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Agni
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Agni II: a symbol of
resurgent India INDIA joined the nuclear club on a hot summer day on May 11, 1998, when Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, doyen of defence research, donned an olive green uniform with a name-tab of Maj Gen Prithviraj Chauhan, pressed the button that detonated a thermonuclear device buried deep under the Thar desert. Our nuclear weaponisation programme is a tribute to the scientists and technologists led by Dr Kalam, who turned dreams into forty-kiloton explosions. This writer had then reflected the general jubilation in the country by exclaiming the great event as India re-writes its own history and that of the world. Precisely 11 months after Pokhran-II, India successfully carried out its first intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM) test on April 11, 1999. The Agni-II, as an essential nuclear delivery vehicle, was a logical corollary to the Shakti tests, which demonstrated Indias capability to build a range of sophisticated nuclear weapons. The grateful nation salutes our scientists, technologists and the government of the day which signalled them to take the momentous step towards building a credible minimal deterrent. In a global scenario wherein power respects power, and the weak remain meek, the acquisition of IRBM will surely enhance Indias international stature. Our step is also vindicated by the NATO missile-strikes in the Balkans. The message is loud and clear: a country is liable to incur enormous costs unless it is equipped with credible deterrence. The 2,000-3,000 km range Agni-II ballistic missile appears to be operationally ready for deployment with a nuclear warhead. India has now emerged as an independent missile power and can now deter any regional adversary. While the scientists have accomplished their given task, it was now for the government to proceed with its appropriate deployment. Dr Kalam has indicated that there is no need to conduct more flight-tests of the extended range IRBM in the already tested configuration. The technology has progressed so rapidly that it is no longer necessary to conduct multiple tests of the same missile system before operationalising it. The Agni-II, intended to counter the Chinese nuclear might, was tested in an operational configuration, with its payload range and mobile-launching capabilities geared towards achieving a minimal deterrence. With the successful flight-test of Agni-II, India is launched into the exclusive club of a few geostrategic players who have such hardware, but far more importantly, on whom rests the concomitant responsibility of display of highly developed maturity, poise and wisdom to use it most judiciously for peace and stability. Pakistan, too, test-fired its Ghauri-II, on April 14, 1999, ostensibly in response to the Indian Agni-II test. Ghauri-II has a range of 1500 km and can be tipped with any kind of warhead. The Pakistani strategic experts privately concede that Agni-II does not really have significant impact on their security scenario, because the Prithvi missile and the IAF aircraft can, as it were, target Pakistan, with its given demography and the proximity of its cities to the Indian border. But one observes streaks of obsessive compulsion, in Pakistan, to try to match India, move by move, test by test. A similar Soviet obsession of equality and equal strategic security with the USA ended up in its own disintegration. The West, regrettably, aids and abets this equality syndrome. Washington may not be interested in real and strategic peace between Pakistan and India, for such a configuration necessarily alters the regional and transnational equilibrium, probably to the disadvantage of the US hegemony. The Ghauri-II show-off appeared to be more a status symbol for Pakistan than its security need. One ought to appreciate the Indian need for IRBM vis-a-vis China, which can target India with its lethal missile arsenal, especially after its having concluded missile de-targeting pacts with the USA and Russia. Beijing appears to have actively assisted Islamabad in acquiring various missiles, maybe using North Korea as a conduit for surreptitious supply of Chinese technology and components, so as to equalise Indian strategic advances, while Washington has been wilfully looking the other way. The prospects of good relations between India and Pakistan mainly rested on their mutual recognition of the state of stable deterrence obtaining between them, thereby decreasing the chances of a direct war. The friendly Lahore spirit generated by the Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayees path-breaking visit to Lahore (Pakistan) in February, 1999, must pervade the whole gamut of relationship between the two nice neighbours. A stable, secure and prosperous Pakistan is in Indias interest, the Indian Prime Minister had declared at Minar-i-Pakistan. Let India and Pakistan attain a state of positive peace, as distinct from only having a no-war deal. CNF Wing Commander (retd) Dr
Nandlal Jotwani, is the former editor of the I.A.F.
Journal, a senior journalist and defence analyst. |
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