The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Loan, what loan?

IT is a coincidence that only the present Big Brother Central government can plan and execute. On Wednesday it first announced that it was writing off nearly Rs 3800 crore which it said Punjab owed it. The state smiled and felt relieved that New Delhi was at last honouring a three-year-old promise. But the celebration was premature. For, on the same day the FCI (Food Corporation of India) told the state government that it would not enter the paddy mandis this coming season and Punjab should buy up the grain under the minimum support price scheme. However it will lift levy rice from mills. That brought a frown on the face of Food and Supplies Minister M.M. Mittal and rightly so. The FCI decision is retrograde and anti-farmer. Assured market or procurement was one of the important catalytic agents of the phenomenal green revolution. Easy credit, extension service and a remunerative price regime completed the package. The Centre has cunningly converted remunerative price, which spurred higher production, to minimum support price, which does not often keep pace with inflation. Now it has dealt a second blow. The Centre’s withdrawal from procurement has been coming in instalments. Until the eighties, the FCI was the monopoly purchaser of all grains and the justification for the existence of the expensive agency lies in this role and in feeding the fair price shops. The Centre armtwisted the state to share the operation and shifted responsibility for 35 per cent of procurement of paddy and then reduced its share to a mere 40 per cent. However, it buys the levy quota from rice mills, which is 75 per cent of their total purchase.

This producer-to-consumer service ensured food security but the totally unimaginative policies over the years have created a first-rate crisis of plenty. FCI godowns are groaning under a mountain of buffer stock and the latest decision shows that the Centre would rather turn its back on the kisan and the state rather than work out a policy of reducing the buffer and operational stocks. There is a distinct possibility that extending the mandi-bandh approach, the FCI may slash the levy quota and leave the mills in a lurch. As it is, the state is sitting on 2.2 million tonnes of rice and the mills are holding 5.5 million tonnes of paddy.

The loan waiver too is a funny story. In the first place it is a misnomer to call it a special loan. This represents the money the Centre spent on the Army and BSF operations during the dark years of militancy and during the prolonged spell of Central rule. In other words, the state did not frame the policy, did not seek any help but the Centre spent money on its own and like a good lala kept noting down the amounts as loan. This process violated democratic principles and twisted the rules of public finance. This is only one side of the story. It did not collect any instalments and when Mr I.K.Gujral, Punjab puttar, became Prime Minister he grandly promised to wipe the slate clean. His government did not do so although the Tenth Finance Commission had recommended writing off the whole amount. The present BJP-led alliance government again sought the opinion of the Eleventh Finance Commission and has now acted on it. If the loan chapter has a dubious origin, its ending lacks grace and understanding. If the Centre had acted with some speed, it could have earned the gratitude of the state government. Now it has evoked a yawn from the people. And what a way to time the waiving!

Fresh opportunity in Kashmir

THE 90-day unilateral ceasefire declared by the Hizbul Mujahideen, the most powerful group of militants operating in Jammu and Kashmir, has provided a rare opportunity to the Atal Behari Vajpayee government to find a way to establish peace in the valley. The Central government is right in welcoming the move as the Hizb has declared that its decision is aimed at helping the talks offer given to the All-Party Hurriyat Conference to lead to its intended conclusion. While the NDA government's welcoming reaction should not reflect that it has gone gaga over the development, its intelligence agencies must start working overtime to ascertain the veracity of the Hizb decision. The government must be sure that the ceasefire idea is not a Hizb ploy to regain strength. A close study of the past behaviour of Pakistan's ISI, providing sustenance to the Kashmiri militants of all variety, and the predicament the Hizbul Mujahideen has been faced with for quite some time shows that the Hizb ceasefire decision may be an outcome of the emerging reality in the valley. Over the years the Hizb had grown too powerful to obey every order issued by the ISI. In such a situation the practice of those guiding the Pakistani subversive network has been not only to dump the militant group but also to starve it of arms and ammunition and the financial back-up. Already the Hizb was the only group which was suffering the maximum casualties at the hands of the security forces at a time when finding fresh recruits was becoming difficult day by day. The reason is that the Kashmiris in general are now sick of the ongoing militancy and yearn for peace to lead a normal life.

This theory finds support from the reaction of the other militant groups, including the All-Party Hurriyat Conference. While the Hurriyat leadership is feeling uncomfortable, as the Hizb decision may affect its bargaining position, the 16-group Muttahida Jehad Council at a meeting in Islamabad has expelled the Hizb led by Syed Salahuddin. The Jehad Council's condemnation has come after the report that the Hizb supremo, based in Pakistan, is behind the announcement made by the terrorist organisation's Srinagar commander, Abdul Majid Dar. Earlier the council thought that it was a "gimmick" indulged in by "Indian stooges". Pakistan's official response is on expected lines---that it will go according to the Hurriyat approach. The putting up of a brave face by the militant groups notwithstanding, there are clear indications of nervousness and confusion in their ranks. They might be fearing that the Hizb help to the security forces, if it comes, would lead to the smashing of their hideouts. Under the circumstances, they may drastically change their strategy and indulge in the elimination of the Hizb ranks. They may also strike at targets outside the valley as part of their new tactics. The security agencies will have to re-plan their proactive campaign accordingly. The opportunity that has come following the Hizb decision should not go waste. The Hizb, if it is genuinely interested in peace, should not be made to feel that it may have to taste the bitter experience of the Ikhwans under the leadership of Kukka Parrey, whose group surrendered before the security forces a few years ago.

Chautala's one year in office
Politics of promises & drift
by Hari Jaisingh

MR Om Prakash Chautala's government completed one year in office early this week. This must have been quite satisfying for him since most Haryana governments have constantly lived under the shadow of "Aya Ram, Gaya Ram" politics.

There may not be any immediate threat to the position of Mr Chautala, but in today's greed-based politics every legislator wishes to become a Minister and every Minister thinks himself to be a Chief Minister- in-waiting. So, who knows how and when individual ambitions acquire wings?

As it is, principles and ethics are given a go-by and power-driven money politics has come to the centrestage of happenings and non-happenings. In the absence of a visionary leader of the stature of Mr Chandrababu Naidu, Haryana runs its own shuttle service in politics and it revolves around the Lals and their progeny.

The wards of the old-time leaders have their own agenda. Most of them operate behind the throne. They have acquired larger-than-life operational images which give them power without accountability. During the Emergency days, this phenomenon got the label of "extra-constitutional authority". These days this "extra-constitutional authority" has acquired legitimacy even in normal circumstances. No wonder, with a pliable bureaucracy, the junior Chautalas carry more weight behind the scene than even the Chief Secretary! This is because of the new political culture in power management.

In fact, sons and daughters are the real force behind a Chief Minister. With these changing power equations, what is disquieting is when "in-laws" and "out-laws" work in tandem and control the levers of power in the pursuit of their personal and sectarian interests. This is happening now. This used to be the practice during the heyday of the earlier Chief Ministers—Mr Devi Lal, Mr Bansi Lal and Mr Bhajan Lal included.

Politics is no longer seen as a means to serve the people. It is a big business with the sole motive of making money at the cost of the public exchequer. This is as much true of Haryana as of other states.

Interestingly, at a public rally at Anaj Mandi in Kaithal, the Chief Minister promised to put behind bars all those who indulged in corrupt practices during the previous regimes. "Even the big sharks are going to be arrested," he thundered. The people of Haryana will welcome this declaration and watch his action. I hope he will apply the same corrective norms to his own regime.

The challenge today lies in checking corrupt practices at different administrative levels which hit the common man directly. Does the Chief Minister have any answer to this problem? It would be a different matter if he claims his regime to be corruption-free. The harsh fact, however, is that this is definitely not the case.

The people of Haryana have earthy common sense which goes beyond their caste labels they love to flaunt. They know what is what and who is up to what. Corruption is indeed one major tragedy of Haryana as it is in other states. It thrived during Mr Bansi Lal's prohibition regime. The nexus was then visible between the liquor mafia and the dirty but invisible hands of the establishment, including the police.

In a way, the prohibition regime was probably a turning point in Haryana's socio-economic and political drift. How petty criminals became big operators and formed their own crime syndicates is in itself the theme for a thriller. As a study this could provide new clues on how not to run public affairs. Will any university in Haryana pick up courage to sponsor this study for the benefit of sociologists and administrators?

What has particularly disturbed me in recent years is the decline in the academic environment on the campuses. Like TV's sponsored shows, we have now sponsored Vice-Chancellors and other functionaries. The game is for promoting the favourites of the powers that be. How can we generate a healthy academic atmosphere in the circumstances?

Haryana is no doubt strategically located. It can be a window on modern India. The state has vast potential for development. Proximity to the national Capital has added to its importance. The development of Gurgaon as a futuristic city is in itself a clear proof of Haryana's growth potential. All the same, it is no secret that land-grabbers and their mafia groups along with political vested interests have made Gurgaon a dangerous den of real estate corruption. Such examples can be multiplied with regard to other towns as well. Is Mr Chautala worried on this count? I doubt.

Notwithstanding the claims of development widely publicised, the fact is that the conduct of the state government and the style of functioning of Mr Chautala after the last Assembly election are different. It shows him in poor light in contrast to the period when he was out of power.

The Chief Minister has gone back on his populist promises of providing free electricity and water and has admitted the non-feasibility of such schemes. This realisation is a positive development. But the moot point is: has he learnt any lesson in clean political management?

Ironically, the ban on fresh recruitment continues to the utter disappointment of lakhs of jobless youth who were assured of employment during election time. In fact, even the upper age limit was increased to 40 years to help the employment-seekers. What of jobs, fresh taxes have been imposed with impunity to compensate for the extra burden on the exchequer because of the doubling of old age pension. Here are the wages of populist politics. Who cares?

The power situation in the state has gone from bad to worse. Contrary to Mr Chautala's promise of rolling back the power privatisation process, the privatisation of more and more government services is on the cards. The health services system has nearly collapsed. Education too is in the grip of atrophy. The recently declared new education policy hardly addresses itself to the crisis on the education front. What is being propagated as a list of achievements is nothing but an exercise in self-deception.

It is a pity that the political leaders in Haryana have lacked vision to tackle deep-rooted socio-economic problems. How can short-sighted and self-serving political persons and their cronies improve matters?

The requisite infrastructure could have boosted the state's economy. But the ground realities are harsh. There is stagnation in agrarian growth and hence few job openings. There is also an alarming increase in the number of those belonging to below the poverty line section comprising peasants, artisans and agricultural labour.

What tragically goes unnoticed

is the emergence of a new socio-cultural reality. The economic crisis has weakened the social fabric which is already very fragile. The so-called modernisation process has got superimposed selectively on a social milieu dominated by the backward semi-feudal system. The male-female ratio (1000 : 850) has got tilted against women, who contribute more than half of the development process. Ironically, women in Haryana are often subjected to sub-human treatment.

Casteism is at its worst in all spheres of socio-political life. As already stated, corruption and nepotism are rampant. Does the state not have a vital role to play in all spheres? Even the universities have been politicised and are not free from the evil of casteism.

Misuse of power with a vengeance and treating the state as a family fiefdom continues unabated and unchallenged. Against this backdrop, the claims of the devolution of power to the panchayats are nothing but a sheer delusion.

The vital agrarian sector faces an unprecedented challenge from the policies of liberalisation being blindly pursued by the Centre. Lifting of quantitative restrictions on imports is bound to adversely affect the agriculture sector and the small-scale indigenous industry. Dairying as an important subsidiary of agriculture is faced with a serious threat from the unhindered import of milk and milk products from the Scandinavian countries.

Law and order in the state is at its worst. All sorts of crimes are on the increase and the people live under the constant fear of mafia groups. In the absence of accountability, the law-enforcing machinery is proving totally ineffective. The fast growth in the number of unemployed youth is adding fuel to fire.

Above all, the top-heavy bureaucracy is proving to be a liability as it takes away a larger share of the state's funds. Once the bureaucracy in Haryana was known for its efficiency, dynamism and fairplay. Does this assessment hold good today? I leave the judgement to the people.

These are some of the vital issues which can be ignored only at Haryana's peril. A sharp focus is required on these issues and problems at the highest level. Can Mr Chautala do this? On test is his leadership. He needs to show a long-term vision and a dynamic approach which should infuse vigour into the various sections of the population. Well, we have no choice but to keep our fingers crossed and pray and hope for better days ahead. Only a clean administration and well-meaning leaders committed to the good of society can make a difference.

Defence : the issue of private sector’s role
by P.K. Vasudeva

DECLARING that “national defence is everybody’s business”, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Gen V.P. Malik has invited the private sector to enter the advanced armament production field — surveillance systems, weapon locating radars, night-vision devices and long-range target engagement means — where the country lacks the required capability. Stressing the urgency of indigenous production of such advanced weapon systems, he says the country is facing two major obstacles in this field of “non-availability of technology and the absence of advanced manufacturing capability”. This, he stresses, “has to be overcome”.

The private sector has already made some access to ordnance factories and defence research laboratories. It has a different story to tell. Mr George Fernandes, Union Defence Minister, has himself declared, “the high degree of skill and relatively lower cost of our technical manpower” are India’s unique selling point. He has also proclaimed often enough that India provides an excellent opportunity for the developing and developed world “to source cost-effective goods and services from our defence production industry”.

Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, Adviser to the Union Government, immediately after the nuclear blast in May, 1998, announced: “As part of the 70 per cent self-reliance plan for defence systems by 2005, the government proposes to increase private sector involvement in defence design and production from 10 to 30 per cent.” It was to facilitate this that he said the government had opened up seven Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) laboratories to the private sector that dealt with dual technologies, biotech products and software engineering. The DRDO had originally designated 2000 as the target year for enhancing the indigenous content of defence equipment from the present 30 to 70 per cent.

These are highly ambitious plans and unrealistic too. It seems as if there is no coordination among the Defence Minister, the Union Government’s Defence Adviser and the COAS. Mr Atul Kirloskar of the Pune-based Kirloskar group says that his enterprise has received no information regarding the technologies available with the DRDO laboratories which the government claims to have opened for the private sector. His group interacts with the DRDO laboratories only to refine their products.

He maintains, “Cumbersome procedures together with price and purchase preferences given by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) to public sector defence undertakings, ordnance factories and those private enterprises which quote a lower price rather than consider vital aspects like quantity, after-sales support, product reliability and so on, are keeping private participants away from the defence sector.” Though the private as well as state-controlled defence sectors together produce around Rs 10,000 crore worth of military hardware annually, the private sector has primarily played a subcontractor’s role.

It has been reported that most of the 39 ordnance factories are functioning at half their capacity. The Comptroller and Auditor-General (CAG) has rapped the DRDO for squandering Rs 2,274.27 crore on delayed projects that have yet to come up, but the money has been sanctioned. The Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) programme has been held up for the past 10 years and has cost the country Rs 2,135 crore. For the upgradation of MiG 21 BIS, the country had to pay extra for delayed action. Similarly, an additional Rs 60 crore had to be spent on the Indian version of the Airborne Warning and Control (AWAC) System which is yet to be ready. For multi-barrel Pinaka rocket launchers, an additional Rs 80 crore had to be spent for an inordinate delay on the part of the MoD. If the Pinaka rocket launchers were made available from the very beginning during the Kargil war hundreds of precious lives of soldiers would have been saved and enemy morale dipped the lowest.

Mr Kirloskar says India’s defence sector has always been a wholly government preserve, with the private sector called upon only occasionally to provide an extremely negligible proportion of defence production. The private sector is wary of getting associated with the defence sector because of the Economic Order Quantity (EOQ) factor, which renders any association commercially unfeasible in the face of insufficient orders and the heavy investment required for the production of defence equipment. At the same time foreign sources are relied upon increasingly, as they have the necessary technological and manufacturing wherewithal, and there is the expectation of kickbacks from foreign agents.

Ms Parveen Toshniwal of Indore-based Nivo Controls Pvt Ltd emphasises that Indian companies have the capability of manufacturing many of the products and components needed by the defence sector. “But the lack of information regarding the needs of this sector as well as disinterest on the part of the India’s defence establishment to educate private industry in this respect have impeded private participation”, he says. Today you cannot cloak the armed forces in utmost secrecy and deliberately keep them out of the public view.

Hinting at the major policy shift, the COAS said, “The public sector will no doubt dominate the strategic and lethal areas like major armaments and ammunition production. But some policy changes can be made, provided the industry is bold and prepared to step in.” The industry and trade, he pointed out, could produce the non-critical items which the ordnance factories were now making, and take over production of as many items as possible.

The private sector feels that there is need for the government to be more transparent if proposals for such cooperation are to fructify. Exposing the private sector and the military industry to each other will make them competitive and enhance the efficiency and quality of military supplies. This can be a positive step towards achieving self-sufficiency in the defence sector.

The writer is a retired Colonel and defence analyst.

Two possibilities
by G.K. Sharma

AVTAR SINGH was the Secretary General (SG) of the International Commission for Control and Supervision (ICSC) in Laos in early 1960s. The commission’s main role was peacekeeping. And Avtar Singh strove for cessation of hostilities between government forces and Vietcong guerrillas and attempted resolution of conflicts and differences at negotiating table, assisted by Canadians and Polish, two other members of the ICSC.

He was achieving his aims reasonably well but trouble started brewing on a different front. Another Avtar Singh joined as supporting staff in the Indian delegation. Soon there was a crossfire between Avtar Singh, SG, and his namesake Assistant. Messages and letters would land in the wrong lap.

When one of the letters written by SG’s girlfriend from Paris was innocently opened by staff member Avtar Singh (merely out of curiosity — who could have written to him from France? — being a novice on first posting abroad), matters reached ignition point.

Thank heavens it was written in French (which he could not have read, try as he might). Otherwise he could have got a sack straightaway.

Agitated, SG summoned his namesake and shouted: “Listen, there are two possibilities only. Either you change or modify your name if you want to serve in this ICSC or I shall get you thrown to a neighbouring mission or reverted back to Headquarters in Delhi.” Ambassadors those days were really plenipotentiories. Confrontation would have spelt disaster. Therefore, the namesake became Avtar Singh Komal or A.S. Komal and the issue was resolved by clutching to the first possibility offered. Thereafter, normalcy was restored in the ICSC.

Lahiri Singh Chaudhari had gone for recruitment as a sepoy in the Army. Recruitment hopefuls were asked to line up in a queue. Lahiri went on fiddling with the queue, jumping in and out of line. When questioned about his flippant behaviour, Lahiri Singh gave a long explanation in “theth” (chaste) Haryanvi, to the Subedar who was functioning as Recruitment Officer: “There are always two possibilities. — to stay in line or out of it. If I stay out of line, it is OK. But if I am standing in queue, there are two possibilities. Either I shall be rejected or selected.

“If rejected, it is OK. But if selected, there are again two possibilities. Either I shall be posted with you or asked to go to the frontline. With you, it is OK but if I go to the front, again there are two possibilities. either I shall be alive or get killed. If I remain alive, it is OK. But if I get killed, again there are two possibilities. Either I shall be cremated or buried.

“If cremated, it is OK. But if buried, “sarson” plantation will grow on the ground. Again there are two possibilities. Either animals will eat “sarson” or it will be used for making oil. If animals eat “sarson” it is OK. But, if oil is made of “sarson”, there are again two possibilities. Either it will be used as cooking oil, or they will make soap out of it. The first option is OK. But when soap is made out of it, again there are two possibilities. Either men or women will use the soap on their bodies. If men use it, it is OK. But if women use it, “Mein Sharam Se Mar Jaoon Ga” (I shall die of shame)....”

Lahiri Singh died on the front fighting the enemy, and was awarded gallantry medal posthumously. His body could not, however, be recovered. Whether he died of “sharam” also or not.... of the aforesaid two possibilities)... is an enigma till this day!

Will India learn the American ways?
By M.S.N. Menon

INDIA and the United States have at last set up a Science and Technology Forum. This has been in the making for over a decade. But one thing or the other stood in the way. In 1993 it was because of differences over intellectual property rights. Then came Pokhran II in 1998, which sent the proposal back to the cold storage.

Now that it is a reality, how much faith are we to put in its promises? Dr Murli Manohar Joshi has an abundance of it. He says, “the nuances, the undertones, the harmonics of our mutual relationships have subtly but undeniably changed for the better.” Rather naive. I am afraid, I see nothing of the sort.

It is true America stands supreme in technology. But it has never been of much help to India in the last half a century. Even today the USA is not willing to part with most of its high technologies, particularly what are called dual-purpose technologies. What is worse, it blocks other nations from giving India the same. But why? Because Washington does not want India to come up as a leading industrial and military power.

Ted Galen Carpenter, Vice-President of Defence and Foreign Policy Studies at the Cato Institute, says: “There will be growing cooperation among China, Russia and India to contain US power and influence. That cooperation is not yet at the stage of a full-blown alliance, but it is an increasingly evident entente.”

Carpenter’s fears are rather exaggerated. But it was America’s unhelpful policy which drove India into the arms of the Soviet Union in the first instance. India’s compulsions have not changed even today: how to feed its growing population and ensure their security. The USA is least bothered about India’s security concerns. Nor can India rely upon the USA. And US prices are exorbitant.

Be that as it may, what is one to make of US efforts to put pressure on Russia, Britain, France and Israel not to supply advanced technologies to India? That policy continues in spite of the agreement to set up the forum! That is why the forum cannot be taken as genuine.

So, what is one to infer from the present moves of Washington? They are designed to disrupt India-Russia cooperation and lure India away with false hopes. India will take a decade or two to discover that the forum is bogus. But, by then, the USA would have realised its main objective, namely to throw India further back in the technological race. And it would have take advantage of India’s cheap scientific talent to resolve some of its own problems. More so in information technology, in which Indian boys have “incredible talent” according to American companies. It is but natural for America in wanting to have a very strong scientific presence in the country to take advantage of it. It is thus going to be a one-way street. America will have all the benefits.

It is unfortunate that India’s scientific advance has been thwarted by a combination of circumstances. First of all, by the bureaucratisation of laboratories, secondly because of the brain drain, thirdly by the indifference of the private sector to research and lastly due to lack of funds. That India has failed to solve even the problem of drinking water is a shame. The CSIR has failed the nation. And so has the private sector.

Today, it is technology that is driving human civilisation forward. It has replaced capital. That is why technology is a closely guarded secret. No one is going to give us the latest technologies. This is an area where self-reliance is a must. But less and less of our best science students are willing to take to teaching and research because the terms we offer them are ridiculous.

Technical innovation cut costs, raise profitability, increase efficiency and upgrade customer satisfaction. But they take away jobs. Hence the dread of technology among Indian workers. They have done much harm to scientific quest.

But the world moves on nevertheless. It has been said that the advanced countries will now sell information, and not commodities. Trade in commodities is becoming out of date. In any case, profit margins are very low in the case of commodities.

India has the largest number of foreign collaborations. In other words, it has imported technologies on a large scale in the hope of boosting exports. The fact is otherwise. Two-thirds of our exports consist of clothing, textiles, jewellery, leather goods, handicrafts etc in which imported technologies play only a very limited role.

India’s scientific and technological development has been based largely on Indo-Russian cooperation. This is true in both civil and military fields. Even today they have the largest programme of cooperation. About 450 Indian and Russian scientists are involved in various joint projects spread over 135 institutions of both countries. America is not happy with this. Both Clinton and the IMF have tried to block transfer of Russian technologies to India. For example, of cryogenic engines, used in space science. Today this cooperation is those of equals. They undertaken joint research and joint production. Both countries benefit.

Russia has transferred some of its highly advanced military technologies. It is now proposed to sign a 10-year agreement of cooperation in science and technology during the October visit of Russian President Putin.

Without military prowess, India cannot be in the front rank of nations. That is why military research is important. India is fortunate that in this field it has substantial achievements. Today, a country must be able to engage an enemy on land, in air, sea and space. India must seek a dominant position in all these. One hopes the BJP Government’s strong commitment to defence is genuine. The country is still dependent on imports for even guns and tanks, not to speak of fighters and missiles.

Electronic warfare, anti-ballistic missile systems — these are the frontiers of military science today and only cooperation with Russia can put India right on this frontier. America will be of no use here. It will not help.

Today technology has multiple dimensions that give a nation economic prosperity, human well-being and security. But blind pursuit of science and technology and constant innovation spell danger. Richard Ernst calls it “superficial pursuits.” Bill Joy should know better. He is a co-founder of the Silicon Valley. Says he: “We are being propelled into this century with no plan, no control, no brakes.” So, let us not imitate the West blindly. But let us also not lag behind. We must march with the times.

Ahead of us are the marvels of science yet to come. For example, “thinking” computers, a million times more powerful than what we have today, control over the very structure of biological life and “smart” machines which can automate much of human activity.

Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam has suggested that India should concentrate on five areas: agriculture and food, power, education and health, IT and strategic sectors.

The challenges are mighty. And India must rise to the occasion. America cannot be of much help here.

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

When you worship an image, you do not say: "This image has come from Jaipur. It was brought by Prabhu Singh. Its weight is 50 lb, it is made of white marble. It has cost me Rs 500." You superimpose all the attributes of the Lord on the image and pray: "O Antaryamin! You are all pervading. You are omnipotent, omniscient, all merciful. You are the source for everything. You are self existent .... You are the life of my life, soul of my soul! Give me light and knowledge. Let me dwell in Thee for ever." When your devotion and meditation becomes intense and deep, you do not see the stone image. You behold the Lord only who is Chaitanya.

— Swami Shivananda, Bliss Divine, Chapter 28

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The lights have to be switched on in the antahkarna of man, rather than in the house where the image of the Lord is installed and worshipped.

—From the discourses of Sri Sathya Sai Baba

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Have you rid yourself of "idols made with hands"? Well, so far so good. Have you rid yourself of idols made by the imagination? If not, then you are worshipping disembodied idols, ghosts of idols.

—Swami Ramatirtha, Notebook VII. In Woods of God Realisation, Vol. IV

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If you must worship the Manifest, then serve with both body and mind these living and moving " images" (people).

—Mahatma Mangat Ram, Samata Prakash

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When men in prayer declare the Unity of the Holy Name in love and reverence; the walls of earth's darkness are cleft in twain, and the face of the Heavenly King is revealed, lighting up the Universe (Zohar).

—The Pentateuch and Haftorahs, ed. J.H. Hertz

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If ye desire the Lord your God, ye shall surely find Him, if ye seek Him with all your heart and with all your soul.

—The Holy Bible: Deutronomy: 4:29

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May the wind blow us joy, May the sun shine down joy on us. May the night be a gift of joyful peace! May the dawn bring us joy at its coming.

—Atharva Veda, 7.69