 |
| Thursday, January 20, 2000, Chandigarh, India  
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Musharraf’s
Beijing visit Now
port strike |
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THREATENED
FOOD SECURITY Financing
problems of developing nations
The
parent and the progeny
Time
to delink religion from calendars
January 20, 1925
|
Musharraf’s Beijing visit NORMALLY, the trips of Pakistani Heads of State or Government to China run into a week or so. If the sojourn of Gen Pervez Musharraf was confined to only two days, it was mainly because it was exploratory in nature. It was his first foreign visit outside the Islamic world after grabbing power in the October 12 coup. The permanent member of the UN Security Council has not disappointed him. It has offered him unconditional diplomatic and political backing, which would stand him in good stead back home. After all, the Chief Executive of Pakistan needs to establish his legitimacy to whatever extent possible. Although the Chinese support is on expected lines, there was some anxiety in the mind of the military junta following the concern shown by China that Pakistan-backed militants were creating disturbances in the restive north-western region of Xijiang. All those irritants have apparently been pushed to the backburner while extending an unusually warm welcome to the military ruler. In such matters, China tends to concentrate on its larger objectives. For instance, it has recently developed links even with the Taliban, despite worries about the spread of Islamic fundamentalism. In fact, the overtures towards Pakistan are based on the analysis that China may need it to rein in the Taliban. While the show of
bonhomie cannot be to India's liking, what matters from
Delhi's point of view is that China's reaction on the
relationship between India and Pakistan has been mature
and neutral. It has confined itself to appealing to the
two to end their nuclear arms race, sink differences and
become good neighbours. On the specific question of
Kashmir, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman has noted
that the two (Delhi and Islamabad) can handle various
differences properly through peaceful consultations. On
this vexatious subject, Pakistan's wish-list must have
been far more ambitious but Beijing has refrained from
obliging it. That is rather a victory for India,
howsoever small, considering that the stand does not
reflect the recent strain that has developed between
Beijing and Delhi over the Karmapa issue. This is not
because of any special diplomatic initiative by the
latter. It is just that China wants to project itself as
a world player and not a country engrossed in local and
regional conflicts. It is on a look-West mission and
wants to occupy an exalted position in the group of
near-developed nations. On the one hand, it is keen to
join the WTO and on the other wants to increase its
exports to the USA and other western countries. Under
these circumstances, it has been trying to sidestep Asian
irritants. In any case, good relations with Pakistan
serve it well vis-à-vis India. Since the USA also does
not object to this line, Beijing has all the more reasons
to respond favourably. In fact, it would not be
surprising if the USA, China and Pakistan find more
commonality of interests in the days to come. India needs
to closely monitor these developments. |
TRAI: wrong number A HIGH Court order has stopped the telecom regulator in its tracks, thus killing all hopes of a steady reduction in telephone tariff and speedier expansion of the service. A Division Bench in Delhi has said that TRAI cannot change the terms of the licence between the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) and the cellular phone operators to dramatically lower the tariff. With this has gone up in smoke the much-expected reform of charging only the caller to a cell phone from a fixed instrument — this is the CPP (calling party pays) principle to replace a patently absurd system of forcing a receiver to shell out a hefty Rs 4 per call. TRAI suggested that every call from a telephone rented out by the DoT to a cell phone would be billed at Rs 3.60 a minute and the fee shared between the two parties with the department retaining Rs 1.20 and the operator getting Rs 2.40. The DoT rejected it, saying it would hit its revenue. Anyway, it pointed out, the service providers are making a killing by raking in at least Rs 350 extra per subscriber a month under the new revenue-sharing arrangement. Under the old system, it received Rs 500 for every phone as licence fee; this has come down to Rs 150 assuming the billing is a modest Rs 1000 a month. Also, the DoT has right from day one disliked the idea of a regulator usurping some of its powers and occasionally challenging its authority. That was the powerful reason for opposing the CPP order. It may finally have its way. The Yashwant Sinha-headed committee has proposed to shrink TRAI powers further by setting up a tribunal to settle disputes between various service providers. As the Delhi court has said, it can only recommend on peripheral issues like the technological compatibility of new equipment and services and should stop at that. Since it will be a recommendation, the DoT can twist and mould it the way it likes. TRAI is the first regulator to stretch its powers to the limit in the interest of the telephone user and to give a massive push to expansion and it has been beaten. Obviously the babudom-dominated country is not hospitable to regulators. Equally significant is
the High Court verdict directing the regulator not to
change the fee sharing between two operators or between
operators and the DTS (Department of Telecom Services).
It says the licence is sacrosanct and a vaguely worded
law is powerless before it. This principle has snatched
the regulator’s power to fix charges between those
offering a variety of services. This is the so-called
inter-connectivity. It was to be the first step to
radically alter the approach to telecommunications. Now
it is service-specific, meaning each provider is
segregated on the basis of what he offers. This has
thwarted faster extension of service and installation of
very modern equipment that will allow inter-connection.
The idea is to have a policy that will be area-specific
and permit an operator to branch out in all directions.
That way he can cut down on wage bill and hopefully pass
on part of the benefit to the subscribers. This
convergence is unlikely in the near future. Among
unhelpful factors are the steady dimunition of TRAI, the
slow loss of enthusiasm of the service providers, the
throttling monopoly of the DoT and MTNL in two
metropolitan cities and finally the enthusiasm of the
bureaucrats to retain their awesome powers. India’s
tryst with wrong number is going to be long. |
Now port strike THE power sector employees in Uttar Pradesh are on an indefinite strike against the state government's decision to follow the post-economic liberalisation path of privatisation. Now the port and dock workers in most coastal areas too have decided to stay away from work for reasons which gave birth to the trade union movement across the globe. Had employers not tried to exploit the workers by paying them a pittance for work which helped the employers become millionaires, there may have been no need for forming trade unions. The port workers strike has also exploded the myth that liberalisation would gradually result in the withering away of the trade union movement. Why? Because the new philosophy encourages "human resource development" as a means to balanced economic growth in place of the old approach based on the exploitation of "human resource" for the enrichment of a few. Had the port workers been treated as valuable human resource, they may not have been forced to take the extreme step of going on indefinite strike. Consequently, normal work at 11 major ports across the country has been affected. The five federations which have given the call to the workers to go on strike are not likely to relent unless their demand for substantial wage revision is accepted by the government. The Centre has put into
place what it calls a contingency plan and has sought the
assistance of the Navy, the Coast Guard and the
Territorial Army in loading and unloading operations at
major ports. However, even the most well executed
contingency plan cannot be expected to take care of the
work of one lakh employees. Instead of standing on
prestige the Union Surface Transport Minister, Mr Rajnath
Singh, should take into account the overall economic loss
to the nation because of the strike by dock workers. Such
an assessment would help him realise the importance of
negotiating a durable settlement with the trade unions.
The port workers' demands include wage revision after
every five years, house rent allowance and the date from
which the HRA and city compensatory allowance would be
payable. Their demands should be seen in the context of
the pay and perks of employees in other sectors doing
less challenging work. The government's claim that it is
not in a position to raise an amount of Rs 850 crore for
meeting the additional wage burden is only partly true.
The question which needs an honest answer is whether the
dock workers are not actually grossly under-paid for the
work they are doing. A little tightening of the belt at
the top is one of the several options available to the
government for raising the money for meeting the
legitimate part of the demands of the port workers. |
THREATENED FOOD SECURITY WILL India’s food security, achieved in the wake of the Green Revolution in the mid-sixties, become a casualty of the emerging global barrier-free trade regime? What is likely to be the impact of the developed countries’ attempts to increasingly make India a dumping ground for their cheap foodgrains on the agricultural economy of this country, particularly of the major foodgrains-surplus states of Punjab, Haryana and UP? The questions have arisen in view of the manoeuvres of the USA and other developed countries seeking distorted implementation of the agreement on agriculture as evidenced during the failed Seattle conference of the World Trade Organisation. The agreement, in brief, stipulated removal of quantitative restrictions on the import of agricultural commodities and gradual reduction of subsidies and tariff. India had gone to Seattle determined to oppose any declaration being made by the conference which did not make “specific reference to the problems of large predominantly agrarian economies, especially relating to food security, poverty alleviation and rural employment”. The approach reflected the ground realities in India where, unlike the developed countries, nearly two-thirds of the population subsists on agriculture. But the deliberations at Seattle clearly demonstrated that the developed countries, instead of reducing their subsidies on agriculture, have in certain cases covertly increased them. The thrust of these countries was to ensure greater market access for their foodgrain surpluses through the expeditious removal of quantitative restrictions on imports by other countries. According to an Indian NGO observer, Mr Devinder Sharma, who closely watched the Seattle deliberations, Europe was in no mood to reduce its massive subsidies in agriculture. It had, therefore, presented a “multi-functionality” concept arguing the need for subsidies to protect the environment and wildlife. The USA, according to him, wanting the European Union subsidies to go, was not acknowledging that the six billion dollar export credit that Mr Clinton had provided to farmers be treated as a subsidy. “While it was obvious that the USA and the EU were unwilling to forgo the trade distorting subsidies, the thrust of the rich trading blocs was to ensure more market access and removal of quantitative restrictions that many developing countries have had”. Mr Sharma opined that “agriculture was being offered as a sacrificial goat to protect whatever little remains of the protected Indian industry”. The implications of the developed countries self-protective and distorted implementation of the agreement cannot be assessed without taking stock of the present state of India’s foodgrains self-sufficiency and future production potential. At present, India’s huge buffer is much more than the stipulated minimum needed to meet the country’s requirements. The burgeoned surplus is the result mainly of a record procurement of over 14.1 million tonnes of wheat during the preceding rabi procurement season and the poor off-take of the stocks. The problem of plenty was further aggravated by the import of 1.5 million tonnes of wheat by the private trade in 1999. As the imported wheat cost nearly Rs 200 per quintal less than the official issue rate of wheat, the government had to impose 50 per cent Customs duty to stop more wheat imports. To encourage the off-take it reduced the issue rates. Punjab, followed by Haryana, is the major contributor to the country’s foodgrains buffer with UP, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan also making comparatively smaller contributions. Politicians and experts in Punjab have, over the past few years, been claiming that as the saturation level has been reached in foodgrains production in the state, there is dire need for diversification of agriculture. Their contention is, however, not borne out by facts. For instance, the production of wheat in Punjab has gone up from 10.98 million tonnes in 1985-86 to 12.1 million tonnes in 1990-91 and 14.47 million tonnes in 1998-99. Similarly, the corresponding figures for Haryana are 5.25 mt, 6.44 mt and 8.61 mt. This contradicts the claims that the two states have reached a plateau in wheat production. The rise in production has mainly been due to the increase in productivity and partly due to the increase in the area. With better techniques, productivity can be further increased in the areas already having assured irrigation and by providing irrigation to the rain-fed areas. What is also required is better water management practices. In this context, there is need to conserve the precious water resource. Scrapping of the scheme for free power and irrigation water being provided to the farm sector by Punjab’s Akali-BJP government is one of the steps which can help achieve the objective as the concession is encouraging wasteful use of energy and water. Over the past few years other states have also started producing foodgrain surpluses which have diminished the demand for Punjab and Haryana wheat and has consequently resulted in the accumulation of huge stocks with the government. In the coming years the other northern states are also going to produce larger food surpluses which will further add to the problems of plenty being faced by the two states. What will be the state of India’s food security in the light of the perceived quantum jump in the country’s foodgrains production and the feared unrestricted dumping of their cheap foodgrains in the Indian market by the multinational trading corporations of the developed world? One need not scratch one’s head to imagine the disastrous consequences of such a scenario. The government will then have two options. It may have to review its price support policy as procuring foodgrains will financially be a ruinous proposition, particularly in view of the mounting fiscal deficit. Alternatively, the government may go in for massive procurement of entire marketed surpluses and then allow the same to rot in its godowns in the absence of sufficient off-take. There would be little scope to export wheat in competition with the multinationals having very strong financial muscle. To sum up, such a scenario will have an unsettling effect on Indian agriculture, particularly on the economy of the predominantly agricultural states of Punjab and Haryana and their farming community. In the long run, India’s food security will be jeopardised. The Government of India
need to take timely action to save the Indian farmer and
the country’s agricultural economy from the
catastrophic consequences of the conspiracies of the
developed countries against the developing nations. For
this, besides resisting their attempts to impose their
will on the developing world using the WTO as a cover,
India will have to organise and provide leadership to the
developing and the least developed countries which
outnumber the developed blocs, to protect their
agricultural economies from the latter’s onslaughts.
Will the present government be able to muster political
will to counter the onslaughts? |
The parent and the progeny IT was the year 1966. I used to go to the lake for a morning walk. Everyday I saw a couple. Dr Christian and his charming wife. Having retired, Chandigarh was now their permanent abode. There was a divinity about the doctor. He had a rare healing power. He was God’s image on earth. He was heaven’s lieutenant. A good human being. A kind Christian. A character from the Bible. They lived alone. In a big house. Despite their years. Despite the fact that they had children. Like any parent, they talked very fondly of them. Of their childhood, adolescence and youth. Showed the old family albums to friends. The family pictures. These were a register of events. A chronicle. Of two generations. From the mother’s lap to manhood. Sometimes, we unrolled the family scroll. Dr Christian’s 10 pictures told a tale. All in one suit. He appeared to be a man of modest means. Austere habits. He was healthy. Disciplined. Hard working. His seniors trusted him. His colleagues respected him. The juniors looked up to him. He had risen. By virtue of his professional ability, dedication and hard work. He belonged to the elite. And he had a happy family. The children were his most precious possession. He had given them all that he had. Even what he had missed. Good education. The best that money could buy. In convents and public schools. He monitored their progress. Constantly and consistently. Like a good record keeper, he had preserved their monthly progress cards. From the first to the last day in school. And then they were sent to the best of the universities. Like Oxford and Cambridge. Gradually, they had graduated. Finally, they were picked up for senior positions. At fabulous salaries. The parents were happy. Satisfied. They were pardonably proud of their progeny. Now, the doctor was past his prime. He was beginning to feel the aches and pains. He felt it was time to retire. To relax. He decided to live in the quiet of Chandigarh. Having worked for many years, he had earned, spent and even saved. He had got certain retiral benefits. Some pension too. It was enough to see the couple through the years to come. To give them a home and homely comforts. They built a compact house. Led a simple life. They cycled and strolled. They looked happy and healthy. Soon they were not to be seen. An acquaintance informed me that the lady had got cancer. She was taken to a good institute for her treatment. And what a tragedy. She had collapsed on the surgeon’s table. She was no more. She will never be seen again. Not in flesh and blood. Unable to bring her back home, he had cremated her. Just by himself. Now, Dr Christian was left alone. He was lonely. The son flew in. To be with his dear father? To share his grief? To take care of him in the evening of his life? To comfort him? Yes. At least, we thought so. Soon, he had got down to the job. He had convinced his father that India was not a good place for him to live in. He must stay with one of his children. In America or in any other country of his choice. In proper comfort. He must accompany him. He should dispose of his belongings. He would not need any of his things. Not even the house. And he did a neat job. He found customers. For everything. The house. The household goods. The furniture. The appliances. The old clothes of his father. For even the old and used under-garments of his mother. At the end, he felt rich. He bought two tickets. In a few days, the father and son were gone. Without anyone even getting a scent of it. If Dr Christian had any dreams, these were shattered. Totally. Before the end of the week. When he was deposited in the house for the old and infirm. By his own son. Whom he had brought up so fondly. Who had given him hope of a comfortable stay. He was now left in the company of the sick and suffering. To sit and sulk. By himself. Without any money. An old friend sent him a ticket. He came back to India. To discover that taxes had to be paid. He did not have money to buy anything. Not even a penny for poison. Despite the friend’s assurance, he was anxious. Even apprehensive. To divert the mind, he got out of the bed. Went into the study. Picked up a book. The opening line read. “Whoever makes his father’s heart to bleed, shall have a child that will revenge the deed”. He felt an instant pain. Deep inside him. He did not want his children to suffer. No! Never! He prayed to God. To forgive them. To give them happiness. And while praying, he passed off. Quietly. Into an eternal sleep. To be with Him forever. What a parent! What a
progeny? |
Financing problems of developing
nations AT the start of the year 2000, prospects for funding developing countries for their infrastructure and social development do not appear as bright as the overall outlook for the world economy, as given in leading forecasts, would suggest. Even the World Bank sees a probable decline in private capital flows to developing countries, including the once dynamic Asian economies in the coming year, continuing the trend which has been noticed in 1999. Neither bilateral official flows, which have steadily decreased from 0.35 to 0.22 per cent of the combined GDP of the developed countries, nor multilateral lending would make up for the reduction in other forms of financial flows when the developing countries would be in greater need of external finance for the higher growth that most of them are targeting for. Private financing in all forms, including investment and portfolio flows, bonds and commercial bank syndicated loans have been the major source of external capital since 1992, accounting for 60 to 70 per cent of the total resource flows to the developing countries. The loss of momentum in foreign investment of the developing countries, which were showing a steady uptrend in the 1990s until the Asian crisis of 1997, is mainly due to the sharp contraction in the economies of South-East and East Asia, and the slowdown of the pace of reform in many countries, including those in South Asia like India. The crisis-hit Asian countries are staging a significant recovery from recession, which has persuaded the Asian Development Bank to revise its earlier growth estimates for its developing member-countries. But the process of strengthening the financial sector in most countries of the Asian region, including India, is not impressive for investors who are looking both at macro-economic stability and structural reforms beyond the declarations of intent by governments. There is now all over the developing world a drive for private sector involvement in all sectors, whether in tapping the mineral resources, including the extraction of oil, or the setting up of refineries, petrochemicals or fertilisers as well as traditional industries like steel, cement and aluminium. This trend is more pronounced in the Gulf region and the Middle-East, where infrastructure construction is not as demanding as in other developing countries of South Asia. But electricity generation needs to be stepped up in all countries as a basic pre-requisite for further growth of the economy while investment requirements for other types of infrastructure like roads, ports and telecommunications are also very high in the Asian region. Given these needs as well as the importance of policy environment to attract foreign capital, liberalisation of investment rules, both in regard to equity limits and the areas of entry, is being undertaken. The oil-rich countries in West Asia are all lining themselves up for foreign investment even in the hydrocarbon sector, which has so far been a state monopoly. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Iran fall in this category besides others in the Gulf zone. Domestic capital has its limitations in all these countries though it is being given a red carpet treatment for undertaking industrial and service-oriented activities both to supplement and, wherever possible, downsize the role of the state. Capital markets, though embryonic in some countries, are also becoming a route for resource mobilisation. It is in a period of keenness for foreign investment and an unprecedented scale of investments required for their plans that the developing countries have to compete among themselves for the available resources. It may be relatively easier to attract more investments in countries where foreign capital has already a significant presence and there are no policy glitches. International financial institutions like the IMF and the World Bank remain at the centre of world of finance and their assessments influence the attitude of global investors. For a large number of countries, especially the least developed ones, multilateral lending is the major, if not the sole, source of external finance. Many of them have become highly indebted and over the last two decades their development record has been dismal. In the post-Cold War world, the industrial North decided that there could no longer be divisions of the world into North-South or East-West, and pushed with the globalisation agenda as the universal mantra. The developed nations at no time had committed themselves to the goals and objectives set out in the United Nations International Development Strategy of the 1970s and the following decades, one of which was allocated 0.70 per cent of the GNP for the ODA. The USA’s ODA performance came down to 0.15 per cent while other industrial nations, some with budget constraints, felt less inclined to provide more for the ODA. The developed nations have been reshaping the policies of the institutions in ways which advance their own vision of the world but in effect which serve their interests more than the intended good for the poor. The IMF and the World Bank have accordingly been playing a role which, while supportive of development, also involves the loss of autonomy for the developing countries to chalk out their own paths. These two institutions have had to expand their capital base from time to time and evolve new approaches to meet the needs of the developing countries both in regard to the balance of payments deficits and project and non-project assistance to the developing countries. But over the years both agencies tightened their conditions of assistance under the structural adjustment programme or sectoral lending, and these invariable included economic policy prescriptions of a radical character. Reform of the two institutions especially of the IMF, has been before the international community for a few years. They had to adjust themselves to a succession of crises and shocks to the world economy such as the floating of currencies since 1971, the oil price hikes, the Latin American debt crisis and the Asian financial turmoils of 1997-98 which spread its contagion across the international spectrum. The USA now wants to clip the wings of the IMF, which has had to bail out several countries with huge loans with conditions not worked out well for the health of the economies of the afflicted countries. There has been considerable debate on the appropriateness of the IMF conditionality and its “failure” to anticipate the Asian crisis. Even President Clinton said recently that the two institutions found themselves inadequate to such crises and needed reform. A new group of 20 was created to deal with the issue of reform and redesigning the international financial architecture, and this includes about 10 developing countries, India being one of them. After attending its meeting in Berlin in mid-December, Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha asserted on return that India had become a “global player” in a self-laudatory stance characteristic of the BJP leadership. Decisions in the IMF, unlike the World Trade Organisation, are not by consensus and, therefore, the developed nations would still determine the future role of these institutions. France and Japan are not in favour of the US proposal that the IMF should confine itself only to the balance of payments assistance and not over-extend itself with massive relief programme blurring its role with the World Bank. The policy dialogue will be continued in G-20 in future meetings. In the context of all
this, the two institutions may feel circumscribed in
proceeding with a “business as usual” approach.
This in turn might work to the disadvantage of the
countries looking for larger flows of multilateral
assistance. |
Time to delink religion from
calendars THE keen interest shown by the public in the Nanakshahi calendar during the recent past should be welcome. It is a matter of public interest and a thorough and intelligent discussion must precede a decision of such a vital matter. No meaningful discussion is, however, possible without regard to the following facts: The calendar is not a religious matter. It belongs to science and is more a system of measuring time. For this purpose, several systems have been tried based on the movement of the sun, moon or stars, and are classified as solar, lunar or sidereal calendars. Muslims adopted the Hijri calendar, which is lunar, and starts with the hijrat of Prophet Mohammed from the Mecca. The Christian calendar starts with the birth of Christ and follows the solar movement. The system has now been adopted by most countries of the world as the Common Era (CE) calendar. The Bikrami samvat has been in vogue in India and was introduced by a powerful Indian king, Bikramaditya, and not by any religious leader. It is neither solar nor lunar, but is based on the movement of a cluster of stars. The Nanakshahi samvat starts with the year of the birth of Guru Nanak. It was not introduced by the Guru himself during his life time but later by his followers to perpetuate the memory of the founder of the Sikh religion and the great benefactor of mankind. It was linked with the Bikrami calendar in vogue at the time. The Nanakshahi calendar is thus associated with the Sikhs and is an essential ingredient of their identity. In this context, the recent statement of Mr Balramji Dass Tandon, Punjab Cabinet Minister, against the proposed reforms is unfortunate, since it is tantamount to interference in Sikh religion by a non-Sikh and the government. It was discovered that the sidereal year followed by the Bikrami calendar is longer than the solar year by approximately 20 minutes, which adds up to one full day in 70 years. As a result in the course of time the months will shift away from the seasons associated with them in the Gurbani and other literature. The Julian calendar followed by the Christians suffered from a similar defect, so that the equinoxes had shifted from their actual dates. This was pointed out to Pope Gregory in 1582 who following the advice of experts decreed skipping over 10 days in October to make the correction. Since then all European countries as also most of the progressive countries of the world have followed a strictly solar calendar, so that a relationship between the seasons and months is permanently established. The UK and the USA originally defied but had to fall in line in 1752 making an adjustment of 11 days. The Nanakshahi calendar is facing the same probe. Because of its link with Bikrami samvat, months and seasons are getting out of step. This is evident from the fact that Baisakhi, which fell on the March 27, 1469, drifted to the March 29, 1699, and has further moved to April 14, 1999. Of course the difference is partly due to the correction of 10 days made in the CE calendar during this period. This still leaves eight days by which Baisakhi has moved down the solar year since the year of Guru Nanak’s birth. This slide will continue and simple arithmetic shows that at the end of the next millennium Baisakhi will pass into May, which is certainly not the harvest season, referred to in the Bara Maha by Guru Arjun Devji. This movement of Baisakhi will continue and at a distant date will fall in September or October, when wheat crop is not even planted, rendering the Guru’s reference to its harvest meaningless. Like Baisakhi other sangrands and months will be affected. The month of Chet associated with Basant or spring season would move to June. Mention of spring and the butterflies in Chet by Guru Nanak Devji in “Bara Maha Tukhari” will look very odd. It is necessary to arrest this trend in order to perpetuate the present relationship between months and seasons and also to retain the relevance of references and metaphors in the Gurbani. The Nanakshahi calendar has become sacred for the Sikhs because of the association of the Guru’s name with it. Bikrami samvat enjoys no such sanctity since it was introduced by an Indian king Bikramaditya and not by any prophet or spiritual leader. The Bikrami samvat because of its defects has already been rejected by the Government of India and replaced by the Saka samvat which unlike Bikrami samvat, is a solar calendar. So if the Nanakshahi calendar dissociates itself from the Bikrami samvat, no sacrilege is committed and there is absolutely no reason why it should adversely affect the relations between the Hindus and the Sikhs as pleaded by some critics. It may be repeated that the Hindu-dominated government of India has already rejected the Bikram samvat and is following the Saka samvat. Why should Sikhs follow an outdated and clearly wrong calendar? The other major feature of the proposed reforms in the Nanakshahi samvat is the fixation of Gurpurab dates. In the Bikrami system these dates are determined by the state of the moon (sudis and vadis) so that we have never celebrated our Gurpurabs on the actual dates. A committee of historians looked into this question examining all available information and views of different scholars. This committee unanimously agreed on the actual dates of all Gurpurabs, which have been incorporated in the Nanakshahi calendar. It has been recommended that all Gurpurabs be celebrated on fixed dates. The present system governed by sudis and vadis is actually tantamount to worship of different states of the moon, rather than the actual Gurpurab. It has been assumed in certain quarters that the proposed reform in the calendar is the brainchild of a Canadian, Mr Pal Singh Purewal. He is no doubt an authority on the science of calendar, and is recognised internationally. Sikhs can genuinely be proud of him. But with technical input provided by him, the initiative for reforms was taken by the Institute of Sikh Studies, Chandigarh, in 1994 when a meeting attended by representatives of all major Sikh organisations as well as representatives of universities was convened in Chandigarh. The need for reforms was unanimously recognised. The details were worked out in specialised committees by well-known historians and calendar experts. The proceedings of the meetings were published in the Abstracts of Sikh Studies from time to time. The deliberations lasted for four years and it was only then that the SGPC got convinced and approved of the proposed reforms. The revised calendar was adopted by the SGPC general house meeting unanimously for implementation effective from 1999, the tercentenary year of the Khalsa. Some objections have recently been raised. As a result some amendments relating to celebration of Hola Mohalla, Divali and Guru Nanak’s birthday have been accepted. Other objections have been adequately answered. In view of the above explanation, it is hoped that jantri produced by the SGPC will be approved and introduced with immediate effect. (The author is
founder Secretary of the Institute of Sikh Studies and
member of Dharam Prachar Committee). |
Politics of religion casts its
shadow THE wisdom of adopting the Nanakshahi calendar duly approved by the SGPC and the intense controversy that has now been generated at different levels deserves serious consideration by the Sikh community. Unfortunately, this controversy is in tandem with other major controversies (langar maryada, centrality of the tercentenary celebrations and All India Gurdwara Bill) that have plagued the credibility and influence of the exalted Sikh institutions. This adverse exposure has caused a grave damage to the image that the sentient Sikh seeks to project the universality of their religion in the modern world. The Nanakshahi calendar (which follows the pattern of tropical or solar year rather than the sidereal or lunar year of the Bikrami calendar) has been under consideration for more than four years. An exhaustively researched paper was presented at a seminar held under the aegis of the Institute of Sikh Studies in September, 1995. It was attended by many scholars, including some from abroad. Thereafter, the issue was examined by a select body of scholars to confirm that it embodies neither a negative nor a prohibitive dimension of the sacred as well as some historic. In February, 1996, a panel of representatives from the SGPC, Chief Khalsa Divan, universities and some institutions were briefed about this research paper and its examination by the select scholars. The logic and scientific basis for introducing the Nanakshahi calendar were explained in various journals. The author of Nanakshahi calendar was asked to consult the SGPC before its finalisation and approval by the SGPC. The facts about the technical workings in the Nanakshahi calendar and the absolute accuracy of the dates of historical events of religious value are incontrovertible and have not been the subject of controversy. The break from additional system of following the Bikrami calendar is opposed and that too mainly by the Sant Samaj. The fact that the Nanakshahi calendar synchronises with the CE (common era) calendar so that it arrests the shift, howsoever gradual, in seasons and events like Baisakhi and their correlation with the narration in the Gurbani is underplayed. It is worth mentioning here that the “shahidi gurpurab” of Chote Sahibzadas has been and continues to be celebrated according to a fixed date of the CE calendar. Another significant aspect must be stressed. If other major religions have their own calendars what is deterring the Sikhs to adopt their own calendar? After all, the Bikrami calendar was evolved at a certain stage of history. A calendar per se does not affect religiosity. However, if any sensibilities are involved, those must be protected. The SGPC has accordingly incorporated three modifications to its earlier approved calendar — these pertain to celebrations, as, therefore, of the birthday of Guru Nanak, Divali and Hola Mohalla. That the traditions have great value in the development of a nation is undeniable. However, the boundaries of tradition and how rigid should be its enforcement cannot escape changes coupled with the evolution of mind and community. We must sacrilise the concepts and precepts of tradition and accept that Sikhism regards Sangat as a superior metaphysical reality which is empowered to transcend ceremonial fixation. The origins of beliefs have deeper meaning than cultish attachments to merely a calendar date. When the accepted celebration of Guru Nanak’s “parkash utsav” is organised by the community as one body in November as against the historical established day in April, the occasion does not fail to transmit the sublimity. Therefore, it would appear that the controversy about the Nanakshahi calendar is directed more by the politics of the religion than the faith in the religion. The prevailing proclivity and the capacity of the Sikh community to generate controversies at an unprecedented tempo and on issues which could be tackled prudently, with due thought and in a spirit of accommodation, is amazing to say the least. There are inherent mechanism provided for consensus in the Sikh doctrines, philosophy and institutions. But who is to guard the guardians? The principal cause that boldly stands out is the suppression of objectivity in institutions of governance whether political, religious or social. And in the present milieu of political misadventure, unmanageable centres of authority are exploiting their powers to extract optimum political leverage and whatever goes with it. Also, there is no death of those who are waiting to fish in the troubled waters. The political courses followed by the SAD, in the recent past, is fatal to the Sikh community. It has spawned centres of authority with dubious motives of symbiotic relationship with a personalised power equation. The Sant Samaj factions are on a fast track in this. Their domain and claim portend very serious consequences for the Sikhs. In this venture, the sants are failing to influence the energies of “subconscience” and provide models and guidelines of behaviour. Many sants have done and some are still doing commendable service towards the propagation of Sikhism. But the emergence of the Sant Samaj, which itself is not a monolithic body in the observance of Sikh maryada, in form and content, combined with their inclinations for political patronage divests them of the divinity of their mission. In the present case, while reviewing the desirability of the Nanakshahi calendar, the environment in which the aspirations of the Sikhs are to be contended with in a global context must not be ignored by any organisation. The controversy regarding the Nanakshahi calendar must be resolved at the earliest to avoid further dissensions. It is learnt that a meeting of the executive committee of the SGPC, Dharamprachar Committee and the Singh “sahiban” has been convened at Amritsar. It is hoped, and fervently, that at least this issue would be resolved pragmatically and in the best interest of the Sikh panth. (The author is a
retired brigadier and a scholar). |
January
20, 1925 FOR some time the political situation in Burma has been rather confused; and it was becoming apparent that immediate and effective action was necessary to deal with the cross-cross-currents of the political movement. There Burma was the main issue before the country. It was also necessary that the Indian leaders should make a careful and intensive study of the political situation, especially in regard to the recent separatist tendency in a certain section of the Burmese. We therefore, commend the action of the Burma Provincial Congress Committee in inviting Mahatma Gandhi, the Ali Brothers, Lala Lajpat Rai, Mr C.R. Das, Pt. M.M. Malaviya and other Indian leaders to go to Burma on a political mission. We hope that, in spite of their preoccupations, some at least of the leaders invited will be able to go to that much neglected Province and help in organising its political activities on the right lines. Burma is singularly free
from the incubus of communal strife, which is eating into
the vitals of the national movement elsewhere; and we
have no doubt the efforts of the leaders to place the
Congress movement in Burma on a sound footing will be
amply compensated. |
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