The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Commanders conference
Govt must be sensitive to the Services’ needs

Every year the defence minister twice formally addresses and interacts with the Army’s top brass comprising its chief, vice chief and the seven regional commanders along with several other senior ranking officers holding pivotal positions at Army headquarters. Both the annual Service-specific Commanders conference and the Combined Commanders Conference are occasions when the military’s entire top rung leadership meets to discuss national security and take a comprehensive look at matters pertaining to the internal state of the services.

It was in such a forum Defence Minister AK Antony on Monday rhetorically stated that terrorism would be crushed while simultaneously calling upon Pakistan to shed its ambivalence on terrorism. That the defence minister chose to mention this at an Army Commanders Conference reflects on the extent to which the Army has become a part of the country’s efforts to quell insurgency and safeguard internal security. Indeed, the Army’s otherwise secondary role of ‘aid to civil power’ has over the years become a pivotal if not primary role and that too on a seemingly permanent basis.

But this is only one dimension to India’s security concerns. China’s ongoing and fast paced military modernisation programme along with that country’s well entrenched strategic encirclement of India is a matter of grave concern. But the Indian Army, the world’s third largest, will remain handicapped unless the government addresses a long list of wide ranging serious problems that it is facing. From both a qualitative and quantitative decline in the Army’s officer cadre, which includes a growing incidence of corruption by senior officers, to grave equipment deficiencies, the Indian Army is silently facing considerable internal challenges. All these issues are expected to figure in discussions during the ongoing Army Commanders Conference. But in a country where civilian control of the military rightly remains supreme, it is for the political executive, starting with Defence Minister A.K. Antony, who must take notice and address these issues on an urgent basis.

Breach of privacy
Google Street View records too much

Being on the cutting edge is often controversial, and the Internet giant Google is in an uncomfortable position, again, because of privacy concerns. It has admitted that it had “accidentally” captured complete e-mails and passwords from domestic WiFi networks in the UK. Google uses a series of “Street View” cars that take photographs and collect data for its service, which it launched on May 25, 2007. It was originally confined to some cities in the US, but it not only covers the US but also Canada, the UK, Australia, South Africa, etc. After Google announced that it had collected “fragments” of information from unsecured wireless networks, UK’s Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) examined a sample of data. It also announced that Google had not breached UK’s data protection Act. However, following the latest hullabaloo, the ICO is re-opening its investigation.

Google has been accused by regulators in Canada and Spain of breaking local laws and it has also faced stiff resistance in Europe. Google’s newly-appointed director of privacy tried to make amends by both apologising for the error, as well as promising that the company would strengthen its internal privacy and security practices. Street View has also seen controversies regarding the images that were put online, since they caught many people not quite where they wanted to be seen (like strip clubs or during protests), even though they were at public places. Other similar products include Microsoft’s Streetside and Mapquest’s 360° View.

It is increasingly becoming clear that practically all online activities are examined by search engines and advertising networks that evaluate each user as a potential customer. The pattern of activity of users is the basis of “behavioural advertising”, the advertisements that are based on each person’s geographical location, browsing history and demographics. Consumers too need to take precautions. It is not a coincidence that the data that Google gathered was only that which was being transmitted over unsecured networks, i.e., where users had not taken the trouble to use passwords and secure their home wireless networks. If you leave your front door open, someone may walk through it, just as Google did.

Thought for the Day

Democracy is the recurrent suspicion that more than half of the people are right more than half of the time. — E.B. White

ARTICLE

Better relations with Russia
Emerging global challenges as the catalyst
by Harsh V. Pant

A few days back India and Russia finalised joint fifth generation fighter aircraft (FGFA) and multirole transport aircraft (MTA) projects to be completed over the next decade as part of which India will acquire about 250-300 FGFAs and 45 MTAs. The Indian Defence Minister underlined that these would be the flagship Indo-Russian joint projects as the joint development of Brahmos cruise missiles has been a positive experiment that would serve as a model for FGFA and MTA projects. India also raised the issue of inordinate delays in the delivery of Russian defence systems, resulting in considerable cost escalation.

The delivery of the aircraft carrier, Admiral Gorshkov, has now been finalised for 2012-13 after India agreed to pay Russia $2.34 billion earlier this year as opposed to the original price of $974 million agreed to in 2004. India was supposed to get Akula-II nuclear-powered submarine last year but now its delivery has been postponed to March next year.

Despite this, the two sides are intent on having a strong defence partnership. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev will be in India in December and the deal for joint development of FGFA will be signed during his visit. The Russian Chief of Defence Forces will be in India followed by the visit of the Russian Navy Chief in January next year. The two armies will be holding a joint counter-terrorism exercise later this month in India and it will be followed by another one in Russia next year.

There are very few examples of a relationship between two countries that has been as stable as the one between India and Russia. Despite the momentous changes in the international environment after the end of the Cold War, there remains a continued convergence of interests that makes it advantageous for both India and Russia to maintain close ties. Barring a fleeting hiccup during Boris Yeltsin’s term as Russia’s President, New Delhi and Moscow have been extraordinarily successful in nurturing a friction-free relationship that harks back to the Soviet era.

After the Cold War, both India and Russia struggled for several years to define their relations with other major players on the global stage, where the rules of international politics were in a state of flux and where the terms of the economic interaction between nations were being reset. As India rose in the global inter-state hierarchy, many in this country continued to rely on Russia for railing against the “unipolar world order”. The most visible manifestation of this tendency was an attempt to create a Russia-China-India “strategic triangle”. The proposal for a Moscow-Beijing-Delhi strategic triangle had originally come from former Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov during his visit to India in 1998, arguing that such an arrangement would be a force for greater regional and international stability. But as every state in the triangle needed the US to further its own interests, this project could not move beyond platitudinous rhetoric.

And now with the US in relative decline and China emerging its most likely challenger, Russia and India are struggling with the implications of a possible Chinese hegemony over the Asian strategic landscape. It is this geopolitical imperative that is forcing Delhi and Moscow to ramp up their partnership. While this was not discussed in the open, this is the hidden subtext behind the rapidity with which the two countries are trying to revise their relationship. The rise of China is the new reality that India and Russia are trying to come to grips with, and this will shape the contours of their ties in the future.

Defence, of course, remains central to Indo-Russian relations. Not only is Russia the biggest supplier of defence products to India, but the India-Russia defence relationship also encompasses a wide range of activity that includes joint research, design, development, and co-production. India is now locally producing several Russian defence systems, including the Brahmos supersonic missile, the T-90 tank and Sukhoi fighter aircraft. Russia has agreed to further expand defence supplies ties with India, both in content and range, and has also decided to give its nod to cooperation in sophisticated spheres of technology about which the US and other Western nations seem reticent. During Putin’s trip to New Delhi earlier this year, significant defence deals were signed that included a new contract for refitting the Gorshkov aircraft carrier; a $1.2 billion deal to procure 29 additional MiG 29 K naval fighter aircraft; and an agreement for an additional 40 Su MKI fighters for the Indian Air Force.

The bilateral defence relationship has indeed come under pressure as India has adjusted to the changing nature of modern warfare and shifted its defence priorities to the purchase of smart weaponry, which Russia is ill-equipped to provide. Already, India’s increasing defence ties with Israel and the gradual opening of the U.S. arms market for India has made Russia relatively less exciting. The Indian military has been an critical of over-reliance on Russia for defence acquisition which was reflected in the Indian Naval Chief’s view that there should be re-think on India’s ties with Russia in the light of the Russian demand of $1.2 billion more for Admiral Gorshkov.

Though there is disquiet among the Indian armed forces about the Russian behaviour over Admiral Gorshkov, it is clear that Russia is the only country that is willing to share defence technology of strategic nature with India, including aircraft carriers and nuclear submarine. It is equally significant that Russia is probably the only major global power that has not sold defence technology to Pakistan. Civilian nuclear energy cooperation has also gathered momentum with a comprehensive nuclear deal between India and Russia and a pact to build two power plans in Tamil Nadu. Russia is already constructing four nuclear reactors in India, and this pact will lead to more than a dozen Russian nuclear power plants in India.

The rapidly deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan has been instrumental is bringing India and Russia closer to each others in recent years. Moscow’s recent assertion that the security situation in Afghanistan “does impact the security” of India and Russia underscores the convergence of views between the two on the evolving situation in Afghanistan. As a consequence, India and Russia have stepped up cooperation on Afghanistan. This comes at a time when Indian disenchantment with the West on Af-Pak is at an all-time high and it is looking at alternative policy options to secure its interests. India-Russia partnership is only likely to get stronger in the light of the challenges that the two face in their vicinity.

MIDDLE

Role reversal
by K.R. Bharti

That evening when I happened to pass by a street of my village town, I heard a big noise. I gathered that preparations for the Ram Lila to be staged in the village were going on. But the people there were virtually scuffling. The reasons were beyond my comprehension. However, out of curiosity, I hid myself behind a wall to gather the facts.

“No-no, I won’t do the role of Rama this time. I have done enough of it all these years. I would rather be happy to perform the character of Ravana. There has to be some change in one’s life,” asserted an actor.

“You are so handsome, humble, pious and poised soul. Who can better fit into the role of Rama more than you? Moreover, it is a big honour to act Rama, the Yug Pursha. What really has polluted your mind?” said an office-bearer of the Ram Lila Committee. But all flatteries seemed to fall flat on him.

Needless to say that Dashratha, Rama, Sita, Lakshmana, Bharata, Shatrughana are the most popular characters of the epic Ramayana which actors readily accept to play. Though great in all respects, the roles of Lord Hanuman, Sugriv, Angad, Bali, Jamwant are accepted with slight hesitation for the reason of obnoxious appearance of a monkey or a bear which earns them a nickname of Hanuman, Bali, Sugriv, etc in their social life.

But when it comes to the role of Ravana or the entire demon clan, it is only after persistent persuasion and prodding that actors accept these roles. The managers no doubt take into account the physique and traits of characters before assigning roles. Why this particular man wanted to act Ravana instead of Rama, was an enigma to me and I left the place with this riddle remaining unresolved.

My memories were drawn to Ram Lila of our times when the roles of women characters of Ramayana were more often played by men in the guise of women. It was great fun to watch men playing women. At times prompting of characters from behind the curtain provoked peals of laughter. On one occasion, a prompter asked Sita (a man playing Sita) to be ready for her role. “Let me finish my bidi (smoke) first”, was the quick and curt reply. This and other similar happenings really amused the audience. Of late, women have come forward to play the role of women characters in villages too.

The days of Ram Lila were drawing close and the Rama-Ravana saga was now an open secret among the people. I linked the bits and pieces of the gossip to unravel the whole mystery. The role of Sita was being played by a very comely girl of the village this time and not by a male which indeed had become the reason for the role impasse. The man perhaps wanted to seek pleasure in lifting Sita in his arms in the episode of Sita Haran.

I was benumbed and kept musing over the changing times and values.

OPED POLITICS

The Shiromani Akali Dal, with all its recent efforts to broaden the support base in urban Punjab by building infrastructure, increasing road and air connectivity and tackling the endemic power crisis, cannot simply afford to annoy its core constituency: the Jat Sikh peasantry
Punjab: Traditional vs elite politics
Ashutosh Kumar

The removal of Manpreet Singh Badal from the Shiromani Akali Dal and the Cabinet as Finance Minister of Punjab on the charges of "persistent acts of indiscipline and opposing the publicly endorsed pro-people policies of the party and the government", ostensibly at the behest of Deputy Chief Minister and party president Sukhbir Badal, has brought the Akali rebel to the centre stage of Punjab politics at the moment.

Manpreet Badal: The challenger
Sukhbir Badal: Chief Minister-in-waiting

Has it been merely the culmination of a long-term tussle between the siblings for being the 'natural inheritor' of an ageing Badal senior a la Thakre family in Maharashtra or Karunanidhi family in Tamil Nadu, or are there substantive issues involved also in this still unfolding political saga having long-term ramifications for the party and the beleaguered state? What does the event tell us about the way electoral politics operates in the state? How to make sense of the contrasting mode of politics and leadership style of the two main protagonists engaged in a battle that has really just begun?

Without going much into details, let us refer to the contentious 'issue related to Punjab finances' that led Manpreet Badal, a 'born Akali' in his own words to put his 'entire political career at stake' to serve the 'best interests of Punjab and Punjabis'. What Manpreet Badal is saying or has been saying for long is fairly known and whose veracity cannot be denied even by his detractors. That Punjab, once considered the 'model state' of India for long thanks to the success of capital intensive/technology driven Green Revolution, has for considerable period now been experiencing deceleration in terms of economic growth is a irrefutable fact.

Symptomatic of the economic malaise that has gradually set in the state irrespective of political regimes, the state has over the years accumulated a staggering debt burden is also known even if only the 'fully informed' citizens may be knowing till recently that the total debt at the moment stands at a whopping Rs 70,000 crore and the state government is paying around Rs 8,000 crore as interest only. It goes without saying that if it does not mend its ways by raising resources and cutting its expenses, the state is likely to default on its repayment in the near future.

The ruling political class explains the predicament of Punjab, especially its ever-increasing debt, by putting forth three oft-repeated 'explanations': first, the state paid a heavy economic price on account of its more than a decade-old fight against militancy as it not only became debt-ridden as a result but also experienced a flight of capital from the borderland state. The fight was for national unity and integrity and for the nation's security.

Secondly, investments that dried up during the conflict period have not picked up till date as the neighbouring hill states have been doling out incentives to potential investors thanks to the special category status accorded to them by the Centre. Thirdly, the debt has also accumulated due to the heavy subsidies being given to farmers who, in turn, have contributed to the nation's cause by replenishing its food grains stocks year after year ensuring food security.

Ironically, when finally the Centre reportedly did offer to bail out the state from the crisis by agreeing to adjust part of the debt due to the persistent efforts of the now sacked Finance Minister, the Akali Dal rather than lapping up the offer has gone into ferment. Why?

It is not only because, as has been insinuated, that if the 'deal' would have been clinched then the credit would have gone entirely to the leadership of Manpreet Badal, the 'challenger' in the mould of custodian of 'Punjabi pride', adding to his already high-profile stature of a leader with 'saintly idiom' to the detriment of the leadership aspirations of his Chief Minister-in-waiting cousin, a quintessential Punjabi politician, known and grudgingly appreciated even by his detractors for his 'rough and ready' but effective mode of organisational politics.

If it would have been so, then why should the known Sukhbir Badal's baiters like Amarinder Singh or Rajinder Kaur Bhattal, both top leaders of the rival Congress waiting in the wings for the impending 2012 elections, would vehemently criticise Manpreet Badal, the 'lone ranger'? Allegations of being 'anti-party'/'anti-people' have essentially been in response to Manpreet Badal's uncritical support to the economic reforms measures being suggested by the Centre as 'pre-conditions' in lieu of the proposed economic package. The measures, aimed at diminishing the state's expenditure and raising additional resources include a reduction in the power subsidies, privatisation of the loss-making PSUs, bringing the local bodies under audit by CAG, raising the transportation charges and finally a check on the withdrawal of sums from the provident fund.

A four-time MLA and long-term member of the political affairs committee, Manpreet Badal would be critically aware that the fragmented nature of Punjab electoral politics has made it imperative for the leaders who shape the form and content of their party agenda/manifesto, tenor of election campaigns and also decide about important matters of alliance building and modes of distribution of patronage, to prioritise the party's electoral survival while contemplating policy options even at the cost of the perceived long-term gains for the state.

The Akali Dal, like its rival Congress, has been emphasising its unambiguous commitment to economic reforms in its election manifesto, however, fearful of the backlash of the numerically strong and land-owning Jat Sikh peasantry -- its core constituency -- has simply been unable to roll back the huge anti-reform subsidies in the form of free water and electricity being doled out in the name of common good.

Moreover, the Akali Dal, unlike the rival Congress, has a limited social support base that has made an electoral alliance with the BJP a matter of compulsion for the party, howsoever an 'unnatural' alliance it is. The Sukhbir Badal-led Akali Dal with all its recent efforts to broaden the support base in urban Punjab by building urban infrastructure, increasing road and air connectivity and tackling the endemic power crisis, cannot simply afford to annoy its core constituency, especially at this stage in a state where religion, caste, region and leadership factors combine differently in different elections ensuring the change of power in every elections held in the post-1966 Punjab.

Notwithstanding the rhetoric about a shift in the electoral agenda from identity to development and good governance, the Akali Dal would thus be contented to stay with the 'mass politics' based on ethnic populism devoid of programmatic efforts for the sake of electoral mobilisation and gains.

An unusual leader like Manpreet Badal, who no longer seems willing to tread the beaten path and has come out as an unabashed reformist/moderniser, is essentially catering to 'elite politics' addressing the deep concerns of the bourgeoning educated urban middle class citizenry as well the entrepreneurial class in the state who read English language newspapers, watch informed debates on TV and have an access to the internet and Facebook and yearn for the 'game changer'.

Do these 'new' classes have a wider socio-political and economic policy impact than what their actual size suggests in contemporary Punjab? Does the heat and dust of mass politics that defines the elections in Punjab encourage such a significant departure even at the present moment of a grave crisis? How would the powerful Jat Sikh landed peasantry react? Whether the 'new' youthful leader would succeed in actually affecting a discernable shift in the political and economic agenda of Punjab or simply walk into political oblivion, no one can say at the moment.

The writer is a Professor, Department of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh.

Once a leader, now a laggard
A disturbing factor is that a huge segment of the rural population in Punjab is engaged in agriculture and contributes just 29 per cent to the state's GDP
Sarbjit Dhaliwal

It is said that crises provide opportunities. Obviously, Punjab is in a deep fiscal crisis. The state's decline from the top of the economic ladder is real. The state's growth has been chained by the debt. Unfortunately, there has never been a focussed debate on Punjab's economy. Had the Centre not made an offer to waive a part of the loan recently, the political leadership would not have given the attention it deserves.

Punjab's ruling political leadership has been living in its own wonderland oblivious of the grave situation confronting the state on various fronts owing to its shaky fiscal situation. It should browse through the 11th Plan (2007-12) document that throws enough light on the state's declining fortune.

Punjab will be the slowest growing of the 28 states in the country during the 11th Plan period. The Planning Commission has pegged the state's GDP growth at 5.90 per cent against the country's growth of 9 per cent during the Plan.

Punjab will grow the slowest while states like Gujarat, Haryana and Karnataka will race ahead with a projected growth rate of 11 per cent or above. Even the trouble-torn Jammu and Kashmir and the Naxal-hit Chhattisgarh,

Bihar, Jharkhand and Orissa will grow at a faster pace than Punjab.

Punjab's share in the country's GD is declining. It was 3.76 per cent in 1999-2000 and came down to 3.11 per cent in 2008-09 with an average fall of 0.06 per cent every year in the last 10 years.

Punjab was the number one state in the country as far as per capita income is concerned till the 1990s. Its per capita income was Rs 25631 in 1999-2000. Gujarat's per capita income in 1999-2000 was Rs 18864, Haryana's Rs 23222, Maharashtra's Rs 23011 and Kerala's Rs 19461. However, in 2007-08, Haryana with per capita income of Rs 39,462 moved far ahead of Punjab's per capita income of 31,662. Maharashtra, Kerala and Gujarat have also left Punjab behind. The per capita income of Delhi and Goa is almost double of Punjab.

Punjab pays about Rs 8,000 crore as interest per annum on its debt of Rs 71,000 crore. Money saved from paying interest in case of the partial debt waiver could have been diverted to fund development in the state. In the light of this, the Centre's offer on loan should have been grabbed immediately. Besides, Punjab's PSUs are also under a heavy debt and some are on the verge of collapse.

The share of agriculture and allied activities in the state's GDP was 49.13 per cent in 1980-81 and it came down to 31.61 in 2006-07 and to 29.04 in 2009-10. It has been on a declining curve ever since 1980-81. Had the MSP of main food grains not increased substantially during the past few years, the share of this sector would have come down further. The level of public expenditur on agriculture and allied areas from the budget expenditure (revenue account) also came down to 2.95 per cent in 2005-06 from 9.83 per cent in 1980.

A disturbing factor is that a huge segment of the rural population (67 per cent) contributes just 29 per cent to the state's GDP. Its contribution to the SGDP has been declining since 1980-81.Two things are very clear. First, rural people are becoming poorer compared to the other 33 per cent contributing 71 per cent to the SGDP. Second, there is a huge surplus of manpower, which has been under-performing in the absence of adequate opportunities to perform in the rural sector. In developed economies only 5 to 10 per cent people do farming. Through sustained human resource development, the developed economies have shifted huge chunks of their population to manufacturing and industrial sectors from the rural sector. It will take several decades for Punjab to achieve the level of developed economies.

All these facts clearly indicate that there are imbalances in the state's economy, which need to be restructured to check Punjab's further decline. Sooner or later, the political leadership will have to take a call to check Punjab's slide.

Instead of investing in traditional farming such as growing wheat and paddy, the state government should invest in modernising agriculture and the state's over all economy. Farmers should be given subsidy to set up dairy farms, poly greenhouses and taking to horticulture to cater to the needs of the middle class. If the Centre wants that Punjab should ensure food security for the country, let it pay for free power to farmers in the state.

Investment in human resources is the area that needs top priority.

Punjab has been lacking on this front. To shift wards of farmers from the farm sector to the industrial, manufacturing and service sectors, there is need to provide quality education in the rural areas.