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Buta does a
Lalu! The High Court acts |
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Orthodoxy unveiled
Naxalites misused peace process
No longer the “Queen”
Jihadis riding the chip Longowal got best deal for Punjab Chatterati
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Buta does a Lalu! You scratch my back and I scratch yours. That is common practice in politics. But should even Governors be engaged in such a cosy relationship with a controversial politician? Bihar Governor Buta Singh has landed his high office in the firing line of such uncomfortable questions by writing a letter to Railway Minister Lalu Yadav to transfer two railway officials to prized postings. He has tried to dismiss it as a minor matter. Mr Yadav too has struck a “so what?” posture. But the rest of the world, which expects a modicum of morality in public life, differs widely. For one thing, a Governor writing such a letter to a politician contesting the election in the state is in itself highly improper. It becomes all the more suspect in the backdrop of the controversy over the transfers of certain officials by the Governor in Bihar which were said to be tailor-made to help Mr Yadav and his wife Rabri Devi in the forthcoming elections. The Opposition cannot be blamed for seeing reciprocity in the unusual request. Ironically, one of the officials whom the Honourable Governor wanted to oblige happened to have a vigilance enquiry pending against him. But when Mr Buta Singh defends his action, he instead underlines the fact that he was helping a “Scheduled Caste officer”! It is understandable for Mr Yadav to be dismissive about numerous serious charges against him. But the Governor cannot afford to be as cavalier in his conduct. Some of Governor Buta Singh’s family members are already engaged in activities which can at best be called questionable. Whatever the Congress high command may say in public, it knows that he has become a liability for it. It is for it to decide how much more muck will have to fly around before it calls a halt. What it should remember is that the Governor, who should be totally non-partisan in running the administration of the state he is ruling on behalf of the President, is increasingly losing trust of a chunk of the people of Bihar. |
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The High Court acts The Punjab and Haryana High Court’s decision to suspend the Jhajjar Chief Judicial Magistrate for his questionable role during his earlier stint at Sonepat and withdraw all judicial work from Ludhiana’s Additional District and Sessions Judge till his retirement for serious complaints against him is timely and commendable. Even though the High Court has not made public the reasons for this action, the charges against the two judges must be serious enough to warrant such a punishment on the two district judicial officers. The subordinate judiciary is the first point of contact for the people. The High Court’s decision will help stem the rot that is afflicting its functioning. Unfortunately, in most states, the subordinate judiciary is in a terrible mess. Corruption, nepotism, misconduct and maladministration are the order of the day. Ironically, though most people are very much aware of this, they do not talk about it for fear of contempt. While the present system of dealing with complaints of misconduct against judges is shrouded in secrecy, the contempt laws hang like the sword of Damocles. The Contempt of Courts Act (1971) prohibits exposure that would “scandalise” the court. However, the Act does not say that it is for the courts to interpret the meaning of the word “scandalise”. Judicial probity is inextricably interlinked with the appointment of judges. For instilling respect for the judiciary in public mind, it is necessary that only persons of integrity, rectitude and professional competence are appointed as judges. There is need for a transparent procedure of selection so that the selected judges can command public trust and confidence. But once the judges leave the straight path they are supposed to walk on, it is the duty to deal with them firmly. Under Article 235 of the Constitution, the High Court has the powers of administrative supervision and control over subordinate courts. All the High Courts need to enforce their supervisory powers effectively. The action against the judges of Jhajjar and Ludhiana should not be a one-time affair. The functioning of the courts in all districts should be reviewed and remedial steps taken. |
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Orthodoxy
unveiled IT is unfortunate that immediately after the Supreme Court took cognizance of a petition against the practice of issuing “fatwa”, the authorities of Darul-Uloom, Deoband, have come out with one making wearing of veils mandatory for Muslim women entering politics. The “fatwa” should be seen in the context of the ongoing panchayat elections in Uttar Pradesh. Reports indicate that it had an impact on the candidates, some of whom complied with it for fear of inviting the fundamentalist wrath. Perhaps, they also did not want to take any chance with the Muslim voters. The Deoband seminary, which is one of the oldest, has based its “fatwa” on the shariat which, it claims, makes wearing of veils obligatory for women. It can be argued that the “fatwa” is nothing more than an opinion, which is neither infallible nor sacrosanct. In the instant case, it is for women candidates themselves to decide whether they should wear veils or not. Islam is known for its emphasis on gender equality. In most Muslim countries, women enjoy the option of wearing or not wearing veils. In Pakistan and Bangladesh, women who do not wear veils have come to power through elections. It is only in a few countries, including the Taliban-era Afghanistan, that women had no choice but to wear the veil. In India, too, a majority of the Muslim women, particularly in the south, do not wear veils and this has not made them less Muslim. It is a matter of personal choice and Darul-Uloom would have done better if it had refrained from issuing the “fatwa” which, hopefully, will be ignored by most women. Those issuing such edicts only play into the hands of the critics of Islam and are, therefore, doing a great disservice to the community. As we have argued in these columns, any directive, which is in conflict with the principles and provisions of the Constitution and is an infringement of the human right to equality, is legally untenable. While the Supreme Court will, hopefully, go into the whole question, institutions like Darul-Uloom and enlightened leaders of the community should think of ways in which they can remove the educational and social backwardness of the Muslim community, rather than advise women on what they should wear. Muslims, men and women, deserve to have a better deal than Darul-Uloom wants to permit. |
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Take short views, hope for the best, and trust in God. — Sydney Smith
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Naxalites misused peace process
CONFUSION and vacillation have been the marked features of the Andhra Pradesh government’s policy towards the Naxalites of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist), which it proscribed on August 17, along with seven of its front organisations in the wake of the killing of nine persons, including C. Narsi Reddy, the serving Congress legislator from Matkal, Mahabubnagar district, on August 15. Following a landslide victory in the elections to the state legislature, in May, 2004, the Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy-led Congress government announced a now-failed peace process with the Naxalites and allowed the ban on the CPI-Maoist to lapse on July 21. Apparently, the government launched the peace process — and engaged the Maoists in talks from October 15 to 18 — merely out of political expediency, without careful planning, vision and adequate appreciation of its implications and consequences. Initially, the Rajasekhara Reddy government wanted to be seen as adopting a softer stand in contrast to the hard-line approach of the earlier Telugu Desam government. Also, his government had to repay its “debts” to the Maoists because it is said to have struck an unholy and unprincipled deal with them for electoral gains; by proscribing the outfit, it made a complete U turn. On June 16, the government announced its offer of “holding fire” (informal ceasefire) and the Maoists reciprocated on June 21. Even though the government had, in effect, declared a ceasefire, it desisted to actually term it as one and chose to observe an informal ceasefire. Moreover, the government constituted a 20-member committee to monitor the ceasefire agreement that it never signed with the Naxalites! On January 17, 2005, a day after the Naxalites trashed the peace process and announced that they were walking out of it, the government asked the same committee to probe the violations by the Naxalites. In the run-up to the talks, the state Home Minister, Mr K Jana Reddy, said the government’s announcement on holding fire, and its invitation to participate in peace talks, was applicable to all Naxalite groups operating in the state. Further, Mr L. Sampatha Rao and Mr P. Srihari represented one such smaller Naxalite formation, the Communist Party of United States of India (CPUSI) during initial consultations with the government in the run-up to the talks, while CPUSI state secretary Sadhu Malyadri Jambhav and Khammam-Warangal district secretary E Sammakka Swaroopa were nominated as its representatives for the peace talks; the same was conveyed to the Home Minister on October 7, 2004. But, strangely, the CPUSI did not participate in the October 15-18 talks, and it is not known if the government had any role in this. The peace process was certainly a godsend for the battered Maoists who had suffered numerous body blows during the tenure of the earlier Telugu Desam government. They had lost three centre committee members (Nalla Adi Reddy Shyam, Erramreddy Santosh Reddy Mahesh and Seelam Naresh Murali, in 1999), a few special zonal committee/state-level leaders (such as Anupuram Komaraiah, in 2003) and some district-level leaders (such as Polam Sudarshan Reddy, of Warangal, in 2003 and Nelakonda Rajitha of Karimnagar, in 2002), besides numerous cadres in encounters with the police, either real or staged. They were almost wiped out in their traditional stronghold in North Telengana. Therefore, they needed some respite. Thus, the Naxalites made the best use of the opportunity afforded by the peace process in a number of ways. They held public rallies, unveiled martyrs’ memorials, earned a lot of publicity through the print and visual media and sought to gain legitimacy. Also it helped them enormously to regroup and strengthen their cadre base as well as shore-up their weapon-holdings and coffers. On the other hand, the government clearly abdicated its responsibility of maintaining law and order, looked the other way and had directed the police not to act against the Naxalites even as they roamed around the villages bearing arms publicly. All along the Naxalites were unambiguous in their stand that participating in the peace process was a tactic and that “talks were war by other means.” A day before the talks were to commence, in a Press release on October 14, 2004, announcing the formation of the CPI-Maoist — following the merger of the People’s War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre of India — Ganapathy and Kishan, the two top leaders, said: “the immediate aim and programme of the Maoist party is to carry on and complete the already ongoing and advancing New Democratic Revolution... This revolution will be carried out and completed through... protracted people’s war with the armed seizure of power remaining as its central and principal task...” True to their assertion, the Maoists have shown no let-up in their violence and have launched attacks on unarmed innocent people as well as the police, resulting in the death of 139 people and 17 policemen this year until May 17, 2005. They also made a spectacular but vain attempt on the life of Mahesh Chandra Ladda, the police chief of Prakasam district, on April 27, 2005, in the heart of the district headquarters town of Ongole. This rising trend of violence peaked with the killing of Narsi Reddy on August 15 and resulted in the subsequent proscription of the Maoists. Reacting to the news of the ban, Maoist over-ground supporter P. Vara Vara Rao poohpoohed the ban and said it would not have any impact on the outfit while Maoist commanders warned of bloodier days. Indeed, the spectre of Maoist violence and the numbers participating in an attack have acquired a qualitative shift in recent months. In the attack on Narsi Reddy at a public gathering they had fielded AK-47 rifles. Earlier, on March 11 a group of 20-30 Maoists lobbed grenades and bombs during the attack on a police station in Chilakaluripeta, Guntur district, in a crowded part of the town, killing four civilians and three policemen. Moreover, until now, there were at least five occasions on which they had deployed improvised rocket launchers during the attacks on police stations. Besides, reports of May 3, 2005, indicated that each of the eight Maoist military platoons in operation in the state have been given 10 rocket launchers each. Evidently, the Maoists have little concern for the lives of the people while the government’s approach to the Naxalite problem has not been helpful,
either. The writer is a Research Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.
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No longer the “Queen”
I
am on a visit to Shimla. My experience is an eyeopener, a nose-opener too. Wonder why this old summer capital of British India is still called the “Queen” of hill stations. There is nothing queenie about it. Not any more. Every 10 metres on the hillside of the Mall, there are stiff warnings that spitting and littering will invite a fine of five hundred rupees, no less. Liveried policemen, all of them suspiciously fair-skinned, walk about on foot patrol. Yet, the Mall is replete with litter and betel stains. No sign, though, of the five-hundred fine! Walk the Lower and Lakkar bazaars, and there are no warnings about spitting, littering, fines. It’s open season to do what you will. The drains by the roadside are clogged with foil, plastic, cold drink and water bottles. Of course, there are no health or sanitary inspectors within eyesight, or even hindsight for that matter! The gender bias is all too evident. Even the nannies on the Mall with their rent-a-pram venture are males. It’s the same old story at my favourite hotel, Clarkes. Only two women in a total staff of 55! The same explanation, the same excuse: Women find it difficult to work in the evenings! If that’s the case, what about the mornings? I drop in in the evening at the Press Club located in an unkempt shopping complex on the Ridge above the Mall. Friendly staff, and fellow tipplers exuding bonhomie welcome me. But here again there are no women to be seen. I train my eyes beyond the windows on the hillside below the terrace. And, I am jolted blue, to put it mildly. A cesspool of unmanaged unwanted garbage, mostly non-biodegradable, lies abandoned on the ground. There is scope here for Shimla’s journalists to indulge in a shift of shramdan to clear the mess, besides planting a mix of a few dozen horse chestnuts and peepals, with a sprinkling of wild flowers in-between. From my bedroom window, I look on to the 10-floor High Court building that was constructed after the old and stately Ravenswood was brought down, about 10 years ago. Without wanting to commit contempt, plain common sense dictates that this is not the way to build in the hills. Higher than the three dozen devdars in its neighbourhood, it would not be too far-fetched to claim that the construction of this architectural folly, and others like it has been the cause of the raging morbidity rate in devdars, the showpiece sentinels of Shimla’s landscape. In the lobby of Clarkes, I run into an old friend, former chief of RAW and member of Vajpayee’s PMO. What a vast intricate apparatus of intelligence governments have at their command! However, it would require more than basic intelligence to restore to Shimla its status of Queen of the Hills. The missing links would appear to be integrity and imagination. |
Jihadis riding the chip
Today’s Islamic fighter has come a long distance from the days of jihad in Afghanistan in early 1990. The modern jihadi does not relate to the outside world through pigeons or human couriers anymore as his idol, Osama bin Laden, used to do in the immediate aftermath of 9/11. Today’s jihadi has gone far beyond than the strait-jacketed bin Laden. It is the new age of “electronic jihad”. The change is necessity-driven. Bin Laden has produced, literally, satellites and their number is in thousands. That is why Osama bin Laden and his al Qaeda remain so crucial a cog in the wheel in the international jihadi infrastructure. That is the main headache of the international counter-terrorist agencies worldwide today. Never before the hydra-headed characteristic of al Qaeda was as evident and demonstrable as it is today. The current phase of al Qaeda is primarily inspirationalist. Osama bin Laden, after the 9/11 episode, had done away with the internet, e-mail, mobile phones and satellite phones as it multiplied manifold the chances of his movements and location getting tracked down. There is no evidence yet to the contrary. But the same laws that are applicable to the general are not applicable to the foot soldiers of today’s jihad. And there are thousands of such foot soldiers who are willing to execute the missions of their lives to put a point across to the civilised world (read the Western world). This is the modern face of the jihadi. Today’s jihadi has come to rely heavily on the internet as it ensures speedy, borderless communication to the outside world. Laptops have become as important a tool for the modern-day jihadi. Al Qaeda embodies the idea that ties together the like-minded groups seeking to radicalise Islam worldwide and end Western influence in Muslim countires — a battle often referred to as jihad. Today’s jihadis, who earlier had to travel to Afghanistan or Sudan and risk detention or death when crossing borders, don’t have to do that. They simply use the internet. The number of jihad related web sites (viz, al-neda.com, al-batter.com) have grown from dozens in 2001 to thousands in the year 2005. Courtesy these websites, the al Qaeda trainers replicate on the net what was taught in the camps as reams and reams of such downloadable electronic manuals suggest. A feature of the new al Qaeda, which is more disturbing to the security agencies, is its extraordinary computer skills. According to an estimate, there are over 4,000 web sites advocating blowing up non-Muslim communities worldwide. These web sites not only preach hatred, but also provide information on how to carry out terrorist attacks. The web is an integral part of bin Laden’s original vision for al Qaeda, to stimulate dissent and rebellion among Muslims. One of al Qaeda’s current internet organisations, the Global Islamic Media Front, is now posting a lot of training materials. One online manual instructed how to extract explosive materials from missiles and land mines. Another offered a country-by-country list of explosive materials available in Western markets, including France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the former Soviet Union and Britain. The trend was brilliantly summed up by a news report in The Washington Post on August 7, 2005 which described how today’s jihadis have graduated from physical space to cyber space after the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the American mainland. “Nearly four years later, al Qaeda has become the first guerrilla movement in history to migrate from physical space to cyberspace. With laptops and DVDs, in secret hideouts and at neighborhood internet cafes, young code-writing jihadists have sought to replicate the training, communication, planning and preaching facilities they lost in Afghanistan with countless new locations on the Internet.” The report also points out how global jihad movement has become a web-directed phenonmenon. It says that Al Qaeda suicide bombers and ambush units in Iraq routinely depend on the web for training and tactical support, relying on the internet’s anonymity and flexibility to operate with near impunity in cyberspace. In Qatar, Egypt and Europe, cells affiliated with al Qaeda that have recently carried out or seriously planned bombings have relied heavily on the internet. It is indeed a far cry from the Taliban-ruled Afghanistan (1996-2001) where television, internet and even toothbrushes were banned. Today, al Qaeda and its offshoots have built a massive online library of training materials, complete with chat rooms where experts answers questions from aspiring jihadis. These web sites cover such varied subjects as how to mix ricin poison, how to make a bomb from commercial chemicals, how to pose as a fisherman and sneak through Syria into Iraq, how to shoot at a U.S. soldier, and how to navigate by the stars while running through a night-shrouded desert. In July 2005 a website of Al Qaida fugitive leader Mustafa Setmariam Nasar posted a 15-page Arabic language document entitled “Biological Weapons” which described “how the pneumonic plague could be made into a biological weapon,” if a small supply of the virus could be acquired. The jihadi webmasters are well aware of the fact that security agencies are constantly on their trail. But in this cat-and-mouse game, they invariably manage to keep one step ahead. They know that fixed internet sites are vulnerable. Their counter tactics are simple. They are turning to rapidly proliferating jihadist bulletin boards and Internet sites that offer free upload services where files could be stored. They steal space from vulnerable servers worldwide and hop from one web address to another to evade the campaigners against al Qaeda who seek to shut down their sites. They have also found a novel of preventing interception of their e-mails. They would open an account on a free, public e-mail service such as Hotmail or Yahoo, write a message in draft form, save it as a draft, then transmit the e-mail account name and password during chatter on a relatively secure message board. The intended recipient could then open the e-mail account and read the draft. Since no e-mail message is sent in the first place, there is a reduced risk of interception.
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Longowal got best deal for Punjab One lasting contribution to the public life in Punjab that Sant Harchand Singh Longowal has made is that with his death he closed the communal divide that had bedevilled the peace in the state. I got drafted in August, 1984, as Chief Secretary of Punjab. Rajiv Gandhi, after he was free from the general election, dismantled all hotlines conveying orders from Delhi on day-to-day events in Punjab. All officials who thought that the government policy was to teach a lesson to the Akalis, if not to all the Sikhs, got shifted or sidelined. Mr Arjun Singh was appointed Governor of Punjab and the stage was set for a negotiated settlement. Akali leaders were released one by one from jails. Sant Longowal was the dictator of the Dharam Yudh Morcha. He decided to visit Delhi after his release. Some officials who knew the Sant arranged for me to have a secret meeting with him.It was then that I came to discover the human person and the Sant that he was.He disarmed me completely when he straightaway admitted before me that he was convinced that their confrontation with the government had to end and, secondly, the breach with the Hindu community caused by Bhindranwale had to be quickly repaired. I told him that I had met him without any brief from the government, but I was aware that there was a similar anxiety in government circles and any step taken for peace in Punjab would be welcome. He told me that it would strengthen his hands if the government could lift the ban on the All India Sikh Students Federation and announce a judicial inquiry into anti-Sikh riots. An announcement was made conceding both wishes of Longowal within 48 hours of my briefing Arjun Singh. I remained in touch with other Akali leaders too but I found “khadkus” had created a fear psychosis and they were afraid to stick their necks out. It was after considerable terpidation that Sant Longowal decided to have guidance from the Granth Sahib before he embarked upon any negotiations with the government. It was courageous on his part to have gone ahead in his negotiations with Rajiv Gandhi when stalwarts like Badal or Tohra felt jittery about it. He seemed to have impressed Rajiv Gandhi with his sincerity so much so that in his negotiatians with him Rajiv Gandhi did not consider it necessary to involve his Home Minister or Home Secretary or any other senior Sikh leader or the Chief Minister of Haryana. The then Home Secretary, Mr Ram Pradhan is on record to confirm that the then Home Minister of India came to see the draft of the Rajiv Gandhi-Longowal Accord only in the forenoon of the day on which it was signed. Sant Longowal was convinced that it was the best deal that the Akali Dal could have got from the government. It was the first accord that any Akali leader had signed with the Prime Minister of India. Sant Longowal put his heart and soul in convincing the people of Punjab, particularly the Sikhs, that the accord signed by him was in the best interests of everyone. The foreign enemies of India got him cowardly assassinated through two misguided Sikh young men while he was speaking in favour of the accord. His was the death of a true martyr that was endorsed by the people of Punjab by massively voting for the Akali Dal led by Mr Surjit Singh Barnala within a month of his supreme sacrifice. |
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Chatterati The Independence celebrations were in full swing last week. Many parties toasted the Tiranga. If it’s got anything to do with the Tiranga, how can MP Naveen Jindal be far behind? He hosted a party at Dilli Haat, which was decorated in saffron, white and green. A kavi sammelan attended, among others, by Samajwadi MP Amar Singh. But the Capital’s roads all led to the India Gate that day. Befitting the spirit of the day, the Delhi skies were full of tricolour kites, people wearing tricolour T- shirts, doing whatever it took to mix patriotism with a good dose of fun. Unsuspecting foreigners also joined the cacophony with their own antics. Throwing garlands at one another, bought the flag and pranced about just like any Indian. Why not? Independence is universal and everyone should get a real taste of it. If the BJP and the Bajrang Dal launched the album “Vande Mataram” at Gurgaon, six electronic artistes launched their own album featuring renditions of Vande Mataram. Now this is patriotism going pop. Cricket and greed Cricket is always in fashion. Now with the BCCI President’s election in September, the hobnobbing and PR exercise has started. Arun Jaitley is still recovering from his heart operation and the BJP’s downfall. Bindra somehow just does not seem to get his act together. He could not even sell his flop BCCI channel idea. Dalmiya is sitting pretty. The otherwise shrewd Sharad Pawar and calculative cronies can’t get that one or two crucial votes. So, it may be the existing President remains which means Dalmiya camp’s victory once again. Even Sehwag is too busy trying to sue Pepsi for using his voice in some advertisement. Yuvraj Singh should stick to what he is best at — swinging at discotheques aimlessly. Saurav Das Dalmiya’s pet expectation level is ground zero. So anything he does is an achievement. Thank God for Rahul Dravid, Irfan, Kaif etc. Even though our cricketing heroes, whether fallen or still struggling to be there, are paid fifty crore per annum. Out of which, 50 per cent goes to the team India, which somehow performs miserably. The greed is still so high that they are picking up advertisements which even our flop models would not do. A temple for Uma Bharti Forget her tantrums and amnesia at times, Uma Bharti’s cult status is intact in Bundelkhand where she hails from. A devotee of hers is trying to build a temple inspired by her feats. She has plenty of devotees after she ordered the reinstatement of the retrenched daily wage earners. Several labourers had committed suicide after the Digvijay Singh government ordered their retrenchment. Devotees of Lalus and Umas really are naive, but the two are really made for each other. While one is for a “casteless” society, the other is for “communal-free” state. |
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March 4, 1902 UNIVERSITY REFORM IN PUNJAB The Indian gentlemen who appeared before the University Reform Commission are almost unanimous in their views relating to the powers and constitution of the Senates of Indian Universities. They hold that high European officials of Government who cannot or will not take an active interest in the work of the University, and native gentlemen of influence and position who are illiterate or have had no Western culture, should not be appointed to the Senate. The European officials, when they attend the meetings of the Senate on important and critical occasions, invariably retard the advancement of native interests for most of them take Indian education in the light of an unmitigated nuisance. As regards men of the "reis" classes, when they attend meetings, they, as a rule, vote with the high European officials. In the Punjab the evil is felt very keenly. Senate meetings here are merely formal gatherings to adopt what has been, in most cases, already given effect to under the orders of the Syndicate. The Senate in the Punjab consists of 123 Fellows, of whom 25 are ex-office members and they are all Europeans. Eleven are ruling Chiefs or their representatives. They are all Indians, but for all practical purposes they are useless, because they never attend meetings, and, if they do, they are incapable of taking any part in the work.
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God is the source of all the creations of the Universe in the same manner as the seed, which holds the key to creation of the leaves and fruit. — Kabir The way a man uses his energy during the day is reflected in his mind at night. — The Upanishadas Do not give anything without considering the need of the taker. Giving should not abuse the dignity of the receiver. It should be in keeping with the welfare of the person and should genuinely uplift him. The real intention of help should be like this. — The Mahabharata Happiness is the harvest of a quite eye. — Book of quotations on happiness
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