O P I N I O N S

Guest Column
Third Front could prove more than a ghost
A credible ‘third alternative’ based on a programme could take steps to control price rise, ensure food for all, make a pro-farmer land policy, block tax loopholes exploited by the rich, and end large-scale corruption.
A B Bardhan
A spectre is haunting political parties, both ruling and those in the Opposition. It is the political front opposed to both the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Some are trying to exorcise the spirit by terming it as a figment of imagination or an irrelevant opportunist thought; nevertheless, the spectre continues to stalk the political scenario.

FIFTY FIFTY
Time to cut the kite-flying on communal forces
The fact that the scenes of Hindu violence in Kai Po Che did not trigger a hue and cry to ban the film shows a certain maturity and acceptance from the Indian middle classes that mistakes have been made — and that the country has moved on.
KISHWAR DESAI
To begin with, let me state clearly that I am normally no fan of Chetan Bhagat’s writing, especially his books, and I am sure he can quite happily return the compliment. But I do admire his savvy marketing and the manner in which he has managed to position himself as a spokesperson for the ‘youth’.

ground zero
When will South Africa be truly free?
The country has First World infrastructure such as sweeping super-fast highways but the majority of its people continue to live in Third World conditions.
raj chengappa
It was after nearly two decades that I was visiting Durban, and to say there is a sea change is an understatement. Durban’s beachfront is in many ways symbolic of that change. When I went first in 1994 to cover the historic elections that saw the black majority come to power displacing the white minority after decades of apartheid, Durban was even then a bustling port city. Like all docks, its wharf was dotted with bars, restaurants and hotels.

Guest Column
Third Front could prove more than a ghost
A credible ‘third alternative’ based on a programme could take steps to control price rise, ensure food for all, make a pro-farmer land policy, block tax loopholes exploited by the rich, and end large-scale corruption.
AB Bardhan

A spectre is haunting political parties, both ruling and those in the Opposition. It is the political front opposed to both the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Some are trying to exorcise the spirit by terming it as a figment of imagination or an irrelevant opportunist thought; nevertheless, the spectre continues to stalk the political scenario.

The country is in a deep political, economic and social crisis, chiefly due to the policies pursued over the years. Inflation and prices are soaring, particularly of food and other items essential to daily existence. Not only the 85-crore poor are affected but also sections of the so-called grand Indian middle class are affected. Health and education have gone out of reach because of the drive towards privatisation or public-private partnership, which is a euphemism for private aggrandisement at public cost. The government is neck deep in corruption. Each day brings news of a fresh scam. Moves like foreign direct investment in multi-brand retailing, insurance, etc, are alienating vast sections of people whose livelihood will be at stake.

These are supposed to be measures of reform under the dispensation of neo-liberalism. The Bharatiya Janata Party-led NDA is engaged in mock opposition to some of these measures, as it basically does not differ with the economic policies of the Congress-led UPA. In matters of corruption, it has no better record. Witness the Karnataka episodes. In matters of foreign policy, particularly the aspect of cosying up to the US, the BJP shares the same views.

People’s discontent, indignation and resistance are breaking all bounds. Struggles against land acquisition, job loss and corruption are breaking out. The monstrous Delhi gang rape incident of December last year brought thousands of boys and girls out on the streets, demanding justice, safety and security for women and gender equality. Behind all these outbreaks is the demand for change. People want a change, which is why I believe that neither the Congress-led UPA nor the BJP-led NDA would come anywhere near power in the forthcoming poll, whether it takes place in May 2014, as scheduled, or in November 2013, as is being speculated. The BJP is no alternative to the Congress. Projecting individual personalities as would-be Prime Ministers would not alter the basic equation.

The situation holds an opportunity for non-Congress and non-BJP parties to come together and reach out to the people. The Left parties would like a programme-based alternative, directed at radically different policies on people’s issues. Struggles need to be coordinated and moved in the direction of forging a Left, democratic and secular programme.

So what is it that can be offered? A credible ‘third alternative’ based on a programme must take steps to control the price rise. It can re-impose a regulatory mechanism for pricing diesel, petrol and other petroleum products. This will prevent the continuous escalation of prices. It can stop forward trading in food grains, oil seeds and other items. This can prevent speculative rise in the prices of these products. It can enforce the provisions of the Essential Commodities Act, which will ensure that hoarding does not lead to a shooting up of prices.

Among the essential items on the programme would have to be ensuring food security by introducing a ‘Universal Public Distribution System’ so that food for all becomes a reality. A pro-farmer land policy is also a must so that it prevents fertile agricultural land going out of the hands of the farmers.

A taxation policy that ensures the rich are taxed and not allowed to get away with various exemptions and bailouts is needed. Today among the major countries, the rich in India are the least taxed. What is worse is that indirect tax, which hurts the common people, contributes a large share, while the average tax on the incomes of corporate honchos and big business amounts to only about 22 per cent. The nexus between corporate houses, top bureaucrats and ruling politicians has to be broken so that large-scale corruption and scams are brought to an end. And corruption is at least minimised, if not entirely rooted out. Serious effort to unearth black money and bring it back from overseas tax havens has also to be made.

These are some of the measures which can help improve the present economic distress. At the same time, an alternative policy of development based on employment friendly measures, particularly in the sphere or health and education, has to be undertaken. Entrepreneurship, especially in the small and medium sector, has to be encouraged. Such an alternative may not emerge before the polls, but there is every possibility of such a front being forged immediately after the polls.

Political pundits often recall the emergence of such fronts in 1989, the Janata Dal-led National Front government of VP Singh and the 1996 United Front governments first under HD Deve Gowda and then Inder Kumar Gujaral, and their longevity. These are precedents, but this time it will be more lasting. People have learnt their lessons.

The writer is former general secretary, Communist Party of India

FIFTY FIFTY
Time to cut the kite-flying on communal forces
The fact that the scenes of Hindu violence in Kai Po Che did not trigger a hue and cry to ban the film shows a certain maturity and acceptance from the Indian middle classes that mistakes have been made — and that the country has moved on.
KISHWAR DESAI

To begin with, let me state clearly that I am normally no fan of Chetan Bhagat’s writing, especially his books, and I am sure he can quite happily return the compliment. But I do admire his savvy marketing and the manner in which he has managed to position himself as a spokesperson for the ‘youth’.

The description of ‘being young’ in India is fairly ambiguous, and anyone under 50, I suspect, thinks he or she is very young. But Chetan has actually built himself a constituency among the under-35 men and women, boys and girls who are aspirational, and belong to ‘middle India.’ Especially those who do not have the backing of ‘mummy and papa’ and have to achieve everything on their own, often at great cost, because the boundaries between good and evil in our country are always rather blurred. Sometimes it appears as though whatever helps them to succeed is good and whatever leads to failure is bad, and the young are being are being forced to confront these issues on a daily basis.

A still from the film Kai Po Che.

To be honest, while I have not been able to read any of Chetan’s books, I have seen him develop a large following of loyal readers, which, as an author myself, I can only stand by and appreciate.

Recently, I also saw Kai Po Che, based on his book 3 Mistakes of My Life, for which he has written the script. The film directed by Abhishek Kapoor has been largely well received. I was curious about it because some viewers (who had also read the book) did mention that the film appeared less critical of the Gujarat riots than the book had been. That remark was intriguing (though the book still lies unread on my bookshelf). But I did wonder whether we are now measuring everyone through the prism of how they react to Narendra Modi or the Gujarat riots.

Interestingly, Kai Po Che turned out to be much more nuanced and thoughtful in its treatment than I could have ever imagined. The story is fairly straightforward — about three young men trying to build a business around the teaching of sports and running a sports academy, in Gujarat, just before the terrible earthquake of 2001, and then the riots of 2002, both of which have a devastating impact on their work. The close nexus between politics, business and religious beliefs is honestly explored — so is the division between the Hindus and Muslims. But the good thing about the film is that it is never jingoistic; nor does it paint any community as a victim or as a remorseless perpetrator, though the Hindu politicians definitely appear to be more questionable and violent. In fact, quite contrary to what I had been told, there were some rather hair-raising scenes of ‘tilak’-adorned Hindu men picking up unsheathed swords to seek ‘revenge’ on the Muslims for the burning of ‘kar sevaks’ returning from Ayodhya on the Sabarmati express at Godhra. The fact that these scenes have been shown and that there has been no hue and cry to ban the film shows a certain maturity and acceptance from the Indian middle classes that mistakes have been made — and that the country has moved on.

Of course, this does not mean we should ever forget the carnage in Gujarat in 2002… just as we must never forget the innocents murdered in Mumbai in 1993, and in Delhi in 1984, and further back, all the way to 1947. But Chetan’s film focused in a very pragmatic fashion on ordinary lives that are suddenly caught up in a fraught and dangerous environment.

The messages for the need for peaceful coexistence are all there, but without any melodramatic dialogues. In fact, the very ordinariness of the film and the characters made the film appealing, and also gave me hope that perhaps the wounds suffered by different communities have now begun to heal. We can look at the past with a certain objectivity and hope that there will be a better future. Children watching these kinds of films today might veer away from exploiting religion to hurt another community — much more than they would listening to pious lectures from ‘secular’ politicians. They can see the good sense in working together, both in business and sport to build a better India.

Of course, the central story of a young Muslim boy, who is a cricketing genius of sorts, and the star of the cricketing academy run by the three Hindu boys makes the point that religion should be irrelevant in real life choices. As ever, using cricket to push the story forward is a smart move, because the popular game unites all religions, castes, classes and communities. It also made me hope that perhaps we can now stop talking about ‘communal forces’ and move forward towards building a more cohesive India. So is it finally time to cut the kite-flying on the return of ‘communal forces’ and focus on development? Or should we continue to wallow in grief over painful moments from the past?

Kishwar Desai’s new novel, The Sea of Innocence, will be published in April.