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Punjab Cong
Need PPP, Left help to take on
Akalis: Bajwa
I’m in Cong so long as Sonia is in charge: Capt |
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Haryana
Some fact, a little fiction
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The Majha Express takes charge By Jangveer Singh The newly appointed PCC president Partap Singh Bajwa is enterprising and has been tested at the ballot. Critics accuse him of watching his own interests. He will have to take every one along and field the right candidates if he has to keep the post and match the Akali might.
Into this mould steps newly appointed Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee (PPCC) president and Gurdaspur MP Partap Singh Bajwa, who has to rise to the challenge of moving amid party workers like Beant Singh as well as invoking personal charisma like Amarinder. Changing leaders is not easy in state politics. It took the Congress high command one year to find Amarinder’s replacement. Though Bajwa and Congress Working Committee (CWC) member Jagmeet Brar were claimants to the post ever since Amarinder led the party to a loss in the Assembly elections in March last year, the party continued to dither on the succession issue. This was because Amarinder dug in his heels and expressed his desire to continue to lead the party, at least till the forthcoming parliamentary elections next year. Amarinder felt if he could improve the party’s prospects in the parliamentary elections, he would be in line to lead the party in the 2017 Assembly elections. This was not to be, primarily because of Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi. The Gandhi scion, who had earlier experimented in building youth leadership in Punjab, was convinced the party needed a fresh face in the state. What worked in Bajwa’s favour was his relative younger age of 55 as against Amarinder’s 71, besides the fact he had come up through the organisational structure and even had experience in governance. What also worked in Bajwa’s favour was his success at the ballot, unlike Jagmeet who lost the last three parliamentary elections. Bajwa was first elected to the Assembly from his late father and four-time legislator Satnam Singh Bajwa’s pocket burrough of Qadian in 1992. This seat, which was named Kahnuwan later, was won by him in 2002. He defeated BJP leader and actor Vinod Khanna in the 2009 parliamentary elections from Gurdaspur. In the 2012 Assembly elections, he was successful in getting his wife elected from Qadian. What goes in his favour Bajwa has the gift of the gab and is good at making friends as well as negotiating settlements. A day after becoming the PCC president, he was able to win the support of the entire ‘Majha express’ (Congress leaders from the Majha region). This group of leaders, including Sukhjinder Randhawa, Sukh Sarkaria, Tript Bajwa, Harpartap Ajnala and Ashwani Sekhri, were till now hardcore Amarinder supporters. When questioned, Randhwa said: “We are true Congressmen and will always go by the party decision.” Getting the support of all Congress leaders from the Majha belt is important for Bajwa, who was ridiculed by the Amarinder camp for not having the support of leaders from his own region. Bajwa has announced his intention of taking everyone along with him in the fight with the Akalis and said he would not like to change the party organisational structure in the state. This means he will have to run the Punjab Congress by taking the help of Amarinder’s core team. But it is he who will benefit the most if he is able to win this team to his side. His announcement that he will not encourage formation of any coterie in the PCC has been welcomed by party workers. There is a feeling the coterie around Amarinder did not allow access to the latter to the detriment of the party. Bajwa has the money as well as the wherewithal to run the state unit. This is important considering elections in Punjab have become essentially a money game. What goes against him Bajwa’s detractors say he is not dependable. He is accused of turning excessively sweet to fulfil his own goals. He adopted the policy of blowing hot and cold with Amarinder, depending on what suited him. They say everyone in the Punjab Congress would first test him, and if he does not keep everyone with him, all the old groups will be reactivated leading to resurgence of factions. The new PCC chief is as “posh” as Amarinder. He is also used to an easy life style and will have to get his act together to take on the Akalis. Bajwa has a limited hold in the Malwa region that constitutes the largest chunk of the state. This region has been the stronghold of Amarinder and he has to win over this vote bank to be successful in state politics. The challenge ahead Congress performance in the 2014 parliamentary elections will be the litmus test of Bajwa’s leadership and also decide whether he will lead the party in the 2017 Assembly elections. The PCC president has a tough task cut out for him. Ensuring victory in the parliamentary elections could mean taking hard decisions, particularly on MPs who seem unelectable. This could be difficult since he is also an MP and enjoys a good equation with his colleagues. But those who know him say he can be ruthless when needed and that he would have to rise to the challenge of fielding the best possible candidates in the parliamentary elections. After all, he would be fighting to retain his own chair. Can he counter the Akalis? There is unanimity in the party that he is the best possible person in the state unit to take on SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal. Leaders say in the last Assembly elections, the Congress had the votes but could not convert them into victory. They claim the need of the hour is an “over clever” man to fight Sukhbir and match him bluster for bluster. “We have got just such a man,” they say. Now Bajwa has to live up to their hopes.
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Need PPP, Left help to take on Akalis: Bajwa Newly appointed Punjab Pradesh Congress president Partap Singh Bajwa feels he is the man of the moment. Speaking with The Tribune he is at pains to explain there is no special magic in his Akali rival and SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal and that he will successively revive the state Congress by re-activating party workers and taking along the youth to give sleepless nights to the Akalis. He also advocates forming a broad front against the Akalis. What is your first task as PCC president? I want the workers to touch base with the leadership again. I will tour the entire state and appeal to workers to get out of their houses to take on the Akalis. I will first raise the common issues of the people and then launch agitations on the same. How do you aim to be different? My home and office will be open 24 hours for party workers. I will be available to workers round the clock. Wherever any problem erupts, I will go there myself. I will gherao the necessary police station or office. Outgoing PCC president Capt Amarinder Singh does not think you are the ideal choice to replace him? How do you aim to get his cooperation? I don’t know why he has made this remark. I would not like to comment on it. However, as far as I am concerned I will make an effort and go to him to seek his blessings. He is my senior and will remain so. I will also seek the blessings of former PCC presidents, including Shamsher Singh Dullo and Rajinder Kaur Bhattal. Will you be reorganising the party setup established by your predecessor? I want to give everybody a chance to show their performance. I feel most of the people are good. Those left out for one reason for another will be adjusted. I understand they are all Congressmen. Earlier everyone was with Amarinder because he was the PCC president. I don’t see anybody as Amarinder’s or Partap’s man. What are the issues facing the state? The SAD-BJP combine has throttled democracy. All sections of society are disillusioned. These include youth who have not been given unemployment allowance as promised even after one year of formation of the government. All social welfare schemes are suffering. No pensions have been paid for a year now. As many as 72,000 ‘shagun’ scheme cases are pending. The industry is in shambles and migrating out of the state. Less said about the law and order issues and crimes against women the better. My task is to give a voice to these sections of society. How would you go about doing this? After touring the entire state and interacting with party workers, I will talk to all senior leaders and form an agitational programme after consulting them. This programme will also be discussed with all other opposition parties, including the PPP and the Left who have been our natural allies in the past. I feel if we have to stop the current surge of oppression launched by the SAD-BJP combine, we must unite all democratic forces in the state. Separate protests will not do. How do you look at Sukhbir Badal as an adversary, especially with the formidable reputation he has built as an expert in election management? There is no management involved in Sukhbir’s tactics to win elections. He has adopted the model of the CPM as practised in West Bengal earlier. He is deft at coercing voters and purchasing votes of the weaker sections. During the Moga bypoll, he used the Punjab Intelligence to identify all families who commanded more than 50 votes. As many as 3,000 to 4,000 civil and police officials were deputed to influence these families. What do you think will tilt the balance in your favour? The BJP vote bank is already annoyed with the Akalis. Sukhbir might have to raise urban taxes further to pay the Rs 5,000 crore free power subsidy bills. Urbanites will have to start paying property tax on their houses and even vacant plots from April. They already have to pay tax for commercial properties. This coupled with the hoodwinking of the youth who have been promised a lot but given nothing will be the government’s undoing.
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I’m in Cong so long as Sonia is in charge: Capt
Former
Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh knew a month back that he was likely to be replaced. He however dug in his heels at Moga to give the Akalis a good fight. Post-replacement, he showed his annoyance with the party high command over its choice of his successor, saying he could have suggested a better candidate. He made it clear he would remain in politics only till Congress president Sonia Gandhi is at the helm of affairs, indicating he does not fit into Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi’s team. What does the Congress president have in mind for you? She has told me to suggest a plan and assured me she would see what she could do. I have left everything to her. I am in the Congress as long as she is there. I will do as she says. I am leaving it to her to decide my future. Would you have any role to play in the next parliamentary elections in Punjab? Something like heading the campaign committee as you did last time? Last time I headed the campaign committee as I had not been appointed the PCC president. I cannot go back to the same post. But it depends on what Mrs Gandhi wants me to do. Do you envisage a comeback in state
politics? Punjab is my first love. What I can do for the state I will do. If I can come back I would be very happy. I have not retired. This is just a temporary phase. I still have much to contribute. What is the challenge before the new PCC president? He is up against a ruthless opposition which has been an expert in subverting the democratic process. The only option open is to fight back.
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Haryana
Aspiring for chief ministership or ticket, detractors of CM Bhupinder Hooda have raised concerns over lopsided development. With the Vidhan Sabha elections due next year, Hooda has devised a strategy to neutralise the Dalit and development card by re-working on alliances.
The
politics of “Aya Ram, Gaya Ram” in Haryana has long gone. Here, more than in any other state, the anti-defection law changed the way governments fell overnight and were formed again that kept the process of alignments and re-alignments on. But the Haryanvis cannot refrain from political rhetoric to make their presence felt, even if it hurts their own personal or party interests. The pandemic attacks on Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda, accusing him of regional bias in terms of development by his own party comrades, stem from this desire of not being undermined. With the state inching towards the next Vidhan Sabha elections in 2014, the Chief Minister’s detractors have stepped on their tirade to make him nervous. It is also the need of these detractors to make noise for their own political survival and give vent to political aspirations in the hope they would be able to negotiate better positions. But firmly in the saddle, Hooda has come a long way from the MP appointed Haryana Pradesh Congress president (1996 to 2001) to a confident Chief Minister since 2005. Though salvos have been fired from time to time, as the next general elections near, those hitting out at him want to weaken him in the eyes of the party high command, so they can bargain for ticket for their supporters. Hooda has come to understand their games and has evolved his own strategy to deal with them, saying: “I work for the overall development of the state and not that of any individual”. He has released figures of money spent on development in various regions in the current session of the Vidhan Sabha to silence his opponents. Back in time The current fight in Haryana Congress is not new. It began in 2005 with the displacement of the late Haryana Chief Minister Bhajan Lal and appointment of Hooda as the Chief Minister. To understand the genesis of the problem, a historical perspective is important. Bhajan Lal had once remarked: “Even if I were the only one to win the election from the party that fields me, I can show that I will still be able to form the government”. And going by his ability to turn tables on his foes on account of his ability to form new alignments through horse trading, people believed he could do what he said. But things changed for him in 2005 when a group of half-a-dozen party leaders came together to keep him away from becoming the Chief Minister, even though Bhajan Lal led the Congress to victory by securing 67 out of the 90 Assembly seats that also marked the end of a nine-year Jat rule in the state. This group comprised those very Congress leaders that are squabbling today to embarrass Hooda. In 2005, Bhajan Lal was a front-runner for the state’s top slot when Hooda received support from Rao Inderjit Singh, Shelja, Ajay Yadav, the late OP Jindal, Surinder Singh and Vinod Sharma. The party high command chose Hooda over Bhajan Lal to be the Chief Minister. Bhajan Lal revolted, but to cajole him, his younger son Chander Mohan was made Deputy Chief Minister. Though Chander Mohan had the title, he was practically rendered inconsequential by Hooda and his team. When things did not augur well for Bhajan Lal, he broke away from the Congress and floated the Haryana Janhit Congress (HJC) that is now being run by his elder son Kuldip Bishnoi. After being stripped of his position as Deputy Chief Minister in 2008, Chander Mohan was denied the ticket during the 2009 Vidhan Sabha election, forcing his exit from the Congress. All those who supported Hooda and opposed Bhajan Lal in 2005 were leaders of almost the same standing as Hooda. Therefore, they also nurtured the ambition of becoming Chief Minister. Things were quiet for Hooda during his first term as Chief Minister (2005 to 2009), but Kumari Selja opened a front against him during his second tenure, accusing him of regional bias. Selja is a prominent Dalit leader and daughter of Chaudhary Dalbir Singh, former Union Minister who worked with Nehru and Indira Gandhi. Since, she became a Union Minister in 2004, a year ahead of Hooda becoming the Chief Minister, she considers herself senior to him. She has been playing the Dalit card and aspires to be the Chief Minister. Dalits constitute 19.3 per cent of Haryana’s population, second only to the Jats. Rao Inderjit, an Ahirwal leader, was two-time Minister of State in the Union Government and is the son of Rao Birender Singh, a former Chief Minister of Haryana. So, he also aspired to the top spot. Birender Singh, maternal cousin of Hooda and general secretary of the All India Congress, has been playing hot and cold with Hooda and has made no bones about wanting to be the Chief Minister. He occasionally supports Hooda. When he lost the 2009 Vidhan Sabha election, he blamed Hooda for engineering his defeat. Mending ties There was opposition to Hooda from Kiran Chaudhary and Savitri Jindal during his first term when they were not made ministers in place of their husbands Surinder (son of Bansi Lal) and industrialist-turned politician OP Jindal, respectively. Both of them were killed in a helicopter crash. Before coming to Haryana, where she filled in for her husband, Kiran was Deputy Speaker in the Delhi Assembly and considered herself senior enough to be a minister. She had problems with Hooda when he remained neutral in the dispute of Bansi Lal’s succession. But today, Kiran, who has considerable clout in Delhi, is with him. Another strong critic of Hooda who has patched up with him is Captain Ajay Yadav. An Ahir leader from south Haryana, Yadav’s relations with Hooda have always been governed by Hooda’s relations with Rao Inderjit. When Hooda cajoles Yadav, Rao gets angry and when he cosies up to Yadav, Rao hits out as both Yadav and Rao have common political interests. But with Yadav’s son marrying Lalu Prasad’s daughter, Yadav’s position has consolidated in Delhi. The patch-up has lead to a fresh onslaught against Hooda by Rao. Rao and Hooda were classmates and understand each other well. It appears Rao is only trying to consolidate his Gurgaon parliamentary seat as he feels Yadav may use his influence through Lalu to divest him of ticket in the 2014 elections. By hitting at Hooda he may be trying to arrive at some understanding with Hooda to support him. After much talk about his quitting the Congress, the formation of Insaaf Manch to look into regional bias appears to be nothing more than a pressure tactic. Pulling the strings Even though Hooda started his second term in office with only 40 Congress legislators, he managed to rope in seven Independent MLAs and a BJP MLA, taking his strength in the House to 48. He formed the government with their support. In turn he bestowed them with ministerial berths and positions of chief parliamentary secretaries, causing resentment among Congress legislators. MLAs Raj Pal Bhukri and Naresh Selwal, besides Rajya Sabha MP Ishwar Singh, have been vocal against the alleged regional bias in terms of development. They are Dalit leaders and owe their allegiance to Selja. Hooda has played his cards well and after the Delhi rally, he has established himself as a mass leader. Further with Sonia Gandhi’s visits to Haryana and Hooda’s son Deepinder Hooda’s promixity to Rahul Gandhi, his position has been consolidated. It is believed Hooda is supporting the appointment of Ashok Tanwar, a Dalit leader and Sirsa MP, as president of the Haryana Congress. This way, he will be able to negate the pressure from Selja, who can create more trouble for Hooda than anyone else.
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Some fact, a little fiction
There appears to be some weight in the allegations that say all development projects like rail linkages, educational institutions, medical institutes and Indian Institute of Management (IIM) have gone to the Rohtak, Sonepat, Rohtak and Mahendragarh belt, also known as the Jat heartland. The figures released by the Chief Minister in his support, however, belie charges of major discrimination though the size of allocation varies between districts. The government claims the figures differ because districts are of unequal sizes, with different population density and at separate stages of development and rural and urban areas vary. But Hooda say overall the interest of all districts has been kept in
mind. Raised at a time when the state is beginning to go into the poll mode ahead of the general election next year, the charges cannot be viewed in isolation of political overtones. Ahirwal leader Rao Inderjit Singh has for the moment shelved the idea of quitting the Congress and floated a non-political body called the Insaaf Manch to look into the allocation of funds in each district.
Panchkula has been demanding a university for long, but Education City has come up in Sonepat. Selja alleges the north is not only discriminated in terms of development, but also jobs are reserved for those who hail from selected areas of the state. Rao Inderjit, too, has demanded that the government release data of employment provided to various people district-wise since 2005. This, he says, will clear all doubts. Hooda’s detractors also say the Morni region, which is the most backward area of Haryana, has received the lowest developmental funds. Some data supplied by the government, especially pertaining to Gurgaon and Faridabad districts, shows allocation of highest developmental funds, both in the urban and rural areas. These figures were arrived at after clubbing money spent through the Haryana Urban Development Authority (HUDA), Department of Rural Development and Urban Local Bodies. Faridabad and Palwal received the highest funds amounting to Rs 1,283 crore. Gurgaon and Rewari jointly received Rs 994
crore.
However, Selja has a point when she says major part of her constituency (Amabala parliamentary) comprising major parts of Ambala, Panchkula and Yamaunagar districts have the lowest allocation of funds. Panchkula is at the bottom with a grant of Rs 341 crore from all sources. Yamunanagar is the second lowest at Rs 472 crore while Ambala has fared better at Rs 608 crore. The figures of six of the 21 districts that have received the maximum grants are — Jhajjar, topping the list with Rs 920 crore, Hisar Rs 873 crore, Bhiwani Rs 866 crore, Sonepat Rs 830 crore, Sirsa Rs 819 crore and the Chief Minister’s district Rohtak, Rs 809 crore. These figures exclude HUDA grants hence the picture is not complete. Hooda has been stressing on his efforts to bring about uniform development in the state. He asks: “If there was any discrimination or regional bias, why would my district fall somewhere in the middle?” He proudly says his grandfather and father had fought for the nation’s freedom and he cannot undermine their struggle by being partisan to any region or community. — Bhupinder Singh Hooda, Haryana CM
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Bajwa headed the Youth Congress in the turbulent phase of militancy at the age of 25 and took on the militants. He even held a rally at the headquarters of militant ideologue Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindrawale. Bajwa is also a four-time minister and held important portfolios, including the public works department. The last portfolio during the 2002-2007 Amarinder-led government helped him make his own group in the party, known as the G-7 group of legislators who briefly took on Amarinder’s leadership. Bajwa also used the largesse he could offer by extending road networks at his discretion to make inroads in various constituencies. In direct contrast, his rival for the post, Jagmeet Brar, is an untested administrator who has never held any ministerial post. 
An Ahirwal leader,
Rao was two-time Minister of State in the Union Government and
is the son of Rao Birender Singh, a former Chief Minister of
Haryana. He is trying to consolidate his Gurgaon parliamentary
seat as he feels Ajay Yadav may use his influence to divest him
of ticket.
Hooda is believed
to be supporting the appointment of Ashok Tanwar, a Dalit leader
and Sirsa MP, as president of the Haryana Congress. Hooda hopes
to negate the pressure from Shelja, who can create more trouble
for Hooda than anyone else.
She opposed Hooda
during his first term as she was not made minister in place of
her husband Surinder. Before coming to Haryana, she was Deputy
Speaker in the Delhi Assembly and considered herself senior
enough to be a minister. Kiran, who has considerable clout in
Delhi, is now solidly with him.
Maternal cousin of
Hooda and general secretary of the All India Congress, Birender
has been blowing hot and cold. He has made no bones about
wanting to be the Chief Minister. He occasionally supports Hooda.
When he lost the 2009 Vidhan Sabha election, he blamed Hooda for
engineering his defeat.
He was a strong
critic of Hooda, but has patched up with him, leading to a fresh
onslaught against Hooda by Rao Inderjit. His relations with
Hooda have been governed by Hooda’s relations with Rao. Yadav
and Rao have common political interests. With Yadav’s son
marrying Lalu Prasad’s daughter, his position has consolidated
in Delhi.
A Dalit leader and
daughter of Chaudhary Dalbir Singh, a former Union Minister,
Selja became a Union Minister in 2004, a year ahead of Hooda
becoming the Chief Minister. She aspires to lead the state.
Dalit leader and Union Minister Kumari Selja, an MP from Ambala, and her supporters, including an MP and two MLAs, have alleged that Panchkula, Ambala and Yamunanagar comprising north Haryana have been ignored. “I don’t need to say anything, even the figures released by the Chief Minister show a bias,” she remarks.