Looking beyond conversion
PRIME Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has visited Ahwa and other places in Dangs district rather late. But he has done well to meet a cross-section of the people of the area in the course of his rather hurried and officially planned tour. He has come to the conclusion that the prevailing situation in south Gujarat "is not as serious as it is being made out to be".

Satan never rests
THERE is a horrendous déjà vu in the abominable incident of the gangrape of Anjana Mishra in Bhubaneswar on Saturday night. Eighteen months ago, when she had accused Orissa Advocate-General Indrajeet Ray of attempting to rape her, the charge was dismissed by powers that be as part of a "political conspiracy".

BJP’S ORDINANCE RAJ
by S. Sahay
THE Vajpayee government’s decision to promulgate four Ordinances — on patents, the Central Vigilance Commission, on amendments to the Companies Act, and the Prasar Bharati Act — has to be viewed in the light of the constitutional scheme on Ordinances and of developments within the Sangh parivar.

Tardy start for global economy
by S. Sethuraman
THE penultimate year of the 20th century starts on a gloomy note for the world economy, notwithstanding an epoch-making transition in Europe when 11 nations have adopted a single currency, the euro, to knit themselves together in the European Monetary Union.

Vajpayee’s challenge worries RSS outfits
by P. Raman
HAS ATAL Behari Vajpayee been really able to emerge as the monarch of the ruling establishment? Will he finally succeed in imposing his will on the entire RSS parivar? How long and to what extent can the various units of the holding company continue with their conflicting programmes and action plans?

Amartya brings life to
‘dead end’
ASK any town planner and he would in most cases say that a university or any important seat of learning, should always be situated at the far end of a city. This is also true of the universities in the Capital, where all three Universities (JNU, DU and Jamia ) are located at places far from its hub.

Dog’s best friend
by I.M. Soni
ACCORDING to a news item in a national daily, Indira Gandhi Agricultural University, Raipur, has decided to institute a scholarship in memory of Tipsy, the pet dog of a senior IPS officer. The officer donated Rs 30,000 to the university. Tipsy, according to his owner, was suffering from cancer.

75 Years Ago

Why venue of Congress was changed
BOMBAY: Mrs Sarojini Naidu, the President of the Bombay Provincial Congress Committee, writes the following to the Press, regarding the change of venue of the Special Congress:

Looking beyond conversion

PRIME Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has visited Ahwa and other places in Dangs district rather late. But he has done well to meet a cross-section of the people of the area in the course of his rather hurried and officially planned tour. He has come to the conclusion that the prevailing situation in south Gujarat "is not as serious as it is being made out to be". He finds the "charge" of a breakdown of the law and order situation in a large part of the state as baseless. In the aftermath of the religious conversion and reconversion episodes, it appears rather strange that only District Magistrates and SPs are held responsible for the resultant vandalism and violence. What he has done amounts to exonerating the BJP-run state government. The political masters of the bureaucrats are the final arbiters in policy-planning and barring deliberate delinquency to duty, bureaucrats are bound to implement the ministerial orders. The Prime Minister has said nothing to signify his unhappiness with the Keshubhai Patel ministry even in the short term. Few people will agree with his view that the Hindu-Christian rift suddenly came about on December 25. The situation had been sliding down for quite some time, particularly in largely tribal districts like Dangs. It would be to make a misstatement of facts to say that the conversion of tribal groups to Christianity had its genesis around a holy day — Christmas —or in a particular month. Mr Vajpayee has frankly said that he is not able to ascertain whether foreign money and hands were involved in the recent conversions. This statement of his flies in the face of the claims of the Keshubhai Patel ministry, the Bharatiya Janata Party, the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) which have openly made allegations of financial inducement, extraterritorial influence and calculated mischief against Christian missionaries in the explosive happenings.

The demand for the dismissal of the state government or that for the banning of the VHP and the Bajrang Dal has been rejected by the Head of the Union Government, whose allegiance to the BJP has never been in doubt. The situation has become murky. In fact, the Constitution goes in favour of Mr Vajpayee's perception of proselytisation. He has been more than magnanimous in acknowledging "the right to conversion" as a granted fact. This right is not absolute! The right to propagate a religion is a fundamental right and, therefore, enforceable by courts. Its background is complicated. The first draft of the Right to Religion provided only the right to freely profess and practise religion; it did not include the right to propagate religion. Subsequently, discussion and debate in the Constituent Assembly made much concession to the proselytising religions — chiefly Christianity and Islam—whose spokesmen insisted on their right to propagate their religions. The major clause of Article 25 said: "Subject to public order, morality and health and to the other provisions of this part (the Right to Freedom of Religion), all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion." We have the authority of Dr D. D.Vasu to say that the right to propagate one's religion means the right to communicate a person's beliefs to another person or to expose the tenets of that faith, but it would not include the right to convert another person to the former's faith because the latter is "equally entitled to freedom of conscience. Of course, the latter person is free to adopt another religion in the free exercise of his conscience, but nobody has the fundamental right to convert him to another religion where he does not do so out of his free choice". Jawaharlal Nehru said: "Unless a given faith becomes a menace to public order, or its preachers attempt to thrust it down the unwilling throats of men of other persuasions, there can be no justification for measures which deprive any community of its rights." Logically, he prevented attempts made in Parliament to introduce a law seeking to ban religious conversion brought about "by force, fraud or material inducement".

If those who complain of the misuse of the Right to Religion are proved right, the instruments of force, fraud or material inducement must be punished according to the law of the land, which is adequate. But if the conversions are proved to be voluntary, an objective view of the situation should be taken. Here again, the law of the land should deal firmly with those who oppose the "right to informed choice". Conversions are not limited to Christianity or Hinduism. Dr B.R. Ambedkar helped the process of conversion of thousands of Dalit Hindus to Buddhism. He wanted to raise their social status and ameliorate their financial condition through state-financed developmental means. Some people have been embracing Islam for reasons other than faith or belief. At the root of the evil manifest in Dangs in the form of violence is poverty. It is necessary to state that Amartya Sen (not the Sangh Parivar's ideologues) is relevant to the present issue in Gujarat. Hunger is the cardinal sin and the poor have to be redeemed by the government. The idea of a countrywide debate on the issue of conversion mooted by the Prime Minister may yield beneficial results but it may also kick up much heat and dust. After all, a debate does not remain confined to newspaper columns, studios of the electronic media and platforms of secular organisations. The proposed debate must never be allowed to escalate and come down to indecent levels. We have to wait for the report of the "fact-finding committee". It is getting inordinately delayed.

Satan never rests

THERE is a horrendous déjà vu in the abominable incident of the gangrape of Anjana Mishra in Bhubaneswar on Saturday night. Eighteen months ago, when she had accused Orissa Advocate-General Indrajeet Ray of attempting to rape her, the charge was dismissed by powers that be as part of a "political conspiracy". Once again, the Chief Minister, Mr J.B.Patnaik, has branded her allegations as "nonsense" and "part of a conspiracy". Fortunately, this time she has two witnesses because the ghastly crime was committed in front of her driver and a TV journalist. One wants to hope against hope that it did not happen, only because it has apparently taken place, and is broadcasting a terrible message that the law of the jungle still prevails in many parts of the country even while it boasts of moving on to the next century. The official machinery is making all the expected motions. It has debunked the charge and at the same time ordered an enquiry by the crime branch. The burning issue is that if Anjana Mishra has actually been gangraped — and there is no reason to disbelieve her yet — what will be her state of mind on hearing that the Chief Minister of her State has referred to it as "nonsense". As it is, a woman raising her voice against criminal intimidation becomes the butt of ridicule. Anjana Mishra's condition is worse because she has also been called a liar. What happens if it is confirmed that she was indeed raped? Perhaps the government would come up with the theory that although the gangrape did take place, it was in no way connected with the case against the then Advocate-General. She will have no way to prove it, although her tormentors are reported to have openly kept talking about her stubborn stand in the case against Mr Ray while molesting her. It is shocking beyond words that the Chief Minister has opined that she should not have stepped out of her house without a safety ring. What does he have to say to her statement that her personal security officer refused to accompany her? After all, the security ring itself was provided by the government.

The victim of the gangrape is the estranged wife of an IFS officer. If this can happen to her, and that too close to the State Capital, the plight of the ordinary women in far-flung areas can well be imagined. Since the Chief Minister has rubbished the case on a whim, women's groups have every right to argue equally strongly that she has been victimised for raising her voice against the rich and the powerful. That is the experience of every common man. You just cannot fight a corrupt system. There are two sets of rules in existence. One is for those who have the official patronage. The other is for those who have the temerity to point an accusing finger at the people who wield power. In the latter case, the entire state machinery comes to the rescue of, no, not the victim but the culprit. That is how we encourage the wrongdoers to excel themselves further and further. Part of the fault lies with society as well. It tends to look the other way when an individual raises his voice against the system. The conspiracy of silence in which the man on the street indulges is the most important cause of the increase in lawlessness. Women particularly are hustled into silence whenever they challenge injustice. When Anjana Mishra accused the Advocate-General of trying to outrage her modesty, everyone from the Chief Minister downwards advised her to wait for one or two days before making public her charges. Ironically, when she did file the FIR eight days after the incident, it was said: if she was telling the truth, why did she not do so immediately? Could there be anything more demeaning?

BJP’S ORDINANCE RAJ
Misusing constitutional power
by S. Sahay

THE Vajpayee government’s decision to promulgate four Ordinances — on patents, the Central Vigilance Commission, on amendments to the Companies Act, and the Prasar Bharati Act — has to be viewed in the light of the constitutional scheme on Ordinances and of developments within the Sangh parivar.

The constitutional scheme is more easily stated.

Article 123 provides that if, at anytime except when both Houses of Parliament are in session, the President is satisfied that circumstances exist which render it necessary for him to take immediate action, he may promulgate such Ordinances as the circumstances appear to him to require.

It further provides that an Ordinance has the same force and effect as an Act of Parliament, except that it has to be presented to Parliament for approval and if this is not done within six weeks of the reassembly, or is disapproved earlier, its life ends.

This power has been rampantly misused by some state governments and the tendency seems to have overtaken the Central government too.

The constitutional provision for an Ordinance is based on the premise that urgent affairs of the government and the State need to be attended to immediately; they cannot await the calling into session of Parliament, which is a time-consuming process. And since the President has to act on the advice tendered to him by his Council of Ministers, he is expected to promulgate the Ordinances unless he thinks otherwise, and in that case he may return it for reconsideration of the Cabinet. Generally, this has not been done.

The fact that an Ordinance has a limited life implies that a wise government would not get an Ordinance issued which has no chance of being approved by the two Houses of Parliament, unless the attempt is to make a political statement, irrespective of the future of the Ordinance.

Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee has been leading a coalition and has not only the task of carrying with him his party’s allies but also the BJP and the Sangh parivar, for both of whom governance at the Centre is a new experience.

In all democracies, there has existed a struggle for dominance between the government and the party, and the general outcome has been in favour of the former exercising its power in running the government, except for general guidelines by the party.

For the Congress, in India, the task was easier because Gandhiji was not interested in power and it was easy for Nehru and Patel to be on their own while showing due deference to Gandhiji. Later Nehru asserted himself against Acharya Kirpalani and Pushottam Das Tandon, and they were plainly told where they got off. Indira Gandhi was able to marginalise Kamaraj and others and, in fact, there grew the practice of the Prime Minister being not only the Head of Government but also of the party in power. That is why the principle of one-man-one-post was never applied in the case of a Congress Prime Minister.

The case of the BJP is entirely different. It is, at best, the political arm of the Sangh parivar, and the general impression is that it is the RSS that has tended to call the shots.

This may have worked in the past, but now that the BJP-led government has been in office for nine months and the needs and perception of the government and the party and the Sangh parivar substantially differ, a confrontation became unavoidable, and, going by the results of the BJP National Council deliberations, Mr Vajpayee, supported by Mr L.K. Advani, asserted himself and got away with the assertion that while consultation between the government and the party was desirable, the ultimate decision rested with the former.

Whether this is a tactical retreat by the party president, Mr Kushabhau Thakre, or is an adjustment to the new realities, it cannot be said at this stage. But there is undoubtedly a connection between an assertive Mr Vajpayee and the promulgation of the four Ordinances mentioned earlier.

Take, for instance, the Ordinance on patents. The Rajya Sabha had already passed the Patents Bill, with an amendment suggested by the Congress. The adoption by the Lower House would have been no great problem, but the government apparently developed cold feet after strident criticism from the Sangh parivar over its anti-swadeshi stance.

With the BJP falling in line with the thinking of Mr Vajpayee on the issue, the government has felt emboldened to issue an Ordinance on it, abandoning its earlier plan to advance the budget session, in order to get the regular Bill passed. There appears to be a tearing hurry about the government’s assurance to foreigners about its intentions. The Congress, which initially said it would not mind an Ordinance as it adhered to the substance of the Bill adopted in the Rajya Sabha, has now changed its tone and is critical of the Ordinance route. So are the Leftists.

One would be inclined to concede that there does exist the need to repromulgate the amended CVC Ordinance, or else the whole scheme, following the Supreme Court guidelines, would get unstuck.

However, this cannot be said about the repromulgation of the Prasar Bharati Ordinance, which was promulgated in the first place to drive out Mr S.S. Gill from his office.

Prasar Bharati continues to be headless, and some other members have yet to be named. The vaunted parliamentary committee, in order to oversee the work of Prasar Bharati, and the complaints council are yet to be formed.

The plain truth is that the BJP government, like any other ministry, does not want to relinquish its control over the media, which is a pity. Nothing could be more shortsighted than keeping Prasar Bharati in government stranglehold when ever-advancing technology is creating fresh challenges to the country’s unity, integrity and independence.

The government is in desperate hurry to amend the Companies Act in order to balance the budget by allowing buy-back of company shares.

Tardy start for global economy
by S. Sethuraman

THE penultimate year of the 20th century starts on a gloomy note for the world economy, notwithstanding an epoch-making transition in Europe when 11 nations have adopted a single currency, the euro, to knit themselves together in the European Monetary Union.

The Asian financial crisis, which first erupted in Thailand in July, 1997, had its ripple effects all over in 1998, forcing a drastic revision of global economic growth estimates from 4 per cent in 1997 to around 2 per cent this year and in 1999.

The IMF, the World Bank and the club of industrialised nations, the OECD, have lowered the growth projections for 1998-2000 for both industrial and developing countries. Besides Asia, with the exception of China and India, the contagion effect of the financial turbulence and recession in East Asia spread to Russia and Latin America, especially Brazil.

From mid-1998, Russia has been through economic turbulence and political instability, leading to a reversal of the stabilisation programme it had implemented in the first half of the 1990s. The rouble devaluation in August, 1998, was followed by a moratorium on debt repayments. Declines in oil and other export prices pushed Russia’s current account deficit to an alarming level. Inflation, effectively controlled earlier, has been accelerating to 70 per cent and could cross a three-digit level in 1999.

Much would depend on the ability of the Primakov government to manage the economy, with a tough budget which has the backing of the Russian parliament, and win external financial support. The IMF’s 22 billion dollar aid programme remains stalled, pending renegotiations. Russia’s GDP growth will remain negative by 6 per cent for two years.

Brazil’s tough fiscal adjustment programme is being supported by a $ 18 billion package by the IMF while other bilateral and multilateral creditors have assured another $ 23 billion which could be drawn over the next three years. Brazil’s GDP will decline from 3.2 per cent in 1997 to 0.5 per cent this year, and a negative 1 per cent in 1999 as the government’s emergency measures take effect.

The world’s second largest economy, Japan, is mired in deep recession. From growth averages of 4.5 per cent in the 1980s and the 1990s, Japan’s economy began slowing down from 1992, and it has been on downhill since, except for some revival in 1996. The growth decline in 1998 has been estimated by the OECD at 2.6 per cent. Recovery in 1999 is not assumed beyond a level of less than one-half of 1 per cent. The massive fiscal stimulus that has been imparted to the economy is yet to begin to work while the more important reform of the banking system, a shambles, gets under way.

According to the OECD, economic growth in the euro area is likely to weaken during 1999 but should strengthen again in 2000 as domestic demand growth helps expansion.

The launch of the single currency comes after the member-states achieved convergence towards low rates of inflation and sound fiscal position (budget deficit) at 1 per cent and 1.8 per cent of the GDP respectively. Exchange rate stability has been the hallmark of the euro zone, and GDP growth in the European Union as a whole would be 2.8 per cent in 1998. Unemployment remains high, but the expectation is that an additional five million jobs would have been created by 2000 to offset for the job losses of earlier years.

Developing countries together will see their GDP growth fall to 2 per cent (from 4.8 per cent in 1997), and it is likely to improve modestly to 2.7 per cent in 1999. Recovery is not expected in the New Year for the worst-hit five Asian countries — Indonesia, South Korea, Thailand, Malaysia and the Philippines.

South Asia’s trade has been affected by the hefty depreciation of Asian currencies which put them way ahead in competitiveness and by their import tightening. Markets in Asia remain vulnerable to the slump in Japan. Intra-Asian trade declined by 25 per cent in the first nine months of 1998, according to the WTO. Global trade is not likely to grow by more than 4 to 5 per cent in 1999, half of the rise in 1997.

A global depression has been averted by the successive interest rate cuts in the USA and by the countries of the European Union. But there are several downside risks of continued volatility in financial and stock markets, and deeper recession in Japan.

Dog’s best friend
by I.M. Soni

ACCORDING to a news item in a national daily, Indira Gandhi Agricultural University, Raipur, has decided to institute a scholarship in memory of Tipsy, the pet dog of a senior IPS officer. The officer donated Rs 30,000 to the university. Tipsy, according to his owner, was suffering from cancer.

Animal lovers all over the world occasionally display abnormal fondness for their pets, which may make others think that they are subnormal! But, they hardly seem to bother.

There is the story of a British woman who kept her small daughter confined to a room so that her pup, a bundle of while fur, might frisk free in the house. Her reason was that she did so to keep her daughter safe!

One may dismiss these as extreme or exceptional cases but what about spinster who left her entire savings to her dog? Or the one who built an expensive grave in the memory of her pet cannine friend?

Why do people behave like this? Because the animal that was the focus of their attention may have symbolised the mother or father, husband or child, they loved or could not. The relationship with the animal was thus symbolic.

Are such people freaks? Is it true, as W.C. Fields said, that “Anyone who loves animals too much can’t be all good?”

The answer is not simple as animal-love may involve many motivations. Some make sense to us while others seem either neurotic, unreal or infantile. Yet, there is more to it than meets the eye.

Some people love them because animals are a substitute for human beings. This is affection transference. Human beings have tenderness, and a strong need for power over others. When they are frustrated in these two areas, they resort to animals. On the negative side, people have hostility, aggression and cruelty. Animal love is a small defence against such feelings.

Compassion for an animal can be a wonderful thing, but sometimes it is not what it seems to be, but an indication of something much more disturbed.

A man with promiscuous tendencies usually becomes an ardent supporter of public morals. One who showers excessive affection on an animal may be using it as a cover for his deep-seated hostility for someone who has frustrated his feelings.

In women especially those deprived of male companionship or motherhood, the pet owner is playing the role of parent, with the animal a child substitute. Who has not heard of women getting up early to take care of a pet when they would not for a husband?

Pets are wonderful flatterers. A tail-wagging pup can help develop a child’s capacity for love. A kitten can become a companion to a lonely widow. If a woman considers her pet her “baby”, why can’t she lavish love and attention on it? In that case, the husband becomes a rival!

Vajpayee’s challenge worries RSS outfits

by P. Raman

HAS ATAL Behari Vajpayee been really able to emerge as the monarch of the ruling establishment? Will he finally succeed in imposing his will on the entire RSS parivar? How long and to what extent can the various units of the holding company continue with their conflicting programmes and action plans? By resorting to this daredevil political gamble, does Vajpayee intend to force his old liberalist political line on an unwilling group at a time when they are most vulnerable?

At the moment, no one in the various RSS outfits seems to have a ready answer to any such questions. The blow had come so sudden that high-level functionaries and influential middle-level aides are yet to assess the impact of Vajpayee’s leave-it-or-take-it dictum. Already, there are rumblings among the leaders of 28-odd RSS outfits, each one of which has been preparing to launch his own campaign in the next few weeks. Most of them are aimed at virtually countering the BJP government’s attitude on issues like swadeshi and Hindutva. Some feel totally confused while others prefer to be defiant.

The RSS itself had just held its elaborate chintan manthan in Nagpur where the delegates decided to firmly adhere to all its fundamentals like swadeshi, swabhiman (no surrender to foreign interests), resistance to minorities and construction of the Ayodhya temple. Vajpayee has now made it clear that he would not tolerate action on any of these issues. Soon after the RSS manthan, VHP, the most aggressive outfit of the parivar, held a week-long conference at Jaipur to plan a series of assaults that might have put the Vajpayee Government in an embarrassing position.

A couple of days later at Patna, the swadeshi Jagran Manch, another fierce challenger to what some of them describe Vajpayee’s “MNC appeasement” and “sellout”, held a three-day session. It decided to hold demonstrations before Parliament against the Vajpayee Government’s decisions on the Patents and IRA Bills, etc, which, it said, would enslave India forever. Representatives of such vocal RSS outfits as VHP, ABVP, BMS, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha and Bharatiya Kisan Sangh participated in it. This was followed by another meeting of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha at Nagpur. Attended by RSS chief Rajendra Singh, the conference decided to launch a swadeshi campaign from this week.

All this well-coordinated buildup by parivar outfits has been in addition to the protracted assaults on Christians and Muslims in various states. Apparently, Vajpayee has now thrown a challenge to the entire parivar to abandon all their mobilisation plans against his government. During the winter session, he had muffled with an iron hand all party MPs who had expressed genuine dissent over his anti-swadeshi moves. At Bangalore, he could subjugate the entire BJP establishment. Technically, the RSS and other outfits are still free to toe their original programmes. Considering the mood of the RSS outfits, Vajpayee will find it extremely difficult to silence all such elements.

This is due to the wide gulf between the attitudes, ambition and the lifestyle of the power-oriented BJP politicians and the genuinely committed activists of the RSS outfits. For the BJP politicians who invariably dream of ministership and cushy carrier, the mandir, swadeshi, religious tension. Christian bashing, etc, are just means to attaining power. The BJP’s saga from Palanpur, where its executive had decided to go in for a massive Hindutva programme to wrest power, to Bangalore, where it wanted to drop the same programmes to retain power, has been a case of deft use of religion for politics.

Unlike the ministerialists and the BJP politicians, the VHP, Bajrang Dal and swadeshi workers do not gain much from clinging to power at the cost of their own cherished Hindutva dreams. This inherent conflict had played havoc with the party in its prolonged power struggles in the past. After forming the BJP in 1980, its first president, Atal Behari Vajpayee, had strived hard to give the new party a centrist and humanist face. He tried to keep it away from communal politics in the hope that large sections of liberal minded people would rally round a “secular” leader like him. The RSS, which then had a more powerful leadership, gave him a trial.

But Vajpayee’s liberalist line had ended up in such a disaster that the party’s strength in the Lok Sabha was reduced to just two. In many places, in what was then described as Hindu backlash, the RSS workers had even sided with the Congress. This continued until L.K. Advani took over from him with his “back-to-Hindutva” line. However, the nature of the present confrontation is substantially different. On the one hand, the RSS leadership has become very weak and finds itself not in a position to assert its way towards a patchup. As compared to the eighties, its outfits have emerge quite strong and it will not be easy at this stage to halt their campaign against Vajpayee’s politics. Even if they did so under compulsion, it will generate deep anti-Vajpayee feelings among their ranks. This is their genuine dilemma.

For Vajpayee, he can also now make use of the levers of power to win over MPs and party leaders. Talk of a reshuffle can mesmerise the MPs. Moreover, the government itself survives, even if precariously, due to his personal charm. He alone has the ability to keep the allies pleased. Apart from his indispensability, existence of a BJP government is highly rated even within the RSS parivar. They, too, dread the advent of an anti-RSS dispensation either at the Centre or in states like UP. This impressive argument is being put to effective use by Vajpayee and his managers while dealing with the RSS bosses and parivar outfits during the ongoing negotiations. Even Kalyan Singh has been fairly successful in the use of such political blackmail for survival.

Vajpayee has already begun a damage limitation exercise by taking the initiative to set up a coordination machinery with the party chief. Considering his widely known obsession with Prime Ministerial prerogatives, the new doctrine of governmental superiority over the party, the proposed panel may well turn out to be another of the innumerable committees he had set up in the past few months. But he seems to be really serious about his post-Bangalore talks with RSS leaders like K.S. Sudarshan and H.V. Seshadri. His emissaries are also contacting leaders of other RSS outfits to persuade them to halt their anti-MNC and anti-minority campaigns which will put them in direct confrontation.

As for the parivar the new Vajpayee doctrine suffers on two counts. First, the very concept of subordinating the entire BJP organisation and the RSS establishment to a hotch-potch coalition Cabinet, is totally alien to the parivar’s organisational culture. True, the RSS does not have a democratic constitution, but it always adhered to a system of elaborate consultations before arriving at a consensus. The BJP never conceded any superior authority to individuals howsoever senior he or she might be. No political party in India has ever abdicated its authority and placed a government led by it as a super-structure over and above it.

Normally, political parties are supposed to set the programmes and policy parameters for their governments. Saving one-leader parties, a Cabinet is the creation of a political party, and not the other way round. With the only exception of the worst day of authoritarian rule, even the omnipotent Indira Gandhi had allowed the drill of a CPB and/or CCPA scrutiny of all crucial government decisions. She did so despite the fact that she herself had held the dual posts of Prime Minister and party chief. In the case of the present government, it looks more absurd because the BJP, which has a vibrant democratic structure, is being told to tamely follow the policies and programmes set by a fragile coalition Cabinet.

The new doctrine also imposes the authoritarian “leader-knows-best” dictum and totally precludes any scrutiny by the party on whose symbol it got the votes. The emerging concept of “Vajpayee is BJP & BJP is Vajpayee” is incompatible with a party that is essentially built on the strength of an indoctrinated cadre. Judging from initial responses, the making of a super-hero might eventually upset an otherwise sound organisational system. Unchecked powers to a Prime Minister to ignore the aspirations of party ranks and to overrule the decisions of his party — “only consultation, not concurrence” — surely smacks of an authoritarian trend. Such transgressions, by no means, can be described as a Prime Ministerial prerogative.

Second, many in the parivar fear that by abandoning the basic tenets and aggressive programmes of the BJP and RSS for temporarily keeping a government aloft might boomerang on the party when it loses power. Rao had completed full five years, yet he had suffered badly in the subsequent elections. In the case of BJP, it will be more disastrous if it lets down its support base by bartering their interests for the sake of power. The recent assembly elections provide how the people could punish those who resort to political opportunism. If the various RSS outfits continue with their campaigns even on a low key, as is most likely, even that will influence public opinion against the government.

The Congress feels so amused at the advent of the Vajpayee cult in the BJP. This is what precisely suits its long-term strategy. It will neutralise much of Sonia Gandhi’s “dynastic” stigma. Once the entire parivar falls in line with the leader, it will be easier for the Congress to discredit them for the administrative failures and betrayal of their own constituency.

Amartya brings life to ‘dead end’

ASK any town planner and he would in most cases say that a university or any important seat of learning, should always be situated at the far end of a city. This is also true of the universities in the Capital, where all three Universities (JNU, DU and Jamia ) are located at places far from its hub.

Last week when Nobel laureate Prof Amartya Sen visited his old school — the Delhi School of Economics — Prof V.N. Pandit acknowledged the efforts of the people for making it to the felicitation ceremony on Sunday, especially because the University was located at the “dead end” of the town.

Prof Sen, in his characteristic humour, remarked that the university was actually at the “live end” of the town and was away from the “ dead ends” like Daryaganj, etc. At least he was partially true. Otherwise, people (students and teachers alike) would not have flocked in such large numbers to get a glimpse of the Nobel laureate, particularly when there was a better alternative: a cosy afternoon siesta on a chilly January afternoon.

‘Netas’ join bandwagon

Now that the Congress caravan has started rolling again, one can witness many politicians eager to join the party include some who left in search of greener pastures elsewhere.

The rush to find a place in the organisation now headed by Mrs Sonia Gandhi, which started as a trickle seems to be turning into a flood.

The party, on its part, is also eager to admit as members in states like Uttar Pradesh to indicate that the Congress is bouncing back in such states after virtually being extinct.

Recently UP Congress chief Salman Khurshid, who is in the forefront of this game of admissions and readmissions, brought home Satpal Malik, who once moved in the company of Ajit Singh.

The “neta” along with busloads of supporters descended one evening at the AICC headquarters under instructions. He was to be taken into the party-fold under the glare of national media, which arrives each evening for briefings.

However, the much-awaited induction could not take place and finally tired of endless wait, the scribes and more importantly the television brigade trooped out.

Since Mr Malik had already arrived at the AICC headquarters, the delay in announcement arose because of the fact that Mr Khushid had gone over to an adjacent building, 10 Janpath, apparently to check the final green signal.

With Mr Khurshid not appearing, tongues started wagging that the Congress leadership was not exactly happy with the development. Much later, the UPCC chief walked in along with a clutch of supporters explaining to whosoever cared to listen to the reasons for delay. But by then the media had dispersed.

‘Tiger’ roar causes ripples

Now that he is out of rules that bind a civil servant, former CBI chief Joginder Singh, has taken to writing. Although he penned a few books during service, these were of the self-improvement variety. Now he has started writing columns in newspapers on security-related issues and also gives lectures.

However, what has created ripples was the publication of his latest book, “Inside CBI”. The book is on his days at India’s premier investigation agency and about cases he handled during the period.

So much so, while many politicians are upset and demand that rules should be amended so to prevent former civil servants from writing books after retirement, the former Bihar Chief Minister Jagannath Mishra has threatened to sue him.

Dr Mishra is upset that the former CBI chief had sought to establish a connection between him and Rashtriya Janata Dal chief Laloo Prasad Yadav in the fodder scam.

While Mr Joginder Singh has not reacted to this charge, he said recently though he was criticised by many a leader for being “publicity crazy” when he was CBI chief, there was a benefit. “After I made the case public, it would be difficult for politicians to put pressure and if someone summoned me I used to say that I cannot do anything, now it is public knowledge.”

Embarrassing DPCC Iftaar

Come the holy month of Ramzan, Delhi witnesses a rash of Iftaar parties. Politicians of different hues are busy extending Iftaar invitations.

The first to be off the block this time, was Union Parliamentary Affairs Minister, Madan Lal Khurana, who held it just before he flew off to Bangalore to take part in the BJP conference.

Others have also followed suit while a few, including the Prime Minister, and the Congress President, are expected to host the same this week.

While the occasion is considered a pious act in which the host allows the devout break the fast with dates and water, an Iftaar by the Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee caused a major embarrassment.

All arrangements were in order with the DPCC top brass atop a dais and others awaiting the call by the Maulavi for offering prayers at the appointed hour. Just as those assembled were preparing for the prayer, a former Union Minister blissfully unaware, walked up to the eatery and had a ‘go’ at the food.

A melee resulted with some eager to join him while others were offended by the manner. Finally it required persuasion and tact by senior leaders to prevent what could have ended in a riot.

Shekhawat for Centre?

If the buzz doing the rounds in the corridors of power is true, former Rajasthan Chief Minister, Bhairon Singh Shekawat is likely to have a stint at the Centre, as Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission.

While what actually happens will be known in the days to come, a recent occurrence in Rajasthan must be rated as one in bad taste.

At the time of the address of the Acting Governor, Mr Justice Tiberwal, there were references to the outgoing BJP rule, which were not exactly complimentary. Surely, the speech as cleared by the new Congress Government seemed to have carried a lot of baggage from the election field.

While it is usual for parties other than the Congress to take potshots at previous regimes when the tables are turned, the Congress is known to be more discreet. Of course, it may be recalled that Mr Shekhawat is one of the senior-most leaders of the state who belonged to the Mohan Lal Sukhadia era and also served as the Pro Tem Speaker this time around.

Eventually, if the buzz turns out to be true, the new Chief Minister, Mr Ashok Gehlot, would find himself in front of Mr Shekhawat asking for funds for his state.

(Contributed by KV Prasad, Gaurav Choudhury and PN Andley)

75 YEARS AGO

Why venue of Congress was changed
Mrs Naidu’s plainspeaking

BOMBAY: Mrs Sarojini Naidu, the President of the Bombay Provincial Congress Committee, writes the following to the Press, regarding the change of venue of the Special Congress:-

To correct any misconception arising out of the incomplete reports of the actual events in Vizagapattanam, I regret the necessity of making public my true reason for so resolutely opposing the holding of the Congress in Bombay. Notwithstanding all local difficulties, and fully armed as I was with the eager and unanimous assent of my committee to definitely withdraw our somewhat enforced invitation to convene the Special Congress in Bombay as the last resort in case of need.

When I reached Vizagapattanam, however, it was made abundantly clear that the Delhi invitation was to be unceremoniously brushed aside and the Special Congress was to be thrust at all costs on Bombay as furnishing a secure vantage ground for the manoeuvres of the so-called majority party against the minority.

I immediately protested against such a course, and begged the President and the Secretaries and several leading members of the All-India Congress before the meeting not to force an issue, as I considered it my duty to strenuously safeguard my committee and my province from being exploited for such unworthy party purposes and that however ungracious, high-handed and even unconstitutional my persistent refusal might appear, I could neither be cajoled nor coerced into not condemning the insidious and unchivalrous tactics of a small group of irreconcilables whose attitude and action during the recent months have resulted in not merely ruining the prestige but threatening the very existence of the Congress.