali of being involved in the hijacking of an Indian Airlines plane to Kandahar. Another was angry that India wrongly criticised Nepal for lax security at the airport. Yet another castigated New Delhi for alleging that Chinese goods were coming into India via Nepal. All this only strengthens the feeling that the Nepalese are seeing ghosts where none exist. No doubt, a Nepali was unnecessarily suspected but just as Hrithik can be wrongly accused of anti-Nepal tirade, intelligence agencies too can go wrong in the heat of the moment while unravelling as complex a mystery as a hijack. Anyone who has visited Tribhovan international airport before the hijacking will vouchsafe that security there was a sham. And as far as the entry of Chinese goods is concerned, who does not know that the Indo-Nepalese open border is being grossly misused! And this is not a new development. Illegal trade has been going on for decades. Calling a spade a spade is hardly a crime. It goes to the credit of India that it has neither closed the border nor curbed the entry of Nepalese citizens despite facing many difficulties. The fact of the matter is that India has been used as the favourite whipping boy for long. Political parties of Nepal — like those of Pakistan — try to hide their own shortcomings by blaming India for everything. The Nepali Prime Minister’s archrival Mr K.P. Bhattarai has gone to the extent of saying that the students are protesting because India supports Mr Koirala! Leftist student organisations are pursuing their own rabid anti-India agenda at the instance of Beijing. The innocent public does not have the means to distinguish between fact and fiction. Small wonder that the ISI and the Pakistan-based mafia have found the situation ripe for targeting India. They are only doing what they are paid to do. Not being able to counter the mischief is a failure of Indian agencies working there. India happens to be much larger than its neighbours and that cannot be helped, although Pakistan is working to a plan to fragment it somehow. However, India does not have to be apologetic about its size. If being bigger means being constantly called a big bully despite bending over backwards every now and then, so be it. In fact, the ferocity of the violence in Nepal should wake up New Delhi to the harsh realities. The Christian maxim of offering the other cheek when the first is slapped is all very well, but to keep on smiling while you are being slapped left and right can be misconstrued. Remember the bloody nose we got in Kargil as a consequence of our eagerness to smoothen the way for the Lahore bus yatra! It takes two to shake hands. |
The Red Fort (in)security “ No one who is conversant with the layout of the historic fort, the number of units located in it and the unhindered stream of tourists and other visitors who frequent the fort daily, can disagree with what Mr Fernandes has said. This writer, who was serving in 4 Guards when this battalion was located in Red Fort from 1957 to 1959, can vouch for this from personal experience. Not only that, I would go a step further to say that this is the most insecure and inappropriate location that an infantry battalion can have in a peace station. Granted that both the Lahori Gate (the main entrance) and the Delhi Gate have armed guards to keep a watch on the inflow of visitors. But it is virtually impossible to frisk hundreds of them every day. Any such search can only be carried out selectively and that too on suspicion, otherwise it would give a very wrong impression to the genuine tourists, especially the foreigners, who come all the way to Delhi to visit the Red Fort. Besides, a “sound and light show” is also held daily from 7.30 p.m. to 8.30 p.m. in the Red Fort, which is witnessed by a sizeable number of people who come to Delhi. If one started searching them all, quite a number of them will miss the show. And this measure will drive the tourists away from this historic building. All in all, the enforcing of stringent security checks on entry into the Red Fort will defeat the very purpose of the public visiting this monument. Inside and beneath the ramparts of the Lahori Gate, there are curio shops on both sides of the road which attract a large number of tourists. All the traders who run these shops live outside the fort. From all this, one can imagine how loose is the security inside the fort. The main occupant of the Red Fort is the infantry battalion that provides ceremonial guards at Rashtrapati Bhavan, besides providing guards of honour to the visiting foreign dignitaries at Rashtrapati Bhavan as well as at the airport. Generally, two rifle companies from this battalion are located at Rashtrapati Bhavan for these duties. At times, when there is a rush of foreign dignitaries, the strength of troops at Rashtrapati Bhavan is increased to three rifle companies. Since two companies at Rashtrapati Bhavan are administered by the battalion headquarters from Red Fort, there is a lot of movement of vehicles between both places almost every day through congested area like Darya Ganj, which can easily be avoided if the entire unit is located at Rashtrapati Bhavan. The purpose of locating the battalion in Red Fort is that some troops are always available to be deployed for internal security (IS) duties at short notice. Going by the rules, the Army should be called out for IS duties only when the situation goes beyond the control of the state police as well as the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). Besides, there are other forces, like the Rapid Action Force (RAF), which are readily available to control the situation. The Army, if still required at a later stage, can always come to the place of unrest from Delhi Cantonment. The other units located in Red Fort are a platoon of the Army Service Corps (ASC), a unit of the Corps of Military Police (CMP), a workshop detachment of the Electrical and Mechanical Engineering (EME) and a section of the Station Health Organisation. Apart from this, there is an interrogation cell of Military Intelligence. The staff of the Archaeological Survey of India is also there to take care of structures like Diwan-e-Khas, Diwan-e-Aam, Rang Mahal etc. There is no clear demarcation between the units, other organisations and the residential areas. It is, therefore, difficult to keep a tab on the movement of visitors, leave alone detecting a stranger or an unfamiliar face. The Station Staff Officer (SSO) Red Fort along with his staff was also located there at the Delhi Gate. This writer is not sure whether the SSO’s office is still in the premises of the Red Fort. Storming of a historic monument of such a great importance by the terrorists and that too in the national capital affects the morale of the nation and brings a bad name to the Army which is entrusted with its security. Was the Army waiting for the shooting incident to occur before realising that the security scenario in the Red Fort was far from satisfactory? It has become a habit with us as a nation to sleep over things and wake up just for a short while when something shocking happens before falling into a heavy slumber again. Haven’t we yet realised that this habit is costing us dearly and is also defaming us? All said and done, before we experience another more serious and ghastly happening in Red Fort as we have been experiencing at the Corps Headquarters in Srinagar, we should carry out a realistic appraisal of the security situation in Red Fort to plug the loopholes. In any case, there is no requirement to locate an infantry battalion in Red Fort. This battalion should, therefore, be shifted to the place of its duty at the Rashtrapati Bhavan complex. |
LCA prototype to fly in Jan THE first prototype of India’s indigenously developed multi-role fighter, the light combat aircraft (LCA), will fly in the first week of January, officials say. The Rs 30 billion project of prestige, bogged down by U.S. sanctions in the aftermath of India’s 1998 nuclear tests, is expected to take off with the first prototype after another 60 to 70 hours of taxi trials. “We have completed 200 hours of taxi trials and we should be able to fly it in the first week of January. We are certain about this,” a senior official of the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA), who did not want to be named, said. Dismissed as a “white elephant” and heavily criticised by a Parliamentary Committee, the LCA has treaded a tortuous path of all kinds of delays before being cleared by the Centre for Military Airworthiness and Certificate recently. The first prototype will be followed by three other prototypes, apart from one trainer and one for the Navy. The flying of the first prototype means that its induction into the Indian Air Force to replace the ageing Mig-21s would take another seven years, four years behind its original schedule. That is when production is expected to begin. But “it will be better than the F-16s (which Pakistan has) in its final form. For a fighter, full-scale engine development will begin from the day it starts flying. We have a lot of design goals that will make it up to date,” the official adds. Originally scheduled to fly in June, 1995, the tail-less, delta winged, digital, fly-by wire prototype, resembling the Swedish JAS Gripen, has inputs from scientists and aeronautical engineers belonging to over 100 research and defence centres in the country. It would become the second indigenously produced fighter after Marut (HF-24).It is configured to carry indigenous ASTRA medium range air-to-air missile (being developed by DRDL, Hyderabad), close combat missiles and an integral (23 mm) cannon in order to survive electronic warfare and jamming. It is being fitted with an electronic counter-counter measure (ECCM) developed by the Advanced System Integration and Evaluation Organisation (ASIEO), part of the Aeronautical Development Establishment (ADE), Bangalore.The first setback for the project came when the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs delayed its approval until 1993 for the Rs 21.18 billion project. The amount was later revised to Rs 30 billion a couple of years later. S.R. Valluri and Raj Mahindra of the ADA quit the project over differences with the then Scientific Adviser to the Defence Minister, Dr V.S. Arunachalam. In 1998, the project suffered the second major, almost debilitating, setback when a dozen Indian scientists, led by Dr K.G. Narayan, developing the software for the flight control system, were sent back from Lockheed Martin following the U.S. sanctions in the post-Pokhran situation. The U.S. embargo on the sale of GE-F400 engine to power the three prototypes became another hurdle for the project. The fourth would come from GTRE, Bangalore. The first prototype is now expected to fly with a GE-F404 engine that was bought before the sanctions were imposed. The indigenously developed Kaveri turbofan engine, which would be used in the LCA, has been tested in India and Russia. The LCA was estimated to cost $22 million each — down by $10 million compared to other aircraft in its class — when the then Scientific Adviser to the Defence Minister, Mr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, invited collaborators for production and marketing to bring down the cost of aircraft. It was expected to be priced at $15 million after international collaborators like British Aerospace, SAAB and Northrop of the USA came up for integration of the weapons systems and sensors and to globally market the fighter. The proposal was based on the projection that Asian and African countries would require 8,000 fighters in the next two decades. But the sanctions prevented all these plans. |
Music lover preserves fading melodies REALISING that the deep-throated, melodious voices of the women who livened the “mehfils” (soirees) of Benaras of yesteryear are beginning to fade into obscurity, one man has made it his mission to keep the memory alive for now, even if not for posterity. One old house in this ancient town, which used to be known as Benaras, is full of echoes of the past. Krishna Kumar Rastogi, the principal of a primary school here, has over three decades built up a personal collection of the audio recordings of the courtesans who sang in the “thumri”, “tappa” and “khayal” styles. One room in Rastogi’s home is reminiscent of the erstwhile “mehfils,” with paintings of famous musicians and courtesans adorning the walls. “I loved listening to ‘thumri’ by Tara Devi, daughter of the one time popular Rageshwari Bai, but could not manage to get her records. This led me to capture not only her voice but also that of the other ‘tawaifs’ (courtesans) for posterity,” Rastogi, who boasts a collection of 150 such voices, told India Abroad News Service. Mummy with wooden toe As if building the great pyramids was not enough of an accomplishment, the ancient Egyptians may have pioneered the techniques of amputation as well. German researchers have identified a mummy whose big toe may have been amputated and replaced with a functioning prosthesis. The mummy, a woman who was probably 50 to 55 when she died, was found in a tomb dating from 1065 to 740 BC, in the necropolis (cemetery) of what was once the capital of ancient Egypt. This is not the first mummy with a prosthetic limb to be discovered, but the lastest find differs in an important way, according to a team of researchers at Ludwing-Maximilians-University in Munich led by Dr Andreas G. Nerlich. They note that in the other mummies, replacement toes, forearms and other parts appear to have been added after death, probably to prepare the mummies for the afterlife. But in the newly discovered mummy, a layer of tissue, including skin, had grown over the site of the amputation, according to a report in the December 23/30 issue of the medical journal The Lancet. This suggests that the toe was amputated when the mummified woman was still alive, the researchers note. — (Reuters) 11 new viruses discovered A worrisome new virus that cannot be neutralised by the existing vaccines has put researchers on their toes. Work was on how to fight the virus which affects kidneys, Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) Director General Prof N. K. Ganguly has said. The ICMR chief also revealed that 11 new viruses had been discovered in India in the recent past. Efforts were on to develop vaccines for the new viruses. However, the discovery of new viruses and strain has underlined the need for scientists to continuously monitor infections, he said. Listing out some of the achievements of Indian scientists, particularly in molecular epidemiology, he said researchers have been able to indigenously solve the mystery behind the mass dying of vultures. Three viruses were initially identified as the cause behind these deaths and the Vigna virus was zeroed in on as the main cause of the death of nature’s scavengers. — (PTI) Most avid surfers Hong Kong people are the world’s most avid web surfers, international media research company, AC Nielsen, says. The firm tracked the surfing habits of Internet users in 18 countries in October and found that Hong Kong people spend an average of 10 hours and 13 minutes a month on the net. The average net surfer in the USA spent 10 hours and four minutes a month, while Canada came third clocking eight hours and 58 minutes a month. But the research company believed Americans were generally more mature surfers than people in Hong Kong, which explained why they spent less time on the net. “In these formative stages, they (Hong Kong surfers) are still learning how to use the Net as an information tool,” said the managing director of AC Nielsen eRatings.com, Hugh Bloch, in a statement. Bloch said US surfers were refining their habits and going to fewer sites but remaining on them for longer periods of time. — (Reuters) |
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