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Limping along
Law of the land |
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Major mobile move
The rural-urban divide
No place under the sun
Violence and the edge of oblivion
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Limping along
The
passing of the food, land and pension Bills has given the message that, regardless of the wastage of Parliament's time and the taxpayer's money through regular bickering, the Indian legislators do rise to the occasion when needed. One hopes the bonhomie would last another couple of days so that some of the more important pending Bills are cleared. If need be, the monsoon session can be extended. The legislative measures, along with the announcement of a series of measures by the new RBI Governor to support the rupee and make banking easier, have revived the badly bruised investor confidence and resulted in a smart recovery in the rupee and the stock markets. There were sharp differences over the pension Bill but the government was accommodative. It accepted a crucial suggestion of the parliamentary standing committee on finance headed by Yashwant Sinha that each fund manager must offer at least one product with guaranteed returns. The provision of investing pension subscribers' money in stocks had raised the hackles of several MPs, particularly those from the Left parties. There will be high-risk, high-return schemes as well as those for the risk-averse. Since only 12 per cent Indians are covered by the existing pension and social security plans, the scope for reaching out to a vast majority of the population is immense. Agricultural and construction labourers, daily-wage workers and others in the unorganised sector too can hope for affordable pension schemes, maybe with some contribution from the government. Foreign investors will be allowed to own up to 26 per cent in pension funds and the cap can go up in accordance with the changes in the insurance Bill, which is also waiting for parliamentary approval. Since pension and insurance funds offer long-term capital-intensive schemes, whatever foreign investment comes would be here to stay, unlike the hot money that moves in and out of the stock and bond markets. The Bill provides for a regulator, who will be as powerful and independent as the RBI and SEBI. This is to build and keep up the seller-buyer faith in pension products.
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Law of the land
Land
to a farmer has two kinds of value. One, the worth determined by the produce he gets from the land. The other is the notional value — as determined by the market owing to situational and demand factors. This gets realised only when a sale or acquisition takes place and he receives the proceeds. While the difference in the produce of any two pieces of productive farmland would be marginal, irrespective of the location, change in the notional value can be astronomical. This single factor makes it impossible to have a workable uniform land acquisition policy. For a farmer in a remote area, even the compensation of four times the market value — as promised in the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill — may seem inadequate as there would be hardly any ‘market value’ worth the name. His life, however, would be disrupted, with little alternative options for livelihood. On the other hand, in highly developed states such as Punjab and Haryana, four times the market value may seem like a good deal to a farmer — for whom the value of the produce would be insignificant in comparison to the market value - but there may be no buyers at that price. That will rule out any investment that is land intensive. Both the states have more small and medium industry or the services industry than heavy, especially Punjab. The new law would virtually rule out any new large industry entering this region for the reason of land price alone. Some of the features of the land acquisition policies that the two states had been following thus far had worked reasonably well — of course, higher the value of land, more the litigation. To counter that, they were continually tweaking the policy, such as land pooling or no-litigation clause. In the end, land acquisition will have to take into consideration innumerable regional - even city or district level — factors. The forthcoming Central law will most likely remain only model legislation, and states will have to innovate extensively to have their functional state laws. |
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Major mobile move
The
news that Microsoft has bought Nokia’s mobile phone business for a reported $7.2 billion shook up the technological world not for what it is, but the future it could bring. Indeed, Nokia was the only phone hardware company that was powered exclusively by Microsoft's mobile software, and the companies had been working closely together for the last two and a half years. The outgoing Microsoft Chief Executive Steve Ballmer had this one last big acquisition to make before he hangs up his boots. It is being seen as a win-win situation for both companies. Nokia needed the deep pockets of Microsoft to fund its ventures, even as there is a growing realisation within Microsoft that the future of the company lies in devices and services rather than software and PCs, as has traditionally been the case. Microsoft will also benefit from Nokia’s patents and mapping services, which it has licensed. Microsoft has been acutely conscious that there is limited growth in the personal computers business that its dominates with the Windows operating system and the MS Office suit of office applications. Both are still very remunerative, but the future is in mobile computing devices like tablets and mobile phones. With this acquisition, it will acquire sophisticated hardware capabilities of Nokia, as well as the understanding that the Finnish company has of the mobile telephony market. It remains to be seen how exactly the two companies manage to merge distinct work cultures. Microsoft will have to tread lightly in order to get the best out of the employees that will now be on its rolls. The new Windows software for phones and the Nokia devices has brought some excitement in the market which has increasingly become a two-pony race. They, however, did not sell in numbers that would have drawn in app developers. It still remains to be seen how well they succeed under the new dispensation. |
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Education is a progressive discovery of our own ignorance. —Will Durant |
The rural-urban divide
The
gap in the academic performance of students in the rural and urban areas is quite visible. About a year ago it was reported that only 4 per cent of the rural students join universities and institutes of higher education in India, though 71 per cent of the population resides in villages. This disparity is closely related with the household income in villages and cities. Thirty per cent of the people live below the poverty line and a majority of them belong to villages. The dropout rate of rural students is far above the urban students. It was reported that hardly 52 per cent of the rural children complete their matric and 42 per cent drop out of school in spite of free education. Most of the higher education institutes are situated in cities and sometimes these are not within the reach of rural students, the reason being the economic status of the parents and the related distance of the Institute. The food security Bill, under which a provision of cheap food will be made for 75 per cent of the rural and 50 per cent of the urban population, speaks volumes about the inferior economic position of villagers. Education is a state as well as Central subject. The number of government schools providing plus two education in science and arts is inadequate in every area. These schools are the basis for higher education as well as for professional careers. But generally it has been observed that while competing for admission as well as adopting a profession, students of public schools are far ahead of students of government schools. There are a number of complaints regarding the performance of government schools. It has been observed that the children of teachers serving in government schools often study in public schools, whereas the children of teachers serving in private schools are compelled to study in government schools because of the low expenses. The question arises: Why is it that government school teachers do not have confidence in their own schools? The provision of free education and mid-day meals has not been able to check the dropout rates of rural students; rather the dropout rate is increasing with time. This is the factor that needs to be studied thoroughly. This may be one of the major factors for other problems of the rural-urban gap. There is a vicious circle among the families providing child labour. Jobs for adults are lacking but there is no dearth of jobs for children. Children can get jobs very easily. There are about 4 crore of child labourers throughout the country and a majority of them belong to villages. The family is poor; its adult members are unable to get employment, but children can be easily employed. So the child starts his job at a meager salary, he/she continues to work, right before the dawn till late after the sun-set. The child will not develop his capacity to earn more because of lack of education, what to say about his overall development. The child is employed not at his will but because of the compulsion of his parents. He is doing a job against his wish, while children of other families enjoy, play and study. As the child would not improve his earning capacity, his family will remain poor and again after his adulthood and marriage, this would continue as a vicious circle with his/her family. This phenomenon is not declining; rather it seems to be on the rise and more so in the villages. The rural population still has agriculture as the main profession. Even now 60 per cent of the population is engaged in agriculture, though the contribution of agriculture to the G.D.P. has decelerated to only 14 per cent. It can be concluded that 60 per cent of the population earns only 14 per cent of the income, whereas the rest 40 per cent of the population earns 86 per cent of income, creating a big gap between rural-urban incomes and the basis for small opportunities for the rural population. The non-farm sector in the villages is not developing to absorb the released labour force from agriculture that continues to be poor. The economic base of the rural families becomes the poor academic base of the rural children. The youth who are unadjusted in their careers, even after studying in colleges and higher education institutes, become the demonstration for other children, the others get discouraged to study in colleges and universities. This may be because of the poor base of such children. It becomes a reason for discouragement for both the children and their parents. Parents prefer to have their children employed instead of waiting for long times and then getting no fruitful rewards. There is a challenge to fill the gap between the rural and urban academic achievements. As a majority of the rural population is dependent on government institutes in villages, the big improvement in the functioning of these institutions is required for which government machinery should be geared up to make them up-to-date. Public schools should be started in the rural areas where the charges should be within the reach of the rural population. Careers of students are built in the higher institutes of learning, where a small number of students from the rural areas joins. How to increase this number is again a big challenge. The existing rural institutions should have a capacity to face this challenge. They should have a goal -- that the maximum number of students from their institutes becomes capable of joining institutes of higher education. Sports, cultural activities and extra-curricular activities should be given preference during admissions in universities and institutes of higher education as well as in jobs. Rural students can excel in such extra-curricular activities, and their performance must be the criterion for their admissions. Keeping in view this big gap, there should be a provision of reservations for the rural students in different courses and careers. It has also been observed that there is a lack of guidance for careers and courses in the rural areas. It may be because of illiteracy in general and lack of the required information. Career and course guidance centres must be attached to all middle, high and senior secondary schools, where the parents of children should be guided properly and adequate information regarding various careers and courses should be imparted to them. Unawareness regarding a particular career is a big hurdle for children. Since the economic position of the parents is a big factor in the rural and urban academic gap, special attention must be given to the fee structure and other expenses in the rural areas. The government must be cautious that the fee and other charges should not be out of the reach of parents, causing a hurdle in the study of children. The missionary schools in the rural areas must be aware, and should be cautions, that in no case the expenses of the study become a problem for the
parents. The writer is a former Dean,
Faculty of Agriculture, Khalsa College, Amritsar
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No place under the sun Having been an infantryman for almost four decades, often deployed in most inhospitable terrains where the only means of mobility was a pair of crooked legs, could I be blamed for turning into a compulsive foot slog? While on peace rotation, the cantonments offered the luxury of abundant open areas to sustain the addiction. When attending the NDC course at Delhi, for some good reason, I chose to put up in our DDA flat instead of the official accommodation in the vicinity of India Gate. It was then I realised the value of space, as walking on the main roads was a nightmare. Luckily, a nearby park turned out to be a great blessing. While the local park catered for thousand-odd dwellings, the people who frequented it were just a handful. Broadly, they fell into three categories. Most prominent was the veterans group. Always attired in style, with distinct headgears and crested canes; they walked briskly, in step. After a few rounds, as a ritual, the stalwarts settled down on the corner benches, and engaged in intense discussions. They often got together in the evenings, over a tot of Old Monk, to keep the “Triple X” spirit alive. The second group was of senior citizens who maintained a low profile; passionately engaged in activities like "pranayama", rhythmic clapping and laughter therapy. They were also active in organising health awareness camps and environmental initiatives. The members followed a strict “Triple ‘S’ regime”: morning walk, afternoon siesta and evening “satsang” (spiritual gathering). The third group was of the free floaters like me, with no particular affiliation. Efforts of some from this lassie faire bunch to cozy up with the members of the other two groups cut no ice. The pattern remained unchanged for a year that I was in the locality. As I was to proceed on an operational assignment, it was with a heavy heart that I bid farewell to the wonderful folks. The obsession with walking once again became an issue when I moved into the Millennium City, post retirement. Venturing out on foot meant putting the life on edge. After due deliberation, cycling appeared to be an exciting option. So promptly, I purchased a bicycle. Excited like a kid, I went out for the maiden ride, flaunting the sporty helmet and gloves. Just as I was negotiating a turn on the traffic light towards Galleria Market, an Audi- SUV screeched to a halt, almost knocking me off. Unmindful of my struggle to regain balance, the young fellow craned his neck out of window and shouted “Why don't you practise cycling skills at some velodrome”? In anguish I shot back “It’s a mountain bike, Lad!” “Then head for Mussoorie or Nainital!” pat came the reply as he zoomed off. Never to give in, I now take off well before the day break, and enjoy the bliss of empty roads. The only fellow bikers I come across are the news paper vendors, milkmen and daily wagers. While cruising around, one misses the bye-lanes of London and New York, where as a pedestrian or cyclist one gets to feel like a VIP (good chance of rubbing shoulders with iconic Mayors- Boris Johnson zipping on his Marin Fairfax cycle in London or Michael Bloomberg in New York). Back home, the elites on the steering wheel consider pedestrians and cyclists as a nuisance. The lesser mortals have no choice but to confine to odd hours, hoping that someday, they too will have the right to a slice of earth under the sun, when the time wheel turns nature's
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Violence and the edge of oblivion The primitive mind is, in the fullest meaning of the word, imperishable: Sigmund Freud, 1915 The choice today is no longer between violence and nonviolence. It is either nonviolence or nonexistence: Martin Luther King, 1958 Do the tense thoughts of these influential men have a bearing on the contemporary world? Their lives were linked with the most cataclysmic forces of the century, Nazism and racism. In 1938 at the age of 82, Freud had to flee his native Vienna after the Nazi occupation. The preacher-activist King confronted racialist bigotry in a non-violent struggle that cost him his life, but changed America. Of what relevance are their ideas on war and violence? Is terror a fringe phenomenon or has it long been part of what we call the mainstream? We would be foolish to ignore these questions. The twentieth century witnessed 175 to 250 million deaths on account of war and genocide. The proportion of soldiers to civilians killed declined from 43 per cent in the First World War to 28 per cent or less in the second (which cost some 60 million lives). The distinction between soldiers and civilians evaporated — terror-bombings were committed by all sides in the Second World War. After 1945, people believed in a new era of peace. This was shattered by the Korean War and developments in Palestine, Malaya, Indonesia, Kenya and Vietnam; not to mention Biafra, Iraq, Rwanda and Yugoslavia. George Orwell summed it up well — war, he said in his dystopian novel 1984, is not meant to be won but to be continuous. The psychological damage resulting from so much killing can only be guessed at. Lest we forget Every so often an Indian businessman uses Hitler's name to attract commercial attention and is surprised at the reaction. Wasn't Hitler a famous fellow and an ally of Netaji Subhas? He was indeed. He also criminalised the German state in its entirety. 'The very first essential for success', said Hitler in Mein Kampf, 'is a perpetually constant and regular employment of violence.' That some Indians see him as a statesman is a pointer to our own psychic ailments. The most colossal bloodletting in history carries no meaning for us. However, the Hitler regime was not only the prime example of state terror. It was also the first to base itself on the doctrine of racial purity, an idea it radicalised to the point of annihilation. After the passage of racial laws in 1933, it began transferring Jews, Romani and blacks to concentration camps. During 1939-41 about 100,000 mentally sick and incurable Germans were killed by state order. Thereafter the regime built death factories for Jews from all over Europe to be sent for extermination. Over 5 million were gassed to death in camps such as Maidanek, Buchenwald and Auschwitz. Firms such as IG Farben, Siemens and Bayer were involved in the genocide. Even today the Nazi genocide of the Romani (also known as gypsies) remains largely unspoken. These nomads of Indian origin had always been subject to racial hatred, forced settlement and enslavement. Some of this continued into the modern era and even under communist regimes. Early in 1940, 250 Romani children from Czechoslovakia were murdered with the new Zyklon-B gas at Buchenwald. On December 16, 1942, Himmler ordered all Romani in Germany deported to Auschwitz for extermination. There were an estimated 3 million Romani in German-controlled territories at the height of the Nazi regime, of whom a third to half were murdered. The cleansing The other marker of the age of extermination was the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. Up to 150,000 Japanese civilians were burnt to death in these two cities within minutes, and tens of thousand died of radiation later. The bombing was sought to be justified in terms of lives 'saved' by avoiding an invasion of Japan. These arguments have been rebutted by many historians who point to America's strategic goal of countering Soviet interests and testing the newly developed weapon. Leaving that aside, the nuclear explosion was a horribly fitting conclusion to the most destructive war in history, a war seen as 'total' because it pitted entire populations against one another. Have we learnt what exterminism signifies? The Pakistani physicist Pervez Hoodbhoy recently described his conversations during the 1990's with Indian and Pakistani generals. Senior officers on both sides expressed delight at acquiring atomic weapons. Their passionate evocation of honour and glory made Hoodbhoy describe their instincts as Neolithic. Perhaps this was what Freud meant by the imperishable nature of the primitive mind. They saw nuclearisation as a means to permanent peace. Gandhi had fielded similar questions in 1946. Responding to people who believed that the bomb would end war, he said, 'The atom bomb has not stopped violence. People's hearts are full of it and preparations for a third world war may even be said to be going on.' He said, 'the atom bomb is the last word in violence today`85 there used to be so-called laws of war. Now we know the naked truth. War knows no law except that of might. The atom bomb`85 resulted for the time being in destroying the soul of Japan. What has happened to the soul of the destroying nation is yet too early to see.' When asked whether the bomb had made non-violence useless, he said, 'No. It is the only thing the atom bomb cannot destroy. I did not move a muscle when I first heard that the atom bomb had wiped out Hiroshima. On the contrary, I said to myself, unless now the world adopts non-violence it will spell certain suicide for mankind.' The birth of nations The most fearsome precursor to India's Independence was the Calcutta killing of August 1946. Between five to ten thousand people were killed under the ministry of the Muslim League's Hussain Suhrawardy. In October there were massacres in Noakhali, followed by a pogrom in Bihar under a Congress ministry. India and Pakistan were born amidst genocide. About 15 million people were forced to migrate. The communal 'cleansing' of Punjab's population was catastrophic. Up to a million people were killed in 1947. After that there were massacres of Muslims in Hyderabad (India) in 1948 and of Hindus in East Pakistan in 1949 and 1950. The cycle of violence continued for two years. Perhaps it never really ended. Then there was the drama surrounding Gandhi's murder. His last fast in January 1948 was not about payments to Pakistan, but for the restoration of the shrine of Bakhtiyar Kaki at Mehrauli and for communal peace. Had this fast not succeeded there would have been a Babri Masjid-like situation on the outskirts of Delhi. His assassination was a sad rehearsal of the ghastly Indian tradition of founding a new edifice upon a blood sacrifice. In 1965, fresh doubts about V.D. Savarkar's involvement led to the appointment of an inquiry commission headed by Justice Jivanlal Kapur. His report (1969) noted the negligence of the police and concluded that the facts undermined 'any theory other than the conspiracy to murder by Savarkar and his group.' However, in 2003 the Indian government installed his portrait in the Lok Sabha. Evidently our MPs still revere Gandhi's assassins. Has India transcended the violence of 1947, or has it entered our DNA? The constitution guarantees the lives and liberty of citizens. But thousands have died in riots since then, and the failure to punish the perpetrators has eroded this guarantee. These incidents are identifiable as genocide under the UN convention of December 1948. We face a relentless assault on democratic values and institutions. Sections of the ruling class habitually deploy violence to pursue their ends. Communal tension is brazenly instigated to gain power. The violence unleashed during elections or land-grabbing operations is colossal in scale. India abounds in private armies, some of which portray themselves as ultra-nationalists. Everyday propaganda prepares us for the militarisation of civil society. Entire communities are held responsible for crimes committed by a few. Wounded sentiment has become the most popular mask worn by hooligans. Democracy is being bypassed via a parallel system of representation based on community. The repeated instigation of retributive violence or the threat of it has become endemic. Along with other factors, this accelerates the criminalisation of India's polity. Concepts such as democracy, secularism and the rule of law are in danger of losing their meaning. The choice before us Gandhi referred to the use of the atom bomb for 'the wholesale destruction of men, women and children as the most diabolical use of science.' 'There are two kinds of shastras (weapons) in the world' he said, 'one satvik and the other rajasik, one conforming to dharma and the other not conforming to dharma. The shastra of the atom bomb does not conform to dharma`85 It usurps the place of God." Those who demur at his language may remind themselves of Robert Oppenheimer's remark that physicists had come to know sin. Physics and metaphysics are not that far apart. The use of science for destructive purposes has pushed humanity to the brink. The contempt for life is the hallmark of modern nihilism. In one of the first reflections upon Nazism's death factories, Hannah Arendt wrote: 'In their effort to prove that everything is possible, totalitarian regimes have discovered`85 crimes which man can neither punish nor forgive.' About concentration camps, she noted the irrevocable rupture that the discovery of these 'holes of oblivion' had wrought in history: 'Modern politics revolves around a question which, strictly speaking, should never enter into politics, the question of all or nothing: of all, that is a human society rich with infinite possibilities; or exactly nothing, that is, the end of mankind.' When the philosopher Karl Jaspers rejected the idea of casting Hitlerism in the light of some satanic greatness, she agreed with him, but insisted that what had happened in the camps was not a case of humans killing other humans for human reasons, howsoever horrible. What had occurred, said Arendt, was 'the organized attempt to eradicate the concept of the human being.' This is the closest we will ever come towards understanding modern exterminism. The phenomenon was not restricted to theatres of war — the whole world was enveloped in it, and we live in its shadow. The idea that only violence may inaugurate new beginnings, that a just order may only be validated by blood is our deadliest illusion. Yet this idea is celebrated in our favourite ideologies. Violence is productive of nothing but more violence. Freud was insightful in his observation about the stability of our primeval instincts. But we had better control them. Because, as Gandhi and King warned us, the choice today is the one between violence and annihilation. Dilip Simeon is a Delhi-based historian and the author of the novel "Revolution Highway." |
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