The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Gujarat riots cases
SC clears decks for verdicts

THE Supreme Court’s vacation of stay on judgments in the Godhra train burning and six other riot cases in Gujarat is heartening because almost nine years after over 1,000 people were killed in the country’s worst communal violence, decks are now cleared for the courts to give rulings and bring the guilty to book. The Sabarmati Express fire that killed 59 kar sevaks was the flashpoint that triggered the 2002 riots elsewhere in the state. In the Naroda Patiya and Naroda Gam, there were 95 and 11 deaths respectively. The remaining cases relate to riots in Ode, Sardarpura, Baranpura, Machipit, Tarsali, Pandarwada and Raghavapura. The apex court had on May 1, 2009, ordered six fast track courts to be set up in Ahmedabad, Mehsana, Sabarkantha and Anand to try these cases of communal violence that followed the February 27, 2002 burning of the Sabarmati Express. A few days later, the apex court rejected allegations of shoddy probe by the court-appointed Special Investigation Team (SIT) to clarify that the trial was on but ordered a stay on pronouncing judgments. The Bench vacated that stay on Wednesday.

The verdict on the riots in Ahmedabad’s Gulberg Society, which took place a day after the Godhra incident, will have to wait for some more time. That’s because the SIT is still examining the case. Incidentally, Chief Minister Narendra Modi was questioned in March this year in connection with the Gulberg Society riot in which former Congress MP Ehsan Jaffri was among 69 people who were killed. The SIT has completed its reports on all but the Jaffri case. Zakia, Jaffri’s widow, has alleged that Mr Modi “conspired” with other senior politicians and bureaucrats to ensure that help did not reach those being attacked. The Supreme Court has now given a month’s time to SIT to complete its investigation in this case.

It remains to be seen what the fast track courts would finally decide about all the accused among whom are some prominent leaders such as former Gujarat Minister and MLA (Naroda Patiya-Naroda Gam) Maya Kodnani, Vishva Hindu Parishad leaders Jaidip Patel, Babu Bajarangi and Atul Vaid and Ahmedabad corporators Fula Vyas and Girish Prajapati. The ends of justice will be met only if the courts do not show leniency towards anyone. Exemplary punishment should be given to those involved in the horrendous riots which were a blot on the nation.

Nepal’s search for PM
It’s time to think of a consensus govt

NEPAL held the 13th round of elections on Tuesday in search of a Prime Minister but in vain. The only candidate in the fray, Nepali Congress leader Ramchandra Poudyal, could not get the needed number of votes to make it to the top executive position in the Himalayan nation. He, as expected, could secure only 98 votes in a House having 601 members. He refuses to retire from the contest, though his score has been going down in every round of polls, which began four months ago when the Madhav Kumar Nepal coalition ministry resigned under pressure from the Maoists, who hold the maximum number of seats — 238 — in the Constituent Assembly. The Nepali Congress Party (NCP) has proved to be the main stumbling block. The party, which has ambitions to control the levers of power despite its parliamentary strength being just 114, should see reason and keep itself aside so that another method for the appointment of Prime Minister can be tried.

The NCP fears that once it withdraws from the contest, the Maoists and the CPN (UML) together may succeed in getting installed a national consensus government, which does not suit the NCP’s scheme of things. The Maoists and the CPN (UML) withdrew from the elections after entering into a pact on these lines on November 17. Their strategy is aimed at sidelining the NCP, which refuses to cooperate with the communist parties. Even if the situation leads to fresh elections, the chances are that the NCP will not be able to win as many seats as it has today in the Constituent Assembly.

Nepal’s principal political parties seem to have little interest in ensuring that nothing comes in the way of maintaining peace and stability, essential for the country’s economic progress. The manner in which they have been behaving for the past few months shows that they are more bothered about their own interests than the welfare of the people. Nepal today appears to have no better alternative than a government of national consensus. The NCP’s reservations can be taken care of by having an arrangement in which each of the principal political groups can nominate its Prime Minister, who should be there for a mutually agreed period. There is no point in holding fruitless elections again and again.

Thought for the Day

The reasonable man adapts himself to the world: the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the world to himself. Therefore, all progress depends on the unreasonable man.

— George Bernard Shaw

ARTICLE

Pak designs in Afghanistan
What President Obama needs to be told
by G. Parthasarathy

THERE have been few instances where an American President has given such open access to a journalist to go through the secrets of an ongoing conflict as President Obama has done for Pulitzer Prize winning newsman Bob Woodward’s book “Obama’s Wars”. The book contains detailed accounts of sensitive meetings on the war against the Taliban and Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and lays bare the infighting within the Obama team. History alone will tell whether Woodward’s revelations really served American national interests, or paved the way for the Taliban and terrorist groups across the world to get a better understanding of American vulnerabilities and weaknesses. For us in India, it provides a valuable insight into the potential and limitations of the “strategic partnership” with the world’s most powerful country, as the Americans implement Obama’s directions to finalise an “exit strategy” from Afghanistan.

What emerges from the book is that despite the belief in India that the US relations with India and Pakistan are “de-hyphenated” (which indeed they largely were during the latter half of the Bush Presidency), a measure of “hyphenation” continues on American policies on Afghanistan. The Pakistanis have succeeded in persuading significant sections of the Obama Administration that their support for the Taliban and other radical Islamic groups that challenge the Americans in Afghanistan and promote terrorism in India is because they feel “threatened” by India. The logical corollary to this has been Pakistani demands for the Americans to squeeze India to resume dialogue, without any action by them on Indian concerns on terrorism and to get India to settle Jammu and Kashmir on their terms.

The Pakistanis have also secured a movement forward in their demands for a nuclear deal akin to that given to India, granting access to more and more sophisticated weaponry and recognition that Pakistan will play the key role in future developments in Afghanistan.

Interestingly, virtually every White House briefing on Afghanistan of Obama and his Cabinet officials is on the basis of a background presentation by a middle-level intelligence official Peter Lavoy — a long-term India baiter. Woodward reveals that every briefing of Lavoy commences with a justification of Pakistani support for the Taliban because of what are said to be Pakistan’s “obsessions” with India. Lavoy repeatedly focuses on Pakistani “concerns” on India’s economic assistance to Afghanistan and its allegations of Indian funding of “separatist movements in various regions of Pakistan, most notably among the natives of Baluchistan”.

He even implicitly justifies Pakistani allegations about former Afghan Intelligence Chief Amrollah Saleh being an “Indian agent”. While Woodward recognises that Lavoy’s is not the only voice the President is influenced by, he does note that Vice-President Biden echoed Lavoy stating: “What Pakistan does not want, as a matter of faith, is a unified Afghan Government led by a Pashtun sympathetic to India, like Karzai”. But, given American anger at Pakistani duplicity in Afghanistan, President Obama is unlikely to concede all that Islamabad demands.

Woodward’s book leaves one with the clear impression that while the Americans will reduce forces in Afghanistan, they will retain residual military power to prevent a total Taliban takeover. In the meantime, they will seek “reconciliation” with the Taliban and target the Taliban and Al-Qaeda bases across the Durand Line. India should, however, prepare for the contingency of a more precipitate US withdrawal, especially if the Americans are able to eliminate the Al-Qaeda leadership, in which event the ISI will use the Taliban and their supporting jihadi groups from Pakistan to seek a military takeover of Afghanistan. Consultations with Russia, Iran and Afghanistan’s Central Asian neighbours have to be stepped up. More importantly, the Americans led by President Obama should be firmly told that it is entirely incorrect to attribute Pakistani behaviour in Afghanistan to their “concerns” about India.

By keeping Afghanistan unstable, isolated and saddled with Taliban-style rulers, Pakistan seeks to subsume Pashtun nationalism and divert attention from the fact that virtually no Pashtun recognises the Durand Line as an international border. Woodward notes that some American officials describe the areas straddling the Durand Line as “Pashtunistan”. India should assert that it expects that the dispute between Afghanistan and Pakistan over the Durand Line will be settled in a manner that fulfils Pashtun national aspirations. A sustained diplomatic effort to get more attention focused on the real motives of Pakistani policies and intrigues in Afghanistan is long overdue.

The fact that that the CIA knew of David Coleman Headley’s links with the Lashka-e-Toiba and yet chose not to inform New Delhi about this during his visits to India prior to the 26/11 strikes, or when he visited India even in 2009, will cast a shadow on President Obama’s visit to Mumbai. The FBI acted against Headley only after it received reports that he was plotting a terrorist attack on Denmark. Woodward reveals that while ISI chief General Shuja Pasha acknowledged that ex-ISI officials were involved in the 26/11 attack when he was summoned to the US shortly after the attack, the CIA later learnt that the entire attack was planned, financed and executed by serving ISI officials. Moreover, even after 26/11, Lashkar leaders like Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi continue to plot terrorist attacks with ISI connivance. Despite this, India continues to receive “advice” from Washington on why it should continue dialogue and resolve problems with Pakistan, as though Pakistan is a normal State, amenable to reasoning.

When Dr Manmohan Singh visited Washington in November 2009, the establishment of a “Joint Counter-terrorism Initiative” was announced with much fanfare. This was not very different from the euphoria that followed the announcement of a “Joint Counter-terror Mechanism” with Pakistan, in Havana earlier. It is now evident is that while the US will help in upgrading our intelligence capabilities in technical and professional terms, it will not share any intelligence with us which implicates the ISI for its involvement in terrorist activities against India. Those who argue that as a “victim of terrorism” Pakistan will act against terrorist groups waging war against India will hopefully realise that they are living in a fools’ paradise.

New Delhi has necessarily to adopt punitive and retributive policies for raising the costs for Pakistan when it sponsors terrorism against India. We are not going to be bailed out by the Americans. Moreover, New Delhi and Washington will not necessarily see eye to eye on India’s security concerns on China and Pakistan. The India-US bilateral relationship, however, has to be nurtured because of its intrinsic importance and value to both sides, transcending the differences we may have on the American approach to some of our national security concerns.

MIDDLE

Family tree
by Anirudh Dhanda

WE have a mango tree in front of our house. It just stands in the middle dividing the area into two. All these years it has been there. Quite a bore. And a boor. Lazy bum. No fruit and all the nuisance of its falling leaves. Every time it would be full of flowers but … no fruit.

You untiringly go on cleaning the place of fallen leaves every day. As if it is an old debt. It also is the home to hordes of mosquitoes screaming in your ears every time you go in or out of the house.

One day somebody said to be an expert in the field of Vastu and feng-shui visited us. Seeing the mango tree he gave a worried look. His very strong opinion was, and still is, that it is very dangerous to have a tree in front of the house. And the final diagnosis for the poor tree was its death knell.

My wife’s brother and his family were also with us that day and all of us stood right under its shade at that time. The opinion was to somehow remove the tree. Since the MC does not allow cutting of trees, the best plan to get rid of the eyesore was to drill a hole into its trunk and pour strong acid. In a few days it would crumple and wither to nothingness.

But we thought otherwise. No, it just wouldn’t be fair. It just is not done. Even if it brings bad luck, it must be due to us as per our karmic pattern. No, we would not kill it. And deciding thus we said goodbye to the gentleman from the gate itself. We talked about the incident later also but only to laugh at the illogical ways of the world and these becoming stronger by the day in this so called modern world.

The wonder was to follow. Come June and we had the ‘boor’ laden with the sweetest of mangoes. Such lovely mangoes. Had the shape exactly like we used to draw in our primary classes. With a gentle curve down to the slight twang at its waist. Was it its way of saying thanks? We no more wonder about it, but are sure about it. It seems it heard our entire conversation that day and later came out with such sweet fruit only to say thanks.

But this fellow is very naughty. It now gives fruit only in that year when we deliberately stand beneath it and threaten it with “dire consequences” unless …

Well, now we know the trick.

OPED — WOMEN

Swimming against the tide
Activism may or may not come naturally to women, but more than one woman is finding the nerve to make her mark in this field
Nonika Singh

Arundhati Roy defends the cause of Maoists. Mallika Sarabhai shoots off an open letter to Amitabh Bachchan provoked by his becoming a brand ambassador for Modi's Gujarat. Shabana Azmi has time and again picked up cudgels on behalf of the underprivileged, particularly for the slum dwellers of Mumbai. And for most of us Medha Patkar and Narmada Bachao Andolan are almost synonymous with each other.

Welcome to the world of women activists who may often strike a strident note, may go ballistic to the other extreme while espousing their cause but there is no mistaking their invincible will and resolve. Since long they have played a significant role in ensuring the rights of others. Besides, some of them have made sure that they are visible — seen and heard loud and clear.

While feminist activism gained momentum in late seventies and considerable work has been done to empower women, to implement schemes targeted at women and children, gender issues have not been the only concerns of women. From environment to human rights to animal concerns their presence is palpable in virtually every domain. So does activism come naturally to women?

Payal Sodhi, Founder Trustee People for Animals (PFA), Chandigarh, who has been lending a voice to mute animals since past 16 years doesn't think activism has anything to do with gender but is a matter of personal choice. Sangita Vardhan, chairperson, Vatsal Chhaya Trust, engaged with providing education, vocational and motivational opportunities for urban deprived children, puts it in another perspective, "See, traditionally women have been socialised in such a way that they fail to look beyond their family and children. Activism, however, is connected to a sense of ownership (of world at large) and outrage. But since it is all about being able to connect, once they decide to enter this realm they are undeniably able to relate to people in a far better fashion. For women are not only capable of multitasking but also have a holistic vision of life."

Harleen Kohli, who was once associated with a feminist organisation Shamshir, may not nurse firebrand feminist ideology anymore, "For, patriarchy hurts men as much as women". However, even she agrees and says, "Without a doubt, women have a holistic perspective and thus a Vandana Shiva as an environmental crusader is any day better than a man in her position." Of course, not all share her magnanimous opinion of female activists who are often viewed with a fair degree of scepticism if not outright suspicion.

The popular (mis) conception views them as screechingly sentimental, breast beaters, impractical, eccentric and jingoistic at worst and as bored rich hausfraus club at best. First things first, Sodhi dismisses the notion that emotions play any role in activism that arises out of a sense of responsibility and requires both knowledge and commitment. As for the bored housewives taking to activism, she is cryptic, "Let their tribe increase. Isn't it better they make social work and not kitty parties their prime time preoccupation?"

On celebrities joining the activism bandwagon, Vardhan rebuts the claim that they do so for an added share in the limelight. She questions, "Let us not forget that Arundhati Roy was a best-selling writer before she decided to address various issues she feels strongly about at several platforms." Manmohan Sharma, executive director, Voluntary Health Association, Punjab, offers a more rational explanation, "See for every celebrity activist there are hundreds who are working at the grassroots level doing their work quietly without much ado." While he feels that celebrities can afford to speak out their mind, the woman in the village has to follow a more balanced approach. He opines, "You need both kinds to spur the causes forward."

Vardhan agrees that there are a few "holier than thou", "nobler than all others" tribe of activists whose exaggerated sense of importance can be dangerous. For ultimately activism is about taking people along not alienating them.

Reicha Tanwar, director Women's Studies, Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra, however, feels that sometimes society deserves a shock treatment and thus there is no harm in some activists raising a shriller voice than required. Anyway, she feels that by all means India could do with more and more women activists of all hues and shades. First and foremost to draw attention to concerns related to them, for women's problems are very many and a large majority of women are simply not clued in to what their rights are and need to be made aware of the blatant infringement of their rights.

Of course, becoming an activist is never a cakewalk, albeit an uphill task. As in life so in the domain of activism, women do face greater challenges. The society so used to seeing women in conventional roles doesn't respond to them effusively. Quips Tanwar, "Each time you stand up for a cause, let's say when I take up the issue of equal property rights for women, the stock response is —why is she propagating it? What axe does she need to grind?" Yet despite obstacles more and more women are realising that their world doesn't begin or end with their small little cocoons and they have a stake in a just and egalitarian society. Thus despite odds, often at the risk of being labelled a deviant, they have found the courage to pursue the cause close to their hearts and the way they want to. And many more would gladly make a contribution, provided, says Sharma, "We create the environment and space for them." Well, till we don't, the feisty ones as well as the unassuming gentle crusader, will grab their chance and go about it. Love them or hate them… "God's special women", as Sodhi calls them or volatile, belligerent brigade as many deem, women activists are here to stay and make society a better place. For men too.

Peacemakers
The tale of North-Eastern women's participation in the peace process is a testimony to their indomitable courage and belief
Parbina Rashid

Irom Sharmila (left) receives Rabindranath Tagore Memorial Peace Prize

THIS is a unique countdown that can put the collective conscience of the nation to shame. The Iron Lady of Manipur, Irom Sharmila, will complete a decade of hunger strike on November 2. Along with that, her protest against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act in the Northeast that she started in the aftermath of the Malom massacre on November 2, 2000, will also complete 10 years.

The Just Peace Foundation (JPF), in collaboration with several civil society organisations in Manipur, is celebrating Sharmila's indomitable spirit, her unwavering stand for justice and her deep yearning for peace. They are doing it by launching a 100-day countdown that will end on November 2. A series of cultural programmes, literary and artistic activities, public meetings and rallies, and poster campaigns will mark the occasion.

A befitting tribute to an extraordinary deed, but looking at Irom's nasal tube, her bright but sad eyes, one cannot help but wish that she would rather stop. Nobody deserves to be force-fed through the nose, nor does one deserve to be kept under vigil with the charge of attempting suicide. All because she could not stomach the gory sight of blood and dead bodies when the armed force personnel gunned down 10 innocent people who were waiting at a bus stop at Malom.

Oppression, psychologists say, gives voice to even the meekest ones and the extraordinary tale of an otherwise ordinary woman like Irom proves this beyond a shadow of doubt. Irom's protest against the draconian law is silent but it definitely speaks volumes about the women power in the trouble-torn Northeast and their effort to bring peace.

Indira Goswami, retired Delhi University professor and Jnanpith winner, whose novel A Saga of Kamrup subtly deals with clash of civilizations long before Huntington coined the term, has actively participated in building bridges between the Centre and the banned United Liberation Front of Assam.

She justified her role of a peace crusader in one of her interviews in these words: ''I have seen death from very close quarters since my childhood and I have never learnt to accept death and killings so easily. I understand what the death of hundreds of young men has caused to families across Assam. That is why I want this crossfire to end.''

It was the same anguish that came out in the most raw form when 12 naked Manipuri women carrying banners saying "Indian Army rape us", "Indian Army take our flesh" stood outside the gates of Assam Rifles for 45 minutes on July 15, 2004, in protest against the custodial rape and killing of 32-year-old Thangjam Manorama. It takes courage to fight a force equipped with arms and shielded by a draconian law like the Armed Forces Special Power Act with nothing but bare bodies!

The tale of North-Eastern women's participation in the peace process does not extend to policy-making but it involves the masses who want to live life with dignity. They want certainty that they would come back home safe when they go out of the house. They also want a guarantee that they would not be taken out of their homes in the middle of the night either by the Army or some terrorist outfit.

This is the reason most social activists are trying to reach out to the people at the grassroots-level through various routes. One of the unique examples is the Asom Likhika Samaroh Samiti which is not just a platform for budding writers to voice their opinion. It has also taken up the task of going to the remotest corners of Assam to sensitise women about the political scenario.

"The organisation now has about 10,000 members all over the state and they are educating the mothers to keep vigil on their sons so that they do not fall prey to unlawful activities", says Anuradha Sharma Pujari, a renowned writer and editor of an Assamese weekly.

However, all is not well. The segmented efforts have not yet yielded the desired results. "Women groups, though active in the fields, have been shunned away from policy-making. Their good deeds reach up to a level and then get stunted after a certain point. The only woman who reached a certain level in that direction is Indira Goswami but that process, too, collapsed somehow. People like Irom Sharmila is keeping the AFSPA issue alive, however, for better results, we need more women at the helm of policy-making," says Sanjoy Hazarika, renowned author.

Another solution comes from Dilip Chandan, a social activist and editor of the well-known Assamese literary journal from the Assam Tribune stable, Asom Bani. "Women at their own level are doing a great job of bringing peace to the region but there has to be an umbrella under which all can unite and make their voices heard. Given the multi-ethnicity, multi-lingual, multi-cultural background and separate set of problems in different states, there are too many gaps among the groups who are working for peace. The NGOs have a great role in bridging those gaps."

Chandan has a point there. The problems that exist in Assam or Manipur may differ from those in Nagaland or Meghalaya, but the basic aim is one — live a life the way it was meant to be lived, not under the shadow of terrorism or fear from the protectors. After all, it's every mother's wish that her strayed son comes back home, every young woman's dream that her beloved gets settled with a respectable job in the mainstream society, and given a choice Irom Sharmila would love to eat again.