E D I T O R I A L   P A G E

EDITORIALS

Politics of violence
BANDHS, violence and intimidation are nothing new for West Bengal. In fact, these have become an integral part of everyday life there. But the upsurge in the ferocity of such incidents during the recent past is cause for serious concern. In the latest happening 11 supporters of the Trinamool Congress have been killed in a clash with CPM and Forward Bloc activists over the sowing of paddy in a village in Birbhum district. 

Shahenshah Patnaik!
REPORTS from Bhubaneswar indicate that Orissa Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik literally went "wild" on the occasion of Vijay Divas. While a grateful nation was busy paying solemn tributes to the Kargil heroes the Chief Minister was reportedly attending a grand picnic, that too at the reserved Chandaka elephant sanctuary. 

OPINION

Early death risk higher for ‘night babies’
LONDON, July 28 — Babies born at night have a higher risk of dying in the first few days of life than other infants, possibly because hospital night staff is less experienced or overworked, German scientists said today.

ON THE SPOT

Political suicide by Bhujbal
by Tavleen Singh
ABSURD as it may sound, there is only one logical explanation for Chhagan Bhujbal’s role in the arrest fiasco that had Mumbai living on its nerves for a week: he was trying to help Bal Thackeray. Everyone says they are sworn enemies but as an ardent Thackeray acolyte, during the many years he spent in the Sena, he must have retained a residue of fondness for his former master. Or why would he have done so much to pump life back into an organisation that till last week had seemed to be verging on its death throes.

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

An unholy clash 

A PERSONALITY clash and political mismanagement have thrown up an explosive non-issue. The Jethmalani “bombshell”, as media men excitedly termed the charges, is obviously somewhat innocuous if not a damp squib. Angry accusations and their rebuttals are top-drawer news if they involve public affairs or vital political issues. What former Law Minister Ram Jethmalani has finally said against Attorney General Soli Sorabjee either belongs to esoteric legal ethics or is a minor procedural matter. Hence the collective yawn. The BJP-led government could have defused the situation but as usual it proved that its reflexes are very slow. The first link in the chain of events is the discourtesy the Prime Minister showed to a senior and competent, if unpredictable, Minister. He should have called him in and told him of the government’s hurt feeling on the developing face-off between the executive and the judiciary. He would have resigned and the government would have looked thoughtful and tough. Another opportunity went abegging in Parliament on Thursday. The Prime Minister should have declined to disclose private talks with his Cabinet colleagues and as for the charges briskly doing the rounds, he should have said that he was not interested in wasting the time of the House in answering rumours. The present set-up would do well with the infusion of quick thinking. Mr Jethmalani’s complaints and insinuations do not merit the high-voltage media exposure they have got. Take his strained relations with Dr A.S. Anand, the Chief Justice of India (CJI), which he says were cordial otherwise. He asked for a note from the CJI on a land case which his wife had won in successive courts. The latter thought that the Minister had leaked the news to a newspaper and used the published report to needle him. Two, he appointed a retired Chief Justice to head a commission and the CJI protested to the Prime Minister that he was not consulted but he stood his ground and ruled out the need for consultation. The friction between the two was worsening. The CJI gave vent to his feelings during the hearing on the Srikrishna committee findings when he virtually called the government uncivilised and lacking in collective responsibility. The barricade went up and the former Minister responded with a searing remark. In any compact Cabinet all this must have been common knowledge and a mature way to deal with the consequence must have naturally evolved. It was absent and so a misunderstanding between two tough-minded men exploded as a crisis. A system is only as good as its firefighting team. His litany of hurts against Mr Sorabjee is so feeble that it did not deserve a reply, much less the sharp riposte that it actually got.

Despite efforts by aggressive reporters and confused opposition to fan the personal feud, it will go away on its own. It was a flash and does have the fuel to sustain it. But it has some urgent lessons. The government should revamp its strategy department and it is not difficult. It should try to be one step ahead of the opposition and that means homework. There is a thing called a second string to the bow; in the present case there is not even a first string. This is evident in the official reaction to the charges. It would not do to “completely dissociate itself” from what the former Minister had said. Also there is clearly a communication gap between the Prime Minister and his senior colleagues. True, he does not have the time to meet every one and discuss every issue but his office can. A streamlined system should enable him to know the highlights and low spirits. As for the opposition, its disruptive tactics point more to its growing irrelevance and weakness than its sense of confidence. In this case it wanted to convert the controversy into a hate triangle by involving the Prime Minister as a party. Stalling parliamentary work for days on end is not the done thing.

Politics of violence

BANDHS, violence and intimidation are nothing new for West Bengal. In fact, these have become an integral part of everyday life there. But the upsurge in the ferocity of such incidents during the recent past is cause for serious concern. In the latest happening 11 supporters of the Trinamool Congress have been killed in a clash with CPM and Forward Bloc activists over the sowing of paddy in a village in Birbhum district. It will be wrong to call it just a clash because more than 2,500 persons reportedly took part in it and lethal weapons were freely used. Charges and counterchanges have been flying thick and fast ever since. While the Railway Minister, Ms Mamata Banerjee, has called it yet another manifestation of the continued "Red terror" and has demanded the imposition of President's rule, Chief Minister Jyoti Basu has countered that the clash was actually incited by her supporters, many of whom were "notorious criminals". He has also accused her of misusing her ministerial position to foment trouble. Such allegations cannot cloud the fact that the law and order situation has been going from bad to worse in the state. The virus of violence is already well-entrenched in Midnapore, Hooghly and Bankura and more and more districts are coming in its tentacles. Both sides have the capability to cause disruption and exploit it to the fullest extent possible. That the battle is purely political is obvious. Narrow interests have ensured that it gets degenerated into physical violence. The CPM is rattled by its defeat in the Panskura Lok Sabha poll and the Calcutta Corporation election and is indeed taking it out on the supporters of the Trinamool Congress.

That is not to suggest that Mamatadi's men are paragons of virtue and nonviolence. They are mostly in the same mould as the volatile supporters of the ruling party. It is just that one expects more responsible behaviour from the CPM because it happens to hold the reins of power. Since it has never displayed such maturity, it does not behove the CPM to accuse Ms Banerjee of misusing her position. It only gives the impression that the cadre is rattled by the string of reverses. And since the CPM has been organising bandhs and rallies at the drop of a hat, inconveniencing the public no end, its charge against Ms Banerjee that she held a recent rally without seeking permission rings hollow. The fact of the matter is that neither side shows any concern for the plight of the common man who suffers in an equal measure when either of them puts up a show of strength. The killing of 11 supporters in Birbhum will also predictably lead to one or more bandhs. The atmosphere is so surcharged that it may trigger yet another wave of violence. West Bengal is hardly in a position to bear such repeated disruptions. All parties will have ample opportunities to display their strength during the Assembly elections scheduled for June next year. Meanwhile, can they permit the average Bengali to go about his daily grind without further hassles?

Shahenshah Patnaik!

REPORTS from Bhubaneswar indicate that Orissa Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik literally went "wild" on the occasion of Vijay Divas. While a grateful nation was busy paying solemn tributes to the Kargil heroes the Chief Minister was reportedly attending a grand picnic, that too at the reserved Chandaka elephant sanctuary. By doing what he did Mr Patnaik showed disrespect to the memory of the soldiers and disregard to the principles which have made protection of all forms of wildlife a global movement. His gross conduct should leave no scope for doubt that he is a modern-day Nero, who gave precedence to personal pleasure over matters of state. The emperor was seen playing the fiddle while Rome burnt. Mr Patnaik's behaviour was no better, keeping in mind the recent tragedy at the Nandankanan Zoological Park. Instead of taking personal interest in monitoring the progress of the enquiry into the death of 12 Royal Bengal tigers, Mr Patnaik set a dangerous precedent. by becoming party to a wild picnic inside the elephant sanctuary. A day after the infamous picnic at Chandaka a strange case of the killing of a crocodile was reported from Nandankanan. Someone apparently entered the enclosure, unnoticed by the guards and the keepers, and chopped off the head of a young crocodile. The headless body was sent for post mortem examination before being cremated. The mystery of the missing croc head remained unsolved. After the Chandaka episode any directive from the Chief Minister's office to the zoo authorities at Nandankanan for improving the security of the animals would lack conviction. Mr Patnaik's involvement in the festivities inside the area identified as the sanctuary of elephants was akin to unauthorised entry into someone else's residence without permission or invitation.

The picnic, attended by over 1,000 guests including ministers and even Opposition MLAs, violated a number of provisions of the Wildlife Protection Act. The loud noise made by the guests and the decibel level of the music must have caused panic among the herds of elephants and other wild animals inside the 200 sq km sanctuary. The organisers did not deem it necessary to even inform the wildlife authorities. Of course, ordinary mortals cannot enter the reserved parks and sanctuaries without a valid permit. The forest guards and senior wildlife officials had no option but to remain on duty in blinding rain and provide the necessary creature comforts, under rain-proof tents, to the guests. A forest guard was quoted as having said that how could he stop others from entering the sanctuary when the Chief Minister and the Forest Minister themselves were among those who took part in the picnic. He had evidently not heard the story about the arrest of British Prime Minister Tony Blair's son for drunken behaviour in a public place. Mr Blair and his wife had to present themselves at the police station to receive a formal reprimand for the misconduct of their under-aged son. But Indian politicians and bureaucrats believe that they are above the law of the land. In a country where the rule of law does not spare anyone Mr Patnaik would have been booked for violating the provisions of the Wildlife Act which restrict entry to reserves and sanctuaries to groups and individuals authorised to conduct scientific studies and research. Lighting a fire or throwing food or causing disturbance to the animals attracts a minimum prison term of three years and a fine of Rs 25,000. However, a system which did not register a case of hijacking against "Maharaja" Sharad Yadav and some MPs from Bihar for illegally commandeering a scheduled Lucknow-bound flight to Patna cannot be expected to discover the power to put "Shahenshah" Patnaik and his guests in the clinker for endangering the safety of protected animals through their wild behaviour at Chandaka.

Small Industry in Punjab
Technology policy and modernisation
by Vikram Chand

AS the monster of globalisation prowls on an otherwise vibrant Punjab economy, the State Government has been nervously shaken by a wake-up call. As a sequel, it has responded well by declaring its new technology policy, which pertinently focuses on the situation stemming out the technological decadence of the small industry in the state.

The small scale industrial (SSI) sector has so far provided a strong scuffled to the state economy. Over 90 per cent of the industrial units in the state belong to the SSI sector, absorbing over 80 per cent of the total industrial workforce. Though being capital light this sector accounts for only a little over 20 per cent of the fixed capital formation. Small industry, by its very nature, has proved immensely compatible with the basic agricultural orientation of the state economy. A large number of small units use up agricultural raw materials and also supply agro-inputs and services for the farm sector. This complementary relationship of the SSI sector with agricultural activity in the state has bolstered the states’ phenomenal growth in the recent past.

Apart from this, the SSI sector has traditionally produced a wide array of goods, including machine tools; printing machinery; electrical apparatus and equipment; hand tools; leather and rubber goods; hosiery and knitwear’ cycles and sewing machines; metal manufactures; wood based products and a host of others, which has fulfilled the consumption and production requirements of other sectors of the economy.

Nevertheless, the SSI units are faced with numerous problems, including paucity of funds; absence of professional management and marketing; bottlenecks in an uninterrupted supply of quality raw materials and skilled labour; power interruptions and so on, which impair their capability to compete profitable with large factory production. Besides, their apathy towards strict quality control and mounting technological obsolescence impinge upon the quality of products produced in small units, which renders them uncompetitive in product markets. Due to low profitability and low productivity, consequent upon anachronistic technological standards, the SSIs are constrained to upgrade their existing technological parameters. Thus a vicious syndrome of low profitability and low productivity on the one hand, and technological backwardness on the other, has engulfed the states’ SSI sector. That is why in spite of being the dominant sector in the state, it contributes less than 35 per cent of the industrial production of the state.

Due to the lack of technological dynamism of the SSI sector, it has not only continued to produce substandard goods in the low value added traditional areas, but has also not evinced an initiative to venture into new and futuristic high value added areas of production, which alone would enable this sector to withstand the competitive onslaught from the MNCs and domestic giants in the wake of globalisation and liberalisation. This is so because the new areas of production, including pharmaceuticals; bio-technology computers and a whole lot of IT based goods, happen to be so science oriented and knowledge based that unless the technological frontiers are vigorously pushed forward, it would be impossible for the SSIs to put their stakes into these areas.

New technology development and an exalted technological prowess of the industry will alone hold the key to success in the emerging competitive milieu, for which the SSI sector in the state has to be galvanised meticulously. For accomplishing the task of technological upscaling of the SSI sector, the state will have to play a stellar role, and so the recently announced technology policy is a pertinent initiative in the right direction.

The state will have to play a pioneering role in motivating the small entrepreneur in restructuring the technological base of his production because ample funds need to be afforded to him, besides educating and coaxing him for this challenge. Technological change and innovation process happen to be a long drawn and expensive proposition. particularly in view of the stringent WTO norms, which prevent adaptive and imitative R&D in technology importing country, adequate finances will have to be made available to small entrepreneur and R&D institutions, to cajole them to undertake original research in emerging areas of production.

Given the currently bleak financial position of the state government, even the state itself might find it hard to adequately finance technological change in the SSI sector. Thus, besides providing a threshold level of financial help to small manufacturers for new technology acquisition, the state government can coordinate and judiciously monitor the flow of funds in tandem with central and state financial and non-financial institutions. This is what has been envisioned in Punjab’s new technology policy, besides creating a humble technology upgradation fund of Rs 150 crore for the SSI sector.

A number of schemes and provisions have already been instituted, particularly by the central agencies, for facilitating the technological modernisation of the SSI units, such as Technology Development and Modernisation Fund (TDMF) with a corpus of Rs 200 crore; Technology Upgradation Fund (TUF) of Rs 25000 crore for the textile sector alone; National Equity Fund (NEF); Scheme of Equipment Leasing and Modernisation of the National Small Industries Corporation (NSIC); Technical Consultancy Organisations (TCOs) and Venture Capital Fund (VCF) floated by the IDBI, etc., which can be tactfully harnessed by the Punjab Government for the benefit of modernising small industry in the state. Likewise, most recently, the Study Group on Development of Small Enterprises, set up by the Planning Commission has also recommended the institution of a technology modernisation fund of Rs 5000 crore. The Punjab Government should try to prevail upon the central agencies for the maximum appropriation of such funds for the benefit of SSI units in the state. Besides this, the Punjab Government can itself play a surrogate venture capitalist for the SSIs or even stand guarantee to equity investors in small units on behalf of the latter, for a minimum return or redemption, particularly if the publically raised funds in SSI units are utilised for their technological upscaling. This highly successful British experience of providing a strong financial base for their small industry is worth emulating.

In a nutshell, the state government can play an instrumental role in more ways than one in helping the SSIs to rejuvenate their depleted technological strength. Although the Punjab Government had been showing its concern even in the past for improving the quality of production and production techniques in the SSI sector, yet the whole effort was subject to a piecemeal approach. The government has set up a number of R&D centres and technical service institutes for according state-of-the-art technical support to the SSI units. For example, a chain of Industrial Development Centres (IDCs) and Quality Marking Centres (QMCs) have been set up all across the districts to provide the latest technical knowhow and services to small industry and to enable the small manufacturers to modernise their production methods. To promote research and generate cost effective technologies for the SSIs, various product specific R&D centres have been set up at the places of respective product concentrations in the state. These stand testimony to the efforts of the Punjab Government for upscaling the technologies in the SSI sector.

But subsequently, in the absence of a well defined, comprehensive and a concerted technology policy in the state, aimed at narrowing the interface and strengthening the linkages between the small industry and these centres of excellence for modernising the technological base of the farmer, these technical research and service institutes have largely failed to fulfill their objective. But now since a specific technology policy for the technological rejuvenation of the SSIs has been mooted by the state government to enable this vital sector to take up the challenge of the emerging global economic scenario, it should be ensured that not only ample flow of funds for effecting rapid technological change should be sustained, but it should be an earnest endeavour of the government to forge tenacious linkages and interface between small industry and the existing R&D network in the state.

The writer is associated with the Punjab School of Economics, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar.

White paper on water policy imperative
by T. D. Jagadesan

IT is a welcome development that the Union Government is in the process of finalising a new water policy. Perhaps, it may be out in the near future. But it does not suffice to print ole matter on new paper. Many provisions of the previous water policy adopted in 1987 have not been implemented. People continue to be deprived of drinking water while industries flourish, ground water continues to get depleted, river pollution continues unabated, waterlogging is on the increase and rehabilitation of oustees is still a far dream. It should first be examined why the previous policy has failed. Only then it makes sense to frame a new policy.

The 1987 policy had committed itself to the following priorities in water allocation: (1) Drinking water; (2) Irrigation; (3) Hydro-power; (4) Navigation; and (5) Industrial and other uses. The new draft policy only interchanges the positions of the last two uses. Industry is now placed before navigation.

Despite the commitment to these priorities we find that water from rural areas is being extracted through deep borewells and supplied to cities. In other words, irrigation is being deprived of water in order to feed industries. In Gujarat, industries are extracting water from deep borewells, while adjacent villages are being supplied drinking water by tankers.

In Rajasthan the check dams built by the people to improve irrigation were broken by the Irrigation Department because they were reducing the inflow into the reservoir which supplies domestic and industrial water to Jaipur. Clearly, the water allocation priorities are not being observed on the ground level.

One problem is that the priorities are specified only with respect to water “system”. Since only large water systems such as big dams are cleared by the Central Government. All other “systems”, such as minor irrigation and small dams, essentially remain beyond the purview of the “Central” policy. Borewell owners are not effectively covered by the water allocation priorities mentioned in the policy. It is necessary to explicitly provide that all water systems will follow the priorities.

These priorities, too, need revision. No distinction has been made between “drinking” and “domestic” use of water. Water that is supplied to the cities ostensibly for drinking purposes is used for washing cars and watering lawns. The same water is also used by industries. A solution would be to accord the status of “drinking” water only to that which is supplied at public standposts. All water supplied through private connections should be treated as “domestic” category.

There is a single category of “irrigation”. Distinction is not made between food and cash crops. The result is that large farmers have sunk deep borewells to irrigate non-food crops like grapes, sugarcane and chillies while the wells of small farmers producing wheat and paddy go dry. This hits at both the livelihood of small farmers as well as food security of the country.

Distinction has also not been made between domestic and industrial users who are treating waste water to make it suitable for agriculture use and those who are not. Treated waste water gives better yields than pure water. Presently, industries which are not treating their waste water lay claim on water at par with those that treat their waste water. Similarly, cities which have established water treatment plants are treated at per with those that have not.

Once these considerations are taken into account the revised water allocation priorities, according to a distinguished authority on the subject, would be as follows: i) Drinking water supplied at public standposts; ii) irrigation for food crops; iii) domestic and industrial use where water is being treated for agriculture use; iv) hydro-power and navigation; v) irrigation for cash crops; vi) domestic and industrial uses where water is not being treated for re-use. These priorities should be made applicable not just to large dams but all water — rain, surface and ground water.

The draft policy also fails to grapple seriously with ground water depletion across the country. The 1987 policy acknowledged that ground water extraction should not exceed the recharging that is possible. However, that has not been done. The Supreme Court has recently ruled that the Central Government can intervene in the regulation for ground water despite water being a state subject under our constitution. The Centre has Constituted a ground water authority which has been given the task of taking suitable measures in this direction. This is welcome but it fails to grapple with the task at hand.

The problem is how to go about such regulation. The government is contemplating a licensing approach. Those who wish to establish new borewells will have to procure a licence for the same. These will be issued only in areas which have adequate ground water. This approach is iniquitous. Those small farmers who have not dug borewells yet will now be deprived in perpetuity while large farmers will continue to benefit from borewells sunk earlier. It will also not control the depletion of ground water because the over-extraction from existing borewells will continue unabated. It will open another source of corruption by the government machinery.

Instead of adopting the approach of licensing, the government should consider declaring the maximum depth of the borewells in different areas. Existing wells which are deeper may be filled up to the permissible depth. It will be possible for new borewells to be dug upto this specified depth and this will take care of equity. Depletion below the specified depth will get automatically controlled. Wells for public drinking water supply can be dug to deeper levels and that will enable security of the same. Corruption will also be limited because only complaints will go to the authorities. These guidelines should be incorporated in the policy so that the bureaucratic penchant for licensing does not overtake discretion.

Perhaps, the greatest problem of the 1987 policy has been that it has not been implemented. A large part of the blame rests on the State Governments who have the primary responsibility of managing the nation’s water resources. Therefore, the Centre cannot directly intervene because water is a State subject. But vested interests appear to be more entrenched there. Nevertheless, the Centre can at least inquire into the violations of the policy by the States and make the same policy.

A similar problem arose in the context of human rights. Law and order is a State subject. But the Centre can seek information and make recommendations. The National Human Rights Commission has been reasonably effective by inquiring rights and reporting to the President. This has provided a window to the affected people to seek information and redressal of many grievances has taken place in the public.

A similar approach can be taken with respect to water. The Centre can establish a National Water Commission, which can inquire into the violations of the water policy, whether by Central or State Governments or by non-State sectors, and report to the President. States can be encouraged to establish State Water Commissions. This will not make the policy justiciable but certainly establish some accountability of the governments and the people.

There is need for the Central Government to first come out with a white paper outlining why the 1987 policy has not been effectively followed by public discussion on the same. The new policy should try to remove the pitfalls of the previous policy. Unless that is done the new policy will remain as ineffective as the previous one has been.

Political suicide by Bhujbal
by Tavleen Singh

ABSURD as it may sound, there is only one logical explanation for Chhagan Bhujbal’s role in the arrest fiasco that had Mumbai living on its nerves for a week: he was trying to help Bal Thackeray. Everyone says they are sworn enemies but as an ardent Thackeray acolyte, during the many years he spent in the Sena, he must have retained a residue of fondness for his former master. Or why would he have done so much to pump life back into an organisation that till last week had seemed to be verging on its death throes.

Political analysts have attributed to him other motives. Vengeance, hatred, personal animosity towards the man he once worshipped and, some say, even the desire to emerge as the real leader of Maharashtra. But, these make little sense when you consider that the Maharashtra Government was advised by its lawyers, from day one, that the case they were trying to put Thackeray in jail for was one that would not stand up in court.

If there were any doubts about this advice they should have been set at rest by Ram Jethmalani. The day after he was thrown out of the Union Government Mr Jethmalani, arguably the best criminal lawyer in India, gave an interview to The Times of India in which he had this to say: “Under Section 468 of the Cr.PC you cannot proceed further in this matter. Every LLb student knows this. The Law and Judiciary Department of the Maharashtra Government itself had noted that this prosecution is time-barred and that the government would have to apply to the court to remove this time bar. The court cannot take cognisance of this case before condoning the delay.

“Also, you arrest a person who is likely to run away. Mr Thackeray is not going to do that. The issue is simple. He wrote an editorial and he has taken full responsibility for it. The question is whether this falls under Section 153 (A) of the IPC or not. Without any investigation, what is this nonsense about his arrest”.

Free advice that the Maharashtra Government would have done well to take to spare the citizens of Mumbai more tension and fear (they had already had a week of it) by going ahead with the arrest. But, Bal Thackeray, who had almost disappeared from public life, had already been resuscitated by then thanks to the efforts of his former lieutenant. His pictures were on the front pages of newspapers across the country and he even made the cover of India Today as the ‘Threatening Tiger’.

The only other explanation for Mr Bhujbal’s behaviour is that he lacks even basic intelligence. This is possible but then arise various other, more worrying questions. Does Maharashtra’s Chief Minister also lack basic intelligence? What of their bosses Sharad Pawar and Sonia Gandhi, did their brains also take a walk that they would allow near-riot conditions to be created in Mumbai?

Whatever the answers to these questions what Mumbai’s citizens were forced to endure for 10, taut, terrible days cannot be forgiven unless we are to accept that politics is more important than the people. You need to have been in this city to understand just how bad things were. I was at Mumbai airport on July 19 when the first news of his arrest began to spread. I was on my way out of the city and panic spread in the departure lounge of Jetairways as passengers speculated among themselves about whether the flight would leave or not. “You see”, said a worried businessman, “most of the airline’s ground staff are Shiv Sena supporters so if Thackeray is arrested they will go on strike”.

There were people from other cities in the lounge as well and overhearing this started to express their inability to understand why Thackeray was so popular. They got their answer from a diminutive Maharashtrian housewife: “We support him”, she said simply, “because many Maharashtrians believe that he is the only one protecting us against the Muslims”.

An ugly explanation but a truthful one. Whether we like admitting it or not Thackeray’s support base among middle-class Maharashtrians is intact. It had become dormant for a while because the Shiv Sena ran a bad government whose motto could have been extortion with a capital E. Everyone suffered, including middle class Maharashtrians and their hero no longer seemed like such a good man. He would have probably languished into obscurity, quietly drinking lukewarm beer in his house called Matoshri, had Bhujbal not done him such a big favour. Now, there are many who believe that he was wrongly arrested. Many who think he gave a sensible and dignified press conference before surrendering himself in court and many who think poorly of the Congress-NCP Government that currently rules this state.

On the day I returned to Mumbai (July 23) everyone was still obsessed by Thackeray’s possible arrest. People debated whether to go out, whether to stock up on food, whether to avoid Muslim areas (and vice-versa), whether to go to work that day and in the process of these many debates the city’s life slowed down. Then, on the morning of July 25 when the arrest finally came the tension that had built up over a week exploded into a collective panic attack. Shops closed in instants, motorists got off the road, people huddled in front of television screens in the safety of their homes and watched the situation develop with growing anxiety. Then, as if things were not already bad enough, the city’s entire telephone system collapsed. Even mobile telephones no longer worked and everyone was convinced that this was the beginning of another round of the terrible violence that ate into the soul of Mumbai — then still Bombay — in 1992.

If it did not happen it must be because the Gods of this city continue to smile upon it and no thanks to its government. And, what can we write of the arrest drama by way of epilogue? Chhagan Bhujbal has almost certainly committed political suicide. Bal Thackeray is back as hero number one and the Maharashtra Government looks like an idiot. It will look even more idiotic if it now appeals against the judgement that threw the case against Thackeray out of court.

Early death risk higher for ‘night babies’

LONDON, July 28 (Reuters) — Babies born at night have a higher risk of dying in the first few days of life than other infants, possibly because hospital night staff is less experienced or overworked, German scientists said today.

A study by researchers at Philipps University in Marburg, Germany, found that babies born between 9 p.m. and 7 a.m. were almost twice as likely to die within their first week than those born during the day and evening.

“The most likely interpretation would be that this may be due to less experienced staff working during the night or that staff are overworked,’’ Dr Gunther Heller said in a telephone interview.

The results of his research support similar findings from studies of night births in Wales and Scotland.

“We have indications from several countries now that low-risk babies (births without expected complications) born during the night have a higher risk (of an early death),’’ he added.

In a report published in the British Medical Journal, Heller and his team suggested that hospitals should consider changing shift patterns so inexperienced people are not working during the night.

They also called for better supervision of junior doctors and shorter hours or a decreased workload during the night.

The researchers compared the time of births and deaths within the first week of life of 380,930 babies born in the state of Hesse during 1990-1998.

Fifty-seven deaths, either during birth or in the first week of life, were recorded. Most of the deaths were due to asphyxia — a lack of oxygen which can have a variety of causes.

Although more children were born during the day the number of early deaths among night babies was nearly double.

Dr Heller said his team reviewed the cause of death of each infant and reviewed all available information to find other factors that could explain the link.

“No alternative explanations for the reported relationship were found’’, the group’s report said.

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

I believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of Heaven and Earth: And in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord: who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, Born of the Virgin Mary; suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead and buried: He descended into hell; The third day he rose again from the dead: He ascended into heaven, And sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty: From thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead.

— The Apostle's Creed

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Verily, the immortal Brahman is everywhere; in front and behind, to the north and the south, above and below; verily Brahman alone is this great universe.

— Mundaka Upanishad, 2.2.11

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God Ishvara has maya under his control. He is all knowing, the first cause of creation, sustenance and dissolution of the world. He takes the form of the sprout of the world (the seed from which the world grows).

— Paingala Upanishad, 14

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A part of Infinite Consciousness becomes our own finite consciousness, with powers of discrimination and definition and with false conceptions. He is in truth Prajapati and Vishva, the source of creation and the Universal in us all. This spirit is consciousness and gives consciousness to the body; he is the driver of the chariot.

— Maitri Upanishad, 2.4-5

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Without beginning art thou, beyond time, beyond space; thou art He from whom sprang the worlds.

— Shvetashavatara Upanishad, 4.4

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O mankind! Keep your duty to your Lord and fear a Day when the parent will not be able to avail the child in aught, nor the child to avail the parent. Lo! Allah's promise is the very truth. Let not the life of the world beguile you, nor let the deceiver beguile you in regard to Allah.

— The Quran, Surah XXXI, 33

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God does not die on the day when we cease to believe in a personal deity, but we die on the day when our lives cease to be illuminated by the steady radiance, renewed daily, of a wonder, the source of which is beyond all reason.

— Dag Hammarskjold, Dailogue and Alliance, Vol 3, No 4

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Him I call a first-class person indeed from whom,

Like a mustard seed from the point of a needle,

have dropt anger and hatred, hypocrisy and pride.

—The Dhammapada, 407

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And casting aside conceit, violence, pride, desire, wrath and possession; selfless and tranquil — he becomes worthy of becoming one with God.

—The Bhagavad Gita, XVIII.53