E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
Wednesday, July 7, 1999 |
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PSUs:
perennial football FROM
KOSOVO TO KASHMIR |
Who
is the real serial killer? Indians
and turban
Communal disturbance at Hapur |
PSUs: perennial football ENGLISHMEN often complain that everyone talks about the weather but no one does anything about it. Substitute the phrase restructuring of the public sector undertaking for weather and the complaint becomes very valid in India. Politicians, bureaucrats and economic commentators often passionately plead for restructuring the PSUs, without intending to take even the tentative first step. Delhi went through the charade once again on Monday when FICCI brought together the Union Industry Minister and a blunt-speaking member of the Disinvestment Commission for a face-to-face interaction. The theme was restructuring of the PSUs, but funnily there was no representative of any public sector unit, nor anyone from the private sector or trade unions. As a result, the two worthies talked at each other and then went their way. The Minister read out a speech his secretary had written for him, in which he had referred to the several aspects of restructuring, not confined to capital infusion. That is fine, all theoretical assertions made during much of the nineties. But the point is about setting in motion the process and selecting those undertakings that are sure to emerge as winners. Of this there was thundering silence. If the Minister was vague and his views were shapeless, Mr Dipanker Basu, the other speaker, went to the other extreme. He asserted that there can be no restructuring as long as the government held a majority share in any unit, profit making or not. Redtape will strangulate all attempts to change the present sorry state of affairs. And loosening the government (read bureaucratic) hold is proving to be a nightmare, or at least very difficult. The bureaucrats being bureaucrats, also come up with ideological arguments. Public money has been pumped into these units and there is the thing called accountability. The government cannot blindly plunge into restructuring without weighing all aspects. One PSU is essential in every key industry to prevent the private units forming a cartel and fleecing the consumer. The real reason for the
slow pace of restructuring lies elsewhere, and as always
with the government, it is left unsaid. Restructuring
spells different things to different ministries. For the
Finance Ministry it is a source of non-budgetary revenue
to narrow the fiscal deficit. So it banks solely on the
Disinvestment Commission to do its job while forcing
cash-rich ones like the IOC and Oil India to buy shares
of other units now held by the government. For the
Industry Ministry it means the loss of control over
several giant companies, with a total investment of Rs
2,50,000 crores. For the other administrative ministries,
it means the disappearance of an additional empire and a
source of influence-peddling. It is this clash of
interest, rather, self-interest, that has so far thwarted
all efforts at injecting much-needed management freedom
into the units. Holding a one-day seminar is not going to
cure this chronic illness. |
Pakistan in financial straits ONE of the factors that might have weighed on Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to accept US President Bill Clinton's correct advice to withdraw the Pakistani army regulars and other intruders from the Indian side of the LoC in the Kargil sector must be his country's tottering economy. Without sufficient economic muscle, no country can bear the impact of a military engagement. And for a small nation like Pakistan the economic fallout of its Kargil misadventure not a full-scale war is going to prove too heavy for its resources. (India's position is entirely different because of the huge size of its economic base.) The world should not be surprised if international investors start withdrawing from Pakistan.There is every likelihood of its being declared a defaulter by many international lending institutions. The IMF has already tightened its screw as Islamabad has been flouting its guidelines one after another. It may refuse to release the $1.56 billion loan as agreed upon to prevent Pakistan's failure to honour its international financial commitments. The US House International Relations Committee has launched a move for a law to ban any kind of monetary assistance to Pakistan for different reasons. This law, which may become a reality by the middle of the current month if there are no pressures to scuttle the move, will enable the USA to squeeze Pakistan in a more effective manner. Pakistan's external debt has already crossed the level of $40 billion. Pakistans troubles will continue to multiply now that it has been exposed as a rogue state. Then there is the American realisation, though a belated development, that Islamabad is not serious about maintaining peace in South Asia. Somehow it has ceased to have the significance it once enjoyed in the US scheme of things in this part of the world. Thus the days of Pakistan taking undue advantage of its closeness to the USA to even flout IMF guidelines have gone. The IMF and other such lending institutions will not spare Pakistan for raising its defence expenditure by 11 per cent (6 per cent of the GDP against India's mere 2.5 per cent) as shown in its 1999-2000 budget. While painting a
horrifying picture of Pakistan, Washington's South Asia
Monitor has come out with telling statistics about an
economy firmly in the grip of a severe recession and
fiscal imbalance. Its exports and investment have slowed
down considerably. Some of Pakistan's woes might have
been caused by the US sanctions imposed after the Chagai
nuclear blasts, but its unrealistic stress on acquiring
military muscle, even at the cost of people's basic
requirements, is greatly responsible for what has been
happening to its economy. With this grim reality, any
resort to a full-scale war will be suicidal. If the
religious fanatics fail to overthrow the government of Mr
Nawaz Sharif as they have threatened for their own
foolish reasons the economic tremors emanating
from Kargil will do the job. |
Apple growers in a jam APPLE growers of Himachal Pradesh never had it so bad. After a bumper crop last year, they are having the leanest crop ever. The production is down to only 10 to 20 per cent of the normal. To make matters worse, the size of the fruit is small and the juice content is very low. The absence of rain and snow at the right time destroyed the growers' hopes. Since the State's economy depends on apples, the consequences are bound to be debilitating. But worse will be the fate of small and marginal farmers. Many of them might be wiped out. It is they who bear the brunt almost every year. Even when there is a bumper crop, prices drop so sharply that they do not benefit from their hard labour. And when it is crop failure as during this year, they are without a safety net because the State does not have a crop insurance scheme. Foreign experts who come here are surprised at the lack of infrastructure and safety mechanism. That is why the incidence of crop failure is five to six times higher here than in countries in the developed world. India is one of the few countries where apple-growing continues to be at the mercy of weather gods. The draught and disease-hit farmers have to eke out a living with great difficulty. The result is that for every farmer who is well to do, there are at least 10 who lead a hand-to-mouth existence. What a pity that the apple bowls called Kotgarh and Kotkhai are not able to put even two square meals in the bowls of their growers. That is a crying shame because with scientific methods, their income can be increased manifold. That in a way is the tragedy of all farmers. So uncertain is their future that many of them compare farming with gambling. In the frustrating
situation, there are some who have found fault with the
Union Government's decision to put apples on the Open
General Licence (OGL) list. Several leaders have sought a
ban on the import of apples from Australia and New
Zealand. This demand would have been understandable in a
year when there was a bumper crop and a glut in the
market. But when a sufficient quantity of apples is not
available, a ban on their import would be a recipe for
sending their prices skyhigh. It is a question of
watching the interests of the users also. Instead, what
is needed is a comprehensive package for the farmers,
which can free them from the shackles of uncertain
weather. |
FROM KOSOVO TO KASHMIR DURING the peak period of terrorism in Punjab I remember to have written an article, From Amritsar to Colombo, whose theme was to explore the nature of armed separatist movements and their changing contexts and hence their moral overtones. For clearly, when we examine a terrorist-led minority from a long distance, as uninvolved spectators, we see such a state of bloodshed and mayhem in one way, but when the plague touches ones soil and life, the perspective often undergoes a radical change. In fact, even in Punjab itself, when the menace of militancy had taken a grim turn inviting state terrorism, equally, if not more, brutal and ruthless, the two communities whose symbiotic relationship seemed to have sealed an everlasting love over centuries began to see Operation Bluestar and the Punjab tragedy from different ends of the telescope. I find something of that nature in the Kosovo crisis, where NATO had unleashed a war against Belgrade with one kind of worked-up moral dream, and where the Serbs, finding an ethnic minority resorting to sustained armed conflict against a countrytheir home for centuries for their own brutal compulsions, had started rounds of unwarranted violence and ethnic cleansing.Here, then, we have again a tragedy of parallel perceptions to ponder and agonise over. Where does one draw the line, then, faced with a strong nationalist sentiment that is often as sacred and as lethal as the religious sentiment in full cry? Each can be brought to a boil by any kind of assault on its dignity or identity. Indeed, the tragedy is compounded and complexified when there is a symbiosis between these two powerful human urges or drives. To understand, then, the irrational side of the Kosovan crisis, one needs to know something of the long hinterland of history involving the conquest of territories and, ultimately, of a section of the subdued natives through the crusading sword. Over a long period of time, the primal cause is lost, and the converted communities do genuinely begin to see their selves as separate, distinct nation, though thats a falsification both in conceptual and geo-political terms. (Indeed, thats the misbegotten concept which continues to govern the Pakistani mindset). To return, then, to that forgotten page of Kosovan history, one may see in perspective the making of this tragedy. An Albanian minority that had embraced Islam under Turkish rule, and become over a long period of time a part of the Yugoslavian nation of multi-racial communities had, like so many similar separatist movements as in Sri Lanka, in Kashmir, in Spain, in Ireland, to name a few has finally taken up arms to carve out an independent Kosovo. Now for the Serbs who dominate the republic, it may be recalled, hold Kosovo in great esteem, believing it to be the piece of land where their race had begun its long journey in history. In short, a kind of holy land much in the manner of the Israelis. Though reduced to a significant minority, the Serbs continued to regard Kosovo as an inalienable part of their country. They were, after the break-up of the Soviet Union and the consequent fall of the Communist regimes in Europe A domino effect compelled to give up Croatia, Macedonia and a part of Muslim Bosnia after a terrible human tragedy, but where Kosovo was concerned, it had roused the Serb corporate consciousness into a state of holy wrath. Its break-away just couldnt be even considered. It would mean an unpardonable blow to the Serb pride and the Slav soul. Yes, a good measure of autonomy (such as J&K in India has enjoyed since Independence in varying degrees), but a No with a thunder where the question involved complete irreversible separation. That the NATO (read American) aggression was unleashed in the garb of human rights protection was to showing a moral fig-leaf to convince the world outside of the American hegemony or empire of imposed opinions. Why does, one may ask, America remain on most friendly terms with certain Arab monarchies, Latin American dictatorships and Asian-African tyrannical, propped-up puppet regimes where the history of liberty and human rights is too disgraceful to need any proof. There, as you know, American interests is the issue the sale of arms worth hundreds of billions of dollars each year, the huge trade and economic benefits, the stationing of American troops on those soils outposts of a new imperialism, and never has an American President or Congress even thought of raising a little dust over the human rights issue, let alone unleash missiles and bombs. The American duplicity and the sheer hypocrisy of its principal stooge, Great Britain (under a Labour government, above all!), are appalling when we ponder the problem in world perspective. I am personally much distressed in showing up the ugly face of Uncle Sam, for in my long connection with that country in terms of literary and academic affinities, of staying under American roofs and enjoying the freedoms and bounties of American life in good measure I cannot but agonise over what is happening in Kosovo, and may happen in Kashmir if, at any stage, the American foreign policy, unmindful of consequences, succumbs to the temptation. It is an unlikely contingency now, particularly after the Kargil crisis, but political horizons can change colour anytime, and invite trouble. Nevertheless, the noises coming out of Washington and its satellites are no real guarantee, and India would do well to remain on diplomatic, military and moral alert. America, we feel, will not be in the end so foolish as to push India that far over the Kashmir issue, but it can exact economic, nuclear, defence and other concessions under some kind of veiled threats, if and when it suits its hegemonic needs. With the Russians outraged but helpless, and the Chinese incensed and ready after the destruction of their embassy in Belgrade, and the rest of the right-thinking world dismayed, the US think machine would have to battle its way out of this mess. America has already made the UN an irrelevant, unwanted body on its soil and in a manner, slighted the world community and it is time for the American media and academics to come right into the picture. The American intellectual tradition, despite its pitiful ambiguities en route, still remains powerful enough in its art and letters. Now that a most troubled peace has been imposed by NATO, we are witnessing something of a reverse revenge tragedy in Kosovo under the nose of the NATO troops. It is the Serbs who are now being driven out of their land, their homes and hamlets looted and torched. This peace of the graveyard cannot but cause a great conflagration in the Balkans once again if a just solution based on the rightful aspirations of both the warring communities is not hammered out in the near future. Meanwhile, the Chinese, Russian and Indian indignation over the American dream of creating a unipolar world under its hegemony, bypassing the UN, has already produced the right movement for a geo-political nexus to counter the NATO designs in other parts of the world. There are already loud hints about such a plan from persons in high positions in the three big countries. In sum, India should
proclaim it as vigorously and loudly as it can that it
would never allow Kashmir to be turned into a Kosovo, for
all the putative points of resemblance in the
geo-political sense. Pakistan for the first time since
its misconception and creation stands isolated, almost
cornered as a potential terrorist state. It should not be
permitted to get off the hook without a price on
Indian terms. |
Indias record before Kargil INDIA has fought five wars since Independence and won four of them. This is the reply to those doubters who ask what would be the result of the Kargil war. We were never war-mongers. Each of these wars was thrust upon us. To start with the dawn of the era of freedom, 1947 was the year of our Independence; also it was the year of the beginning of the Kashmir war. We were faced with the chaos of Partition; the influx of 6 million refugees and their rehabilitation a gigantic problem, unprecedented in history. Pakistani soldiers and raiders sought to grab Kashmir. The aggressors had a field day. Facing no opposition, they advanced to within a distance of four and a half miles of Srinagar, then the only link Kashmir had with India and that too by air. The road link via Jammu came after some time. The Indian government got awakened almost at the twelfth hour. The Indian Army contingents were air-lifted to Srinagar and Kashmir was saved. On January, 1, 1948, we declared ceasefire. One week more for the Army and the whole of Kashmir would have been cleared of the raiders. There would be no Kashmir problem left. But as always, India wins a war but loses peace. Are we too generous, too gentlemanly? Are we overpowered by the thought that the enemy must be allowed to save his face? This is particularly true of the 1971 war when India achieved a history-making victory. After that victory the Kashmir and related problems would have been wiped out. But we returned some significant conquered territories along with the POWs numbering over 90,000. We could have found a Hyderabad-type solution to the Kashmir problem. The Nizam of Hyderabad toyed with the idea of independence. An independent country of Hyderabad would have been a constant dagger pointed out at the belly of India. But on September 13, 1948, Sardar Patel (who had merged 500-600 states in India without a war) marched his armies and in just 5 days the Hyderabad State (then as big as France) lay flat and the Nizam signed the deed of surrender, merging his state in India. Of course, Pakistan and its Western patrons along with the UN made the usual noises (very strong ones on this occasion), but India presented the world with fait accompli. The whole of the India was thrilled with this magnificent victory. The Hyderabad problem disappeared, forever. The third trial of our strength came in the shape of the China war in 1962. It was most unexpected, for our slogan was Hindi-Chinee Bhai Bhai. Could a brother stab us in the back? We had never given any thought to military preparedness. Our role was that of peace-makers in the world. Wherever events neared a flash point, Nehru would airdash there to establish peace. Our military budget in 1962 was a joke, for Nehrus philosophy was: why waste money on engines of death and destruction? Spend them on raising the life-standards of the semi-starving millions. A noble programme indeed, but irrelevant to the world of the hard-headed politicians, who play their diabolical games. Nehrus Defence Minister Krishna Menon, also an international figure, had his extraordinariness not in devising bold military strategies but in making long speeches. His 10-hour address at the UN seems to be an unbeatable record. Nehru died disillusioned and broken hearted. The world has regarded us as a soft state. Our boast was that without fighting a war of independence, under Gandhijis leadership, we had won our freedom through methods of truth and non-violence. We sought to teach this lesson to the world, to rid it of war and unnecessary massacres of millions in wars. Nehru was an apostle of peace, out to set a new example to the world, as Gandhi had done in the case of the countrys independence. We forgot a more practical lesson which the wise British had learnt here. The British won World War I and II and continued to rule over an empire over which the sun never set. It was said that Britain won the two world wars with the British brain power, American money power and Indian manpower. The Indian soldiery won impossible battles. And then they were mercenaries fighting for their British masters. Today they fight for the honour and integrity of their motherland. In the 1962 war, our military preparedness was almost nil. China could, if it chose, march to New Delhi and annex the capital and the country. But then God intervened. China of its own accord withdrew from Indian territories and left India free. After that came our fourth war, the war with Pakistan in 1965. Those were the days of the Cold War between the USA and the Soviet Union. Pakistan was Americas hot favourite (they had flooded it with all sorts of most modern armaments) while India with its nonalignment was dubbed wicked by US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. Pakistan President Ayub Khan boasted: we would march sauntering to New Delhi with our military might. Still India won this war also, though Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri died as a martyr to it. Our fifth and the last
war in Bangladesh is the grandest thing we have ever
done. It led to the birth of Bangladesh, and Pakistan
lost 55 per cent of its population and territory. The
whole of India was elated in a frenzy of ecstasy. This
victory beat all records of our history. America had sent
its Seventh Fleet into the Bay of Bengal, but the iron
lady (Indira Gandhi) was not cowed down. This is our
record before Kargil. |
Communal
disturbance at Hapur THE following telegram, despatched by L. Ram Parshad, ex-editor, the Bande Mataram, from Meerut was received yesterday and was detained for 24 hours pending verification:- The Mohammedans made an unprovoked assault on the Hindus at the time of the Pankha procession at Hapur on the 5th and showered brickbats from houses. The Magistrate and the police were hit with brickbats and lathis. The Magistrate ordered firing. One man was killed and several wounded. One mandir was burnt and
looted and another was looted. Five shops and two houses
were looted. Women were forcibly divested of ornaments.
About 20 men have been arrested and brought to Meerut.
Investigation is proceeding. Further arrests are
expected. The town now observes hartal. I am proceeding
to Hapur for details. |
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