E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
Wednesday, December 1, 1999 |
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A
hawk is a hawk CONCERN
FOR CULTURE |
New
look at defence strategy Power to recharge
December 1, 1924 |
A hawk is a hawk PAKISTAN'S military ruler General Parvez Musharraf is adopting an avoidable belligerent posture towards India. In an interview given to the BBC, he has shown his intention to widen the rift between his country and India and stated that there would be no bilateral talks unless the main issue of Kashmir is discussed. Indias response has not been negative or politically naive. Solve the Kashmir issue forthwith. Vacate the aggression. From the time of the first Pakistani aggression till this date, the stand of the successive governments in New Delhi has been consistently deliberative. This means: Come. Let us sit together and discuss all issues....Liaquat Ali Khan and Jawaharlal Nehru discussed Kashmir in 1949. On December 3 that year, the main issues to be addressed by the leaders of the two countries were: (i) Kashmir (ii) Junagadh and the neighbouring states that had ceded to Pakistan (iii) canal waters (iv) evacuee property and (v) assets of Pakistan said to be lying in India. There have been talks on
Kashmir as well as talks on talks. An agreement on a
peaceful solution to the Kashmir imbroglio has eluded the
two countries. The situation is particularly hurtful to
India because Pakistan is in the occupation of a large
chunk of the Indian state. General Musharraf is talking
nothing less devoid of commonsense than the dictators
from General Ayub Khan to General Zia-ul-Haq had done.
The new ruler says that he is a man of peace, but he has
a clear idea of how his persona is regarded abroad. He
confesses that the perception across the border is
that I am a war-monger. Let me say that I would like to
have peace in this region. Then he goes on uttering
ominous threats. His Foreign Minister, Mr Abdus Sattar,
has rejected the exhortation by Prime Minister Atal
Behari Vajpayee to the effect that Pakistan should
promptly comply with the Lahore Declaration and the Simla
Agreement and resume the stalled dialogue on the basis of
these accords. Where does one go from here? General
Musharraf shows that he knows the condition of his
nation. It is not running well. It has to make efforts to
survive and progress. The people are really
suffering; the nation is suffering; we are not a small
country. We are a nation of 140 million people. We are a
nuclear power. We wish to have dignity and respect in the
comity of nations. What is it that prevents him
from delivering his country from the bondage of diverse
liabilities? Just Kashmir? More than Kashmir, he should
worry about his fate as a dictator and about justice for
those who allege persecution. Most self-nominated rulers
of his kind have unfortunately faced tragic ends. He is
abusive of his predecessors in the seat of governance. He
likes to humble Mr Nawaz Sharif by showing him the noose.
The former Prime Minister has been satirically called a
lump of pudding. It has been stated on behalf of General
Musharraf that Mr Nawaz Sharifs being jailed is
doing him much good. He is eating less, losing weight
and, thus, preventing the chances of a heart attack! This
is not the language of civilised administrators; General
Musharraf would do well to initiate the process of peace
with India. Kargil taught him a lesson in humility. The
latest offer of peace talks should encourage him to
enhance his reputation as a thoughtful ruler. He has
tasted power and it is clear that he would not accept
civilian rule cheerfully. Looking at the stepped up
violence in Kashmir and the North-East, the people of
India are unlikely to view him as a peace-maker. A hawk
would need to take a new birth to appear as a dove.
Instead of fanning the fire of enmity, General Musharraf
should grab the first opportunity to embark on a journey
of friendship. |
Reforms friendly again AFTER daylong protest and tough threats the Congress has done the right thing to reaffirm support to key economic Bills in the current winter session. The party would have been justified to retract its earlier promise and there were angry members and leaders who favoured a confrontation, but on Tuesday the collective decision was to cooperate. Ignoring the harsh and unwanted criticism of the BJP spokesman, the parliamentary wing of the former ruling party opted for a two-track approach: constructive opposition in Parliament and prolonged nationwide agitation on the Rajiv-Gandhi-as-accused dispute. This delinking of the two is welcome and expected. Many of the legislative proposals took shape when it was in power and it would be morally wrong and politically damaging to abandon its reformist image. A slew of Bills have to become law by the year-end and that is a national commitment. An obstructionist policy will project the Congress negatively. Some Congressmen who grew up politically in the populist era of Indira Gandhi tried to turn the inclusion of Rajiv Gandhis name in the Bofors chargesheet to oppose the Insurance Regulatory Authority and Development Bill or at least seek changes, fearing loss of support of trade unions and the working class. There was also pressure to oppose other economic legislation to win over the poor who ensured the partys election victory not very long ago. This did not reflect any confusion as some analysts would have it, but only the traditional difference of opinion in party that is still groping to put together a winning policy package. Though the Congress has
almost saved the day for the ruling alliance, the BJP did
not fully earn the good turn. Its adamant stand on Rajiv
Gandhis name continues to be mystifying. Legally
its stated stand is not very sound. A Congress MP has
studied the Supreme Court remarks on the withdrawal of
the Baroda dynamite case against Mr George Fernandes and
finds that the government has the power to instruct the
public prosecutor to close a criminal case. The latter is
bound to carry out the instructions and even the court
has only the limited role of ensuring that he has applied
his mind before praying for withdrawal of the case. The
orders were written by two of the most eminent Judges, Mr
V.R.Krishna Iyer and Mr O.Chinnappa Reddy. The BJP keeps
repeating that the Congress can approach the court but
does not say who should. At one time it hinted that the
CBI would call Mrs Sonia Gandhi to the witness box but it
has now changed its mind. If the late leaders name
is not in the FIR, if there is no evidence to link him to
any pecuniary benefit, if he is not going to be tried,
why include his name in the chargesheet even if only in
column two? Whoever is advising the government does not
know his politics. The ruling alliance has gifted a very
emotional plank to the Congress and as the wronged widow,
Mrs Gandhi can collect electoral brownie points. The
rally on Monday is a clear indication that the Congress
will take to the streets and win back part of the lost
support. Does not the saffron leadership realise that an
agitation on a shapeless but emotive question promises
political dividends? Come to think of it, the Ram mandir
issue was just that. |
Thank you, Greenpeace EVEN 15 years after the Bhopal gas tragedy Indian organisations have done little, except make motivated noises, for the victims of the worlds worst industrial disaster. If any medals are to be awarded for disaster-related work in Bhopal, most of them should go to Greenpeace, the high-profile global environmental watchdog body. It has at least taken the initiative of conducting a scientifically reliable study of the long-term and current consequences of the deadly gas on the soil and water in the vicinity of the Union Carbide factory in Bhopal. Based on field studies it has produced a comprehensive Bhopal Legacy Report which was formally released by Greenpeace Coordinator Matt Ruchal on the occasion of the anniversary of the disaster. The importance of such a study should be self-evident in the light of the fact that over 8,000 men, women and children perished within the first three days of the leakage of the deadly methyl isocyanate gas from the Union Carbide factory on December 2, 1984. The Indian Council of Medical Research after a thorough study of the scale of the devastation caused by the leakage of the gas concluded that over 5,20,000 exposed persons had poisons circulating in their blood which had damaged most systems in the body. The Greenpeace study is based on a survey it conducted in the affected area in May, 1999, as part of the organisations effort to identify toxic hotspots across the globe. It is doubtful whether any government agency in India, associated with assessing the scale of damage caused by the leak or providing aid to the sufferers, would lose sleep over the findings of the global organisation. To a more receptive system the finding that the Union Carbide factory in Bhopal has been placed on top of the list of toxic hotspots in the world would have served as a wake-up call. Most soil and water samples showed an alarmingly high degree of toxicity after being exposed to the effects of the deadly gas. But can the contents of
the Bhopal Legacy Report mean anything to
those who turned the super cyclone, which caused
large-scale devastation in the coastal belt of Orissa,
into an occasion for launching their political campaigns
for the Assembly elections? The international community,
which was ready to help the flood-ravaged state with all
forms of relief material at the slightest indication from
the political leadership, is simply astounded at the
collective indifference, bordering on criminal neglect,
of the people, the politicians and the administration to
the plight of the survivors of the fury of the super
cyclone. The international community was equally
surprised at the lack of adequate response to the Bhopal
gas tragedy by the political leadership in India.
Nevertheless, the Greenpeace report should serve as an
important reference material to non-government
organisations involved in fighting the battle on behalf
of the socially, economically and educationally
handicapped survivors of the industrial disaster. A
related development which should bring a faint smile to
the lips of the abandoned (by the government) survivors
is the decision by concerned private groups to file a
petition in a New York court on their behalf. Among other
things the petition seeks to make Union Carbide liable
for the on-site contamination of the area exposed to the
effects of the deadly gas. That the victims may get a
better deal in New York than they got in Bhopal or Delhi
is what has made most NGOs associated with the tragedy
throw their weight behind the latest move. A notification
for Union Carbide to appear for trial published in the
Washington Post does indicate that the
victims faith in the American justice system may
not be misplaced. |
CONCERN FOR CULTURE I WONDER whether Mr Ananth Kumar, the Union Culture Minister, who has promised a law to arrest cultural invasion knows what constitutes authentic Indian culture and what is meant by Western cultural invasion. On the one hand, N.T. Rama Rao attributed Indias unity to the British. On the other, Mahatma Gandhi blamed education, railways, telephones and the telegraph the fruits of Western civilisation, for impeding moral growth, and denounced large cities as symbols of slavery. Unlikely to follow the Telugu Desam founder, the Bharatiya Janata Partys swadesi stalwarts cannot afford to be less patriotic than Gandhi: they should add cars and computers to the banned list. Even so, they would find it impossible to say what is authentic in a culture that has survived unbroken for 5,000 years of migration, conquest, assimilation and evolution. A strict interpretation would debag Mr Lal Krishan Advani and other Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh activists, for early Hindus did not march and stomp in khaki shorts. The official sherwani must also go, for, as J.B.S. Haldane objected, it was adapted from Muslim attire. Beef must be consumed freely, for scriptural Hinduism sanctioned it; vintners must be urged to rediscover, manufacture and market soma juice; Khajuraho and Konarak poses should be taught in physical training classes; and the Kama Sutra made compulsory reading after students sing the vandana. Nor must any widow be allowed to escape the sati flames. Flippant such thoughts may be, but they indicate the complexity of a task that reminds me of Vijayalakshmi Pandits story about going up to South Africas President, Jan Smuts, to seek his blessings before launching an attack on apartheid at the United Nations. You will win, my daughter, Smuts replied, but it will be a hollow victory. So will any attempt to stem the tide of time. But national pride might still leaven inevitable globalisation if a one-way ticket to New York or Chicago ceases to be the best prospect for talented and ambitious young Indians who are denied opportunity at home. Prosperity is the most powerful determinant in a world in which the latest edition of the Pocket Fowlers Modern English Usage approves such Americanisms as OK and fly off the handle, which were both taboo when the work was written in 1926. Indeed, todays visitor to Britain cannot but be conscious of how near it is to becoming Americas 51st state. Yesterdays chaps are busily transforming themselves into tomorrows guys as the foreigners hello invites the Englishmans hi! There is no national defence against the inroads of television serials. More later of Europes losing battle on a field that Mr Kumar has just stumbled on. I have two questions for him. What is he trying to preserve? And from whom? I raised the matter once with a BJP leader who is now in the Union Cabinet. Even the venue of our meeting highlighted nationalistic difficulties. At his suggestion we had gone to the Chinese restaurant of a five-star hotel where, he said, we could talk in comfort which I recognised as a euphemism for anonymity. But there at the next table was what looked like an entire shakha, including some of his future ministerial colleagues, who all swore that they were visiting that restaurant for the first time. Be that as it may, my guest responded to my request for a definition of contemporary swadesi by tapping his china plate and explaining that woven palm leaf platters blend aesthetics with utility. It had escaped him that such artefacts are more expensive in the long run. Guest control order austerity Bengali wedding feasts to be served on plates that could be washed and re-used, unlike plantain leaves that a nosy government inspector could pick out of the dustbin and count. Swadesi cannot stop with cosmetic changes like Calcutta to Kolkata. Words are significant only for the ideas they convey, and this innovation indicates nothing. Other seemingly nationalist moves have practical rather than emotive roots. Mr Arun Jaitleys ban on a notorious television channel reflects a moral objection to pornography that is common to all ethnicities. Even Mr Sharad Yadavs objection to short-haired women dominating Parliament did not suggest cultural bias so much as the fear that the urban elite would benefit most from reservation. Culture is lifestyle. When the RSS speaks of restoring uncontaminated Hindu culture sans (why the diversion into French?) Islamic and Christian influences, it must mean norms that were established more than 2,000 years before Christ, and were firmly set long before Alexander of Macedon crossed the Indus (Sindhu?) in 326 BC. Things might have been different in Egypt, Mesopotamia and Greece, whose modern inheritors had lost all knowledge of their forefathers until the arrival of Western archaeologists, so that a measure of inventiveness would have been acceptable. But the past cannot be fudged in India which has preserved traditions and rituals without a break though, unlike the Nile and the Euphrates cultures, the Indus valley civilisation did not leave behind much written material. Recreating the past would involve an exhaustive and expensive search for originals not alternatives or substitutes and the surrender of much that we take for granted. It would be a complex exercise involving painstaking research across many disciplines, and interpreting the fruits with accuracy, objectivity and imagination. Perhaps I expect too much from the task. The aim might be only a restrictive law to be used as an instrument of punishment or patronage. Allowance must be made for a genuine aversion to what is known as Coca-Cola culture. But this is a worldwide phenomenon, and many sober Americans are equally concerned. Moreover, it is a problem not of race or culture but of money without education which creates a market for vulgar entertainment. If Americans set the trend, the Hindi cinema lost no time in cashing in on it, and concern for cultural health should compel the BJP to stamp out Bollywood and much of domestic television. Identity could be another legitimate concern that is not confined to India. A recent book asks if the world is witnessing The Death of Britain? Another author has dropped the question mark to write The Abolition of Britain. Yet a thirds suggestion that Britains national identity was an imperial invention holds a universal lesson: cultural resilience flows from political power which, in turn, is a product of wealth. Hence, the all-conquering march of Atlantic jargon which the French are trying to halt with yet another glossary of acceptable words and phrases rather like our kanti-ka-langot. The reason English is spoken so widely around the world is political power, first of the British empire but now from America, says Fowlers compiler, Robert Allen. An enfeebled India, wallowing in poverty, will never succeed in resisting cheap manifestations of this universal folk culture. The BJPs own wealthy backers in Britain and the United States of America would see to it. Assuming that concern is
genuine, I would commend to Kumar & Co Raj
Kapoors unforgettable lines in Shri 420: Mera
joota hai Japani/ Yeh patloon Inglistani/ Sir pe lal topi
Russi/ Phir bhi dil hai Hindustani. Long live the
inner man, but he must have enough to live on. The poor
have more pressing concerns than culture. |
The shadow of Greek military
junta LANDING at Athens airport on a state visit to Greece, President Bill Clinton introduced himself as a philhellena (a friend of Greece). Well, this cut no ice with thousands of Greeks. They came out on the streets shouting anti-US slogans, created road-blocks and burnt vehicles and shops. It was the hottest reception accorded to any Head of State. The Greek police beat back the demonstrators with sticks and exploded tear gas shells. The rioting was unprecedented. More than 10 banks and 50 shops were gutted. Buildings which housed the Labour Ministry and the Central Bank were damaged. Demonstrators who were marching towards the US Embassy were stopped by security personnel. The protests were not confined only to the Greek capital. The northern port city of Thessaloniki, which was used to rush supplies to NATO troops at Kosovo, witnessed riots. More than 2500 people marched on the streets carrying banners which read, Clinton, Go Back and Killers, Go Home. The Greek government was completely taken by surprise. It had failed to gauge the deeply-entrenched anti-American feelings among the Greeks, particularly the leftists. For several years in the past, the Greek leftists had lain low with no apparent cause to rebel against. Of course, Greeks had bitterly opposed the NATO intervention and bombing of Yugoslavia which was led by the USA. Protesters called Mr Clinton the Butcher of the Balkans. The Greek leftists were only echoing the feelings which Russia had exhibited over the Balkans war. Both Bosnia and Kosovo, had left deep scars on thousands of Greeks who felt that outside intervention led by the NATO forces had only aggravated the situation. Somehow the murder and mayhem let loose by the Serbs against the Yugoslav Muslims had not touched the hearts of the Greeks. For them, it was an internal matter of beleaguered Yugoslavia. By leading the interventionists the USA was targeted as the prime villain. The Balkan war alone did not fuel the anti-American resentment in Greece The Greek leftists and intellectuals apparently had a long memory. They vividly remembered the solid American support to the military junta which ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974. The Greeks, who took pride in the historical fact that their city-states were the pioneers in the democratic process, felt deeply hurt that another democracy, the USA, extended full support to the military junta and helped it to survive for seven years. Those were the days of political chaos in Greece. The junta had come down harshly on the communists, who had always played a leading role in Greek politics. Immediately after World War-II the Royalists had defeated the communists in the race for power. The USA, which had regarded Greece as a highly strategic ally in the Balkans, had used the CIA to put down the leftists coming to power. Next to Berlin, it was in Greece that the Department of Dirty Tricks of the CIA was most active. For the victorious Allies, the defeat of the communists in Greece was just icing on the cake. The USA led the Western support to the restoration of monarchy in Greece. King Paul and later his son, Ferdinand, ruled Greece but did not endear themselves to the people. Taking advantage of the popular unrest against the monarchy, a group of army officers led by Col Papadapoulous seized power in 1967. The military junta imposed martial law and curtailed civil liberties. The Greeks were outraged but were helpless. They expected help and understanding from the USA which regarded itself as a super democracy. But the USA viewed the Greek happenings in the light of Cold War politics. According the US Administration, the junta was a godsend to prevent a communist takeover of Greece. It provided not only moral support to the Colonels but also shipped huge quantities of arms which were used against the people. The junta imprisoned thousands of Greek dissidents. Jail, harassment and torture became routine. But the USA did not bother. For the US Administration, it was more important that the communists did not become strong in Greece. They applauded the actions of the junta which focused more on leftist leaders and their followers. Thousands of leftists were murdered or they simply disappeared. It was the most tragic period of Greek history. The US attitude to Greece was yet another example of double standards. Even while professing support for democracy, several US governments backed tinpot dictators in Latin America, Asia and Africa. The Greek junta was one of its worst kind in the world. It simply trampled on of human rights, but there was no protest from the USA. If today Mr Clinton was received with hostility, it was only because that Greeks had long memories. They had neither forgotten nor forgiven the members of the junta and its main backers, the USA. Even after the departure of the unpopular junta, the USA continued to be blind to the true aspirations of the Greeks. As Mr Andreas Papandreou of the PASOK (Greek Socialist Party) came to power in 1981 and got himself re-elected in 1985, the USA was still wary about his political intentions. The Greeks admired and loved Papandreou, but for the USA he was still suspect because of his left leanings. The US media was more concerned with the private life of the Greek Prime Minister, who had married an attractive woman, several years younger to him. It carried pictures of the Prime Ministers wife, frolicking on the beach, wearing skimpy costumes. But Mr Papandreou was getting on in age. In his first term as the Prime Minister, he saw to it that Greece became a full member of the European Community. His economic reforms were much appreciated though there were protests against the belt tightening that was called for. It was age rather than any other particular reason which led to his defeat in the 1989 elections. The Greeks could not understand why the USA was so hostile to their popular Prime Minister. There was also a further cause for the lack of understanding between Greece and the USA. The USA tended to support Turkey in its disputes with neighbouring Greece. Both were members of NATO, but Turkey had never been as left-leaning as Greece. It was a pliable ally in NATO and did not hesitate to have nuclear missiles installed on its territory. These were deployed against the Soviet Union and were removed only during the 1962 Cuban missile crisis. While the public attention was focused on Cubas dismantling of the Soviet missiles from its territory, the other part of the deal was the removal of ICBMs from Turkey. The Cuban missile crisis was not a total victory for the USA, as claimed by Western supporters. But the removal of missiles from Turkey, which was a major breakthrough for the former USSR, was treated as a low-key media issue. Greece and Turkey had several confrontations in the past, the major ones being on the future of Cyprus. The partition of this island led to bloody clashes between Greece and Turkey. It was the Greek guerrillas who had fought for the freedom of Cyprus from the British and, naturally, the British had a soft corner for the Turks which had no role to play in the Cyprus freedom struggle. The USA followed the British stand and became more friendly towards Turkey and this angered the Greeks who had shed blood for the liberation of Cyprus. Despite these
traditional differences, at a people-to-people level the
Greeks and the Americans had always got on well. Several
thousands of Greek immigrants to the USA had done
extremely well in various fields. There is genuine
admiration for ancient Greek culture, literature and
tradition. That is why it comes as a surprise that
successive governments in the USA had not really adopted
the right attitude towards Greece. The Greeks were
justified in protesting against the Clinton visit. |
New look at defence strategy THE Prime Minister and the Defence Minister have assured the Commanders of the Armed Forces that given the possibility of an escalation of the proxy war in Jammu and Kashmir no shortage of funds will stand in the way of improvement of conventional military capabilities, ensuring sanctity of the Line of Control at all times after the Kargil experience. No more can defence posture be tailored only by the semantics of intrusion, infiltration, low-cost option and proxy war within the limited confines of Jammu and Kashmir. The Kargil experience has shown that it was only the concerted efforts of all the three Services, the paramilitary organisations (and the police forces of a large segment of northern India) that Pakistani aggression was contained a fact acknowledged by the Defence Minister at the Combined Commanders Conference. The central requirement in a successful defence posture is a reading of the mind of the potential enemy. That was the paramount failure in Kargil. Pakistans Chief of Army Staff had based his plans for the capture of Kashmir on the following factors. * The threat of use of nuclear weapons will impose hesitation on the Indian leadership. * That since the Bangladesh war of 1971 the difference in the comparative sizes of the Pakistani and Indian armed forces has narrowed thereby rendering offensive action by the latter as a diversionary tactic more difficult unless exceptionally high quality force multipliers tilt the balance in Indias favour. These, he saw, were not available. * That the Indian security forces, both military and para-military, are already stretched to the limit by involvement in counter-insurgency operations not just in Kashmir but also in the north-east as well. Therefore, a massive tactical transfer of forces is now more difficult than it was in 1971 (India transferred troops from Bangladesh to the western sector as soon as it was feasible.) * That the fifth column Pakistan has helped infiltrate into Jammu and Kashmir could play a harassing role (as they are now doing) and disrupt deployment and lines of communications. The lessons from the Kargil war are clear and unambiguous: India cannot afford to allow any infiltration/intrusion anywhere along the Line of Control and it must take steps to deploy additional troops to stop infiltrators on the Line itself backed with intruder-alarm sensors, dogs, satellite/airborne surveillance and whatever else it takes. Already, the need to send more troops into the newly-formed Kargil Corps depleted the deployment in the Valley and gave the militants an opportunity to carry out some spectacular raids on the Indian security forces. Additional troops will also have to be raised to create a favourable ratio of forces along the international border reinforced with force multipliers like airborne warning and command system aircraft (AWACS) and aerial refuelling for the Indian Air Force, battlefield surveillance radar and gun-locating radar for the Army, and long-range surface-to-surface missile capability for the Navy. The tactical doctrine must encompass joint operations between the Army and the Air Force and the Navy and the Air Force. The strategic input must first of all be the operationalisation of Indias nuclear forces (because if an enemy believes that he can get away with aggression on the basis of his nuclear weapons capability there is no deterrence as Kargil has proved). Preparations for the up-sizing of Indian convention military capability which is now more deeply involved in maintaining both a conventional defence as well as dealing with insurgencies and war by proxy must be based on indigenous products from Indian defence laboratories. An over-dependence on foreign sources of supplies will only encourage a potential enemy to try and test the limits of ones strategic depth. Revelations that the Indian armed forces did not utilise some products of Indian defence laboratories like radars and intruder alarm-sensors or place enough orders to fully utilise the capacity of the 5.56 calibre small arms factory underscores a mindset that must be discouraged by the government. On their part the armed forces must fashion a proper mix of man and machine so that Kargil does not turn out to be, in the long run, another low-cost option for Pakistan that will take its toll on the Indian economy. Finally, money is not the most important ingredient in national preparedness. A clear-headed perception of all likely threats is a paramount ingredient. Also, when a nation is all set to declare the Line of Control as a new boundary with a potential enemy it will only encourage someone like General Pervez Musharraf to see if he can grab more. |
Online students miss classmates SINGAPORE: Students who participated in a virtual schooling experiment said lessons taught through the Internet at home were effective but they missed interacting with their classmates and teachers, the findings said on Monday. All 1,700 boys at the Raffles institutions secondary school stayed home for a week and logged onto the Internet to access lessons designed by their teachers. In the results reported in the Straits Times, only 13.6 per cent of the students and 1.8 per cent of the teachers said they did not find learning through the Internet effective. On the positive side, most of the students said they liked learning at their own pace from the comfort of home. Teachers who tested the students on the lessons found the youngsters had been able to follow them. The minority who did not learn as well through the Internet as they did in a classroom said the main stumbling block was teachers were not there to clarify points and they missed interacting with their classmates. Even those who found the home schooling effective acknowledged missing their colleagues. Queries were e-mailed to teachers and discussions were held through chatrooms. Nearly half the boys, 45 per cent, said their parents did not supervise their lessons at all. Some 17 per cent said their parents played a significant role while 38 per cent said their parents gave minimum supervision. Lee Tiong Beng, the schools Information Technology head, said the youngsters logged on for about three hours a day. On normal school days, they go through about five to six hours of curriculum time. We are looking into including more interactive features like chatroom sessions and video-conferencing so that students can talk to their teachers or classmates face-to-face over the Internet. Online learning may become a regular feature at the school in the next few years, said headmaster Wong Siew Hoong, but it will definitely not replace teachers. If the exercise
showed anything, it showed that you cannot do without the
human factor, Wong told the newspaper. DPA |
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