Soldiers are for peace, not war
By K.S. Bajwa

"NO to an arms race" was boldly emblazoned across the podium behind which sat the president of the World Peace Council flanked by a few foreign delegates and the local notables. Some years back, this was scenario at the Punjab State conference of the All India Peace and Solidarity Organisation at Chandigarh. Sitting next to the president was General Gomez, who became President of Portugal when the fascists were over thrown and later became Vice President of the Peace Council.

In the audience was a sprinkling of ex-soldiers, who had come for the cause of world Peace. To many, this gathering of the once standard bearers of Mars under the sign of the dove might have looked incongruous.

Does not military professionalism seek and find its fulfilment in a clash of arms? Military reputations are made on the fields of battle and ever after soldiers proudly wear their medals. Do soldiers seek and start wars? There are many who believe that soldiers are only ticking at full tilt during wars and that they are ever eager for combat. It is also said that big military establishments provoke wars. These are fallacies or rather calculated falsehoods. Soldiers do not make war.

The ruling elite and a horde of shadowy manipulators do. They in fact, control wars or peace, not the military. The function of a soldier is to defend his country when called upon to do so. He is no more blood-thirsty than a civilian or innately lustful for combat. In fact, soldiers are often sickened by war. By being fully combat ready and by holding out the promise of a costly retribution, they actually prevent wars.

Man is by nature combative, covetous and lustful — somewhat of a predator. The most dynamic thrust of his ambition has always been pursuit of power over the destinies of fellow-men. His appetite is never ending. Motivations of self-interest gather rationales and compromises on a broader canvas. The vantage points of rulers become those of the nations.

Take the case of India and Pakistan. A free flow of trade would replace costly imports with goods produced much cheaper next door. Life for the people could be made easier. But this does not serve the purpose of the military-trade-industry combine in Pakistan, that manipulate the power elite. So a hate campaign is kept alive and the barriers stay up.

Wars are conspiracies against people. The conspirators know no ideologies, race, religion or national boundaries. They are beyond good and evil. The Caesars they put into power are their creatures and the people are helpless. It is well known that the munition barons of Europe and America were behind World War I. They are still there, stronger and more callous.

They are no longer alone — a host of multi-national predators have joined them. While the people suffer, the oil kings make huge profits out of the conflicts in West Asia. President John F. Kennedy knew what he was talking about when he spoke of "The Gnomes of Zurich". Perhaps he knew too much.

We too have had our gnomes — The Gnomes of Raisina Hill! During the later years of Indira Gandhi’s autocratic rule, a policy thrust to extend military influence in the neighbouring South Asia, was formulated. Arming and training of LTTE cadres was a part of this plan. After her assasination, Rajiv Gandhi continued with this thrust. The culmination came in 1987, when an ambivalent Jayawardene was cajoled and browbeaten to sign the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord.

Besides the promises of financial assistance and a military intervention to resolve the Tamil problem, the presence of an Indian warship carrying a special services battalion on board, provided the clincher. The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was inducted into Sri Lanka without a clearcut national purpose and an unambiguous mandate. The wily Premadasa, turned the tables by lining up Prabhakaran of the LTTE on his side to engineer an early exit of the IPKF. This hapless force paid for with their blood and toil. As yet the Gnomes of Raisina Hill did not rest content.

A war with Pakistan was always an inviting option, which would not in their reckoning require a great deal of legitimising. Brasstacks in Rajasthan was designed to provoke a conflict and launch an attack. Sunderji, the then Army Chief invented a plan to advance onto Sukhur, outstripping Indian Air Force fighter cover from their existing airfields by nearly a hundred miles. When this flaw was questioned by Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Western Air Command, he said that the ground forces would rely on the protection offered by ground to air missile system.

How odd that an Army Chief driven by an ambition for military glory would forget the lessons of Longewala in 1971 when a Pak armoured column without air cover was practically wiped out and of the Arab-Israeli war in 1973, when the Egyptians with three times the number of missile system we could deploy, could not stop the Israeli Air Force from wrecking havoc upon them. While we paid heavily for the Sri Lankan folly, we were saved from the Brasstacks folly in 1987 by Rajiv Gandhi, who developed cold feet at the last moment.

There has been a change in the practices of war. The world has become a hostage to nuclear terror. It is also much more concerned with liberty and equality. It is becoming increasingly vocal against blatant use of force by the powerful against the weak. Yet the powerful nations still consider the world their chessboard. The USA can unleash missile attacks on sovereign lands without warning and again the USA and the UK can thumb their noses upon the UN and bomb Iraq at will. Even more so the economic assaults with sanctions, political intrigues to subvert national governments, surrogate and proxy-conflicts, terrorism and the manipulation of insurgents and dissidents, have become the new weapons to bend nations to purpose of power.

This is even a more dangerous armoury when viewed against the fact that socio-economic justice has not kept pace with political advancement. Economic inequalities, rivalries to corner scarce resources especially the sources of energy and over consumption by the richer nations,create social distortions. Exploitation of the under-developed countries and suppression of minorities within the states, generate tensions.

This practice of instability and mistrust, contains germs of relevance, for powerful war machines and their continuous growth and sophistication. This is fertile ground for the faceless men of power and profit, to implant stock piles of horror.

Is there any hope for mankind? Will we always live under the shadow of war, separated by divides of colour, race, religion and narrow national interests? Will this ruthless exploitation ever come to an end or at the least, be reduced to manageable proportions? Fortunately, it is not all darkness. There have been good omens.

The world has become more accessible and closer. The essential universality of the human being is finding greater expression, both in dialogue and deed. A vast concourse of people has emerged from colonial subjugation, where freedom and equality have taken hold over minds of men and human fraternity cannot be denied. There is an urge for a stable world order, based on justice and equal opportunity.

World opinion is beginning to exert powerful constraints on overt hostile projections and interference in internal affairs of the people. The governments are becoming increasingly sensitive to the legitimacy of their decision within the country and the political and economic costs in the international forums.

As the awareness of human dignity and justice spreads, so will increase the power of the voice of people. Perhaps, the biggest hurdle lies within the human schizophrenia under which we think, judge and act on two different planes — one for ourselves and one for others. These double standards/permeate the conduct of nations and their dealings with one another. There is a charm between protestations of promotion of human rights and compulsions of self-interest. Salvation lies in the recognition of human consciousness to blend essential self-interest with universal well being.

The struggle for an enduring universal peace will not be easy. The people must recognise the faceless men and make them stand naked in the dock of the world opinion. But it will be a long time before the gnomes are buries and the meek inherit the earth. The soldiers plead not guilty!

This feature was published on March 28, 1999