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Hate attacks Flag and freedom |
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The change in Mauritius A case of economics influencing politics THE defeat of the coalition led by Prime Minister Paul Berenger in the recent parliamentary elections in Mauritius was almost on expected lines. His group could hardly manage to win 22 of the 62 seats for which the elections were held.
Between mosque and military
Maya in Mayang
Countering terrorism Octroi for town and village development Delhi Durbar
From the pages of
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Hate attacks NO religion preaches or even condones shedding of innocent blood. To that extent, anyone who perpetrates such a crime stops being a member of his own religion. All the more so the terrorists who commit mass murder of the kind witnessed in London recently. But if what they did violated all religious tenets, the subsequent attacks on mosques and gurdwaras in England too constitute an equally serious crime against humanity because these attackers too have targeted innocent citizens. It is a misplaced revenge targeting a whole community for the deeds of a handful. Particularly unfortunate is the attack on gurdwaras because the Sikhs had nothing to do with the Islamic terrorists; nor the Muslims who have made Britain their home just for earning a living. They perhaps came in the firing line merely because their headgear resembles that of the Muslims somewhat. Similar attacks had earlier taken place in the US also after 9/11. The Indian Government has done well to condemn the attacks in no uncertain terms. It has been a victim of many such communal crimes in the past. The misdeeds of a handful of zealots almost always become an excuse for systematic attacks on whole communities. The consequences of the mischief are horrifying and should make the authorities, opinion makers and community leaders in Britain sit up to find ways to create better inter-community relations. What the attackers do not realise is that by venting their anger on innocent people, who may have been as exercised by the terror attacks as the victims, they are only confirming the apprehensions that minority communities are treated as second-class citizens. That is exactly the feeling that the mischief-mongers want to spread. Every attack on a mosque or a gurdwara amounts to playing into the hands of the terrorists and furthering their designs. This may even swell their ranks, considering that there are hotheads in every community. The administration must curb the mischief with an iron hand. |
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Flag and freedom THE Union Cabinet’s go-ahead for easing restrictions on the national flag would be welcomed at a time when the Tricolour is becoming fashionable. The “if-you’ve-got-it, flaunt-it” mantra of the here-and-now generation has seen an upsurge of popular enthusiasm for the national flag so much so that there is a clamour among the public to be allowed to use it in a variety of ways. Just three years ago, the flag was freed from a constricting code and citizens won the right to fly it on their premises on days other than those decreed, such as Independence Day and Republic Day. Soon enough, the flag became a rage and went up on many rooftops. Rarely has a trend of this nature, cutting across the many divides this country is hostage to, caught on so quickly among so many. This shows the unabashed pride Indians feel in their flag. Such pride is all to the good. Yet, precisely in conditions of such runaway enthusiasm there is need for reflection and restraint, to guard against any slip in respectfulness to the Tricolour. The fact that there is a flag code has made many enthusiasts strain against it. In the event, the best response is to relax the provisions in line with the expectations of the popular mood. And, that seems to be exactly the intent of the Union Government in coming up with an amendment of the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act 1971. The new provisions would mean that you can wear the flag as part of attire, but not as an undergarment or as a bikini. This is as it should be, for it would be crass to demean the flag as an item of cheap glamour for charades at cocktail parties. The flag can and should be used widely by more citizens, but not reduced to a fashion accessory. |
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The change in Mauritius THE defeat of the coalition led by Prime Minister Paul Berenger in the recent parliamentary elections in Mauritius was almost on expected lines. His group could hardly manage to win 22 of the 62 seats for which the elections were held. The opposition Socialist Alliance led by Mr Navin Ramgoolam has been successful in 38 constituencies by focusing on the economic problems the Mauritians have been faced with for some time. Mr Berenger, the first white Head of Government of French descent, has paid for not giving as much attention to the issues of rising unemployment and inflation as these deserved. The Mauritian economy suffered the first severe jolt when the European Union announced a drastic cut in the price of sugar it has been importing from this small island-country under a quota system. Mr Berenger is accused of having failed to properly take up the case of his country with the EU. Then came the onslaught from Chinese companies on the textiles exports of Mauritius. The Chinese textiles manufacturers have been giving tough competition to the Mauritian textiles sector with the introduction of the WTO regime, and Mr Berenger could do little to safeguard the interests of his country. There is another significant factor: people had very high expectations from the Paul Berenger government, which was formed in 2003 after the Anerood Jugnauth ministry was voted out of power. Mr Ramgoolam headed the government between 1995 and 2000 but lost the prime ministership because of the tall promises he had been making. He was accused of doing nothing to stamp out corruption, a major issue at that time. Now that he has got a fresh chance to rule the country of around 1.2 million people, his success may depend on how much he has learnt from his past mistakes. The economic difficulties being faced by Mauritius have been caused mainly by external factors. Such a situation is not easy to handle for any government, not even the one he is going to form soon. |
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A man cannot be too careful in the choice of his enemies. — Oscar Wilde
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Between mosque and military
“PAKISTAN between mosque and military” is an elegantly written, well-documented book by Husain Haqqani. It is essential reading to understand why the alliance between the mosque and the military will last in Pakistan; why America’s war on terror will be won — or possibly lost — in Pakistan; and why there cannot be a settlement to the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan. The religious definition of Pakistan accounts for its identity problems, its bad relations with India, which, from its viewpoint, have necessitated heavy defence spending; and its protracted and often unsuccessful attempts to enhance its influence over neighbouring Muslim countries. Haqqani, a Pakistani intellectual who works Carnegic Endowment, observes that most Muslims in British India did not know what Pakistan meant before 1947, although they voted for the Muslim League in the elections of 1945-46. Pakistan — and Islam — meant different things to different Muslims. Exploiting the incompetence of Pakistan’s civilian politicians, the military usurped power in 1958 and thereafter took the lead in defining Pakistan’s brand of Islam and implementing it. But Haqqani fails to point out that for Jinnah Pakistan always meant a sovereign state, having no relations with India except by treaty. The theme of Jinnah’s secularism has been played out by several authors, but it is hard to credit any leader with secularism if he exploits religion for political ends, at the cost of tens of thousands of human lives, as Jinnah successfully did. What possibility of agreement was there as he declared, as the communal violence raged in 1947, that the British had deliberately fostered the idea of a united India “as part of machinations for destruction and bloodshed” after their departure? Pakistan made its first attempt to sever Kashmir from India while he was Governor-General of Pakistan; evidently he found political uses to fight that particular jihad. Given that neither Jinnah nor Liaqat Ali Khan, nor the Bhuttos nor Nawaz Sharif ever dispensed with the clergy for political reasons, how can they be perceived as secular, which implies the separation of religion from state? Pakistan’s definition as a religious state, which constrained its development as a democracy, is rooted in the religious politics all its rulers pursued. Haqqani shows why religion has not forged consensus among Pakistanis. The East Pakistanis seceded in 1971 and carved out the state of Bangladesh. The Sindhis, the Balochi and the Pathans have resented the domination of the military and civil services by the Urdu-speaking Punjabis. The highly centralised government has aggravated ethnic tensions, and there are no institutional mechanisms to deal with such discontent. Constitutional provisions for provincial autonomy have been bypassed while interprovincial animosity has festered. Jinnah’s politically inept successors only aggravated Pakistan’s disunity and created a political vacuum into which the military stepped in 1958. The idea that “Islamic” Pakistan could get arms from the West emanated from Jinnah himself. Taking their inspiration from him — and in my view, from the Islamic definition he bestowed on Pakistan — the military successfully got American weapons after 1953. Islam has been the central issue in Pakistan since 1947, and it will continue to be used to paper over Pakistan’s ethnic cracks. This is not just because most Pakistanis are Muslims. In its early years as a state Pakistan was disturbed by Afghanistan’s refusal to play the same brand of religious politics and to oppose its membership of the United Nations. The problem is that Pakistan’s rulers have aligned religion with territory. The ideology of the religious nation-state hampers Pakistan’s evolution as a democracy, partly because it limits intellectual and political choice. General Musharraf will remain caught in a bind because he refuses to govern without the help of clergy. Since the late fifties the military has dominated Pakistan’s politics, creating several layers to Pakistan’s sense of insecurity by turning to the mullahs to enhance their legitimacy. This has been at the expense of relatively “secular” parties, against whom the military has waged relentless war and continually ejected from power. Meanwhile, religious parties made a strong showing in the elections of 2002. American support to the military has made it impossible for a moderate civil society to emerge. Haqqani’s statement that Pakistan is neither a friend nor a foe contrasts with that of Stephen Cohen, who regards Pakistan as “probably the most anti-American country in the world, ranging from the radical Islamists on one side to the liberals and Westernised elites on the other. Perhaps not quite: a recent Pew Global Attitudes poll revealed that just under 60 per cent of the Pakistanis viewed the US unfavourably, in comparison to more than 60 per cent of Turks (and Poles). The military-mosque alliance has been to the disadvantage of the US. The alliance has radicalised segments of the Islamic world, and pushed Pakistan to the brink of war with India. Military aid has enabled Pakistan’s military to enhance its role in politics. Zia-ul-Haq installed the client Taliban regime in Afghanistan after the Soviet withdrawal, but the US never controlled the mujahideen or the ISI which trained and sustained them, although it paid for the anti-Soviet operation. Waging jihad against the Soviets also enabled the ISI to wage jihad against India on Kashmir. The Americans actually have scant leverage over the military. Haqqani takes the view that the US might be able to change Pakistan’s pretence of being a Middle-Eastern country by taking it out of the area of operations of the American military’s Central Command and placing it under the Pacific Command, along with India. Is there some confusion on the American side? The State Department’s Bureau of South Asian Affairs classifies Pakistan, along with Afghanistan and India, as a South Asian country. By giving Pakistan unconditional military aid Washington contributes to increases in its defence spending, the marginalisation of moderate political parties, and the economic stagnation of Pakistan. The US should not ignore Pakistan’s state sponsorship of Islamic militants, its pursuit of nuclear weapons at the expense of education, healthcare and democratisation. Each of these issues is linked to the future of Islamic radicalism and its negative impact on America’s war on terror. The US has acquired some short-term gains, but it is time for the US and Pakistani rulers to transform Pakistan from an ideological state into a functional one. The real issue that needs to be resolved is: “Who controls Pakistan”? Unfortunately, this reviewer does not see any leadership that can transform Pakistan from an ideological to a functional state. That is why the military and the mosque will continue to dominate Pakistan’s politics; that is why the stalemate over Kashmir will last; that is why Pakistan could yet spike America’s guns against
terrorism.
********* — The writer is a Ford Foundation Fellow at the Centre of Law and Governance |
Maya in Mayang MAYANG village of Nowgaon district (Assam) is notorious for black magic. If the stories about the villagers are to be believed, they can give even J. K. Rowling’s teen-wizard Harry Potter a good run for his money. Among the stories I heard about the place, my favourite one came from my father’s best friend, who was posted there for a brief period. One evening he was invited by his landlord for dinner. The dinner was cooked to perfection and served on the traditional bamboo mat on the floor. Noticing that there were no green chillies to go with the curry, he asked his host for a few. His wish was granted and the chillies did come, but they came on their own feet (read stem), hoping and jumping all the way from the kitchen garden to jump straight into his dish. The next thing my father’s friend did was to pay a visit to the minister concerned with a request for an early transfer. Last month when I went to Assam, I visited Kaziranga national park with my family. As we reached Nowgaon, my mother told us how she was duped by a couple of fishermen there, who allegedly used “black magic” to force her into buying a fish that “looked” and “weighed” big under their spell. The driver too narrated a similar story about how he was cheated by some egg-sellers at the same spot. My husband refused to buy this. An argument broke out between the “believers” and the “non- believer”. Though I did not enjoy getting caught in the crossfire, I could not help but marvel at the business antics of the local people. At least no one can blame them for being “laid back” any more. As the argument generated much heat, we decided to settle the matter then and there. At our insistence the driver pulled in the car at the place. Five youth materialised immediately from the dark, dangling a big fish near the car window. “Their magic works only when one walks out of the car,” whispered my mom. As if acting on some cue they too insisted that we walk out of the car to see the booty. So far so good. My mother did the bargaining and finally settled for a big Sital fish for Rs 350. We bought a dozen eggs to be doubly sure. The rest of the journey was uneventful, except for the apprehension we all had. As soon as we reached home, we unwrapped the fish. Lo and behold, it was as big as it was and had not shrunk a bit. Even the eggs did not turn into miniatures. However, it was a different story that eight of them were later found to be
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Countering terrorism IT was a drawing room discussion. All the participants were worried about the consequences of unending terrorist strikes - the latest being at Ayodhya and in London. All those present agreed that there could be no justification for the killing of innocent people. After all, why should the innocent suffer for what some people consider as injustice being done by the strong against the weak? Anyone who indulges in acts of terrorism is a criminal and must be dealt with accordingly. Of course, there is a thing called state terrorism, which too must come to an end. But that is a separate issue. The question that consumed the maximum time was: how do you deal with the faceless terrorist, a person prepared to die for a cause dear to him? That means the problem of suicide bombings. Such discussions take place in most drawing rooms whenever there is a major terrorist attack anywhere in the world. This is quite obvious. Gradually, the situation is coming to such a pass that no place may be considered safe. If we continue to feel safe with the high-sounding statements of the ruling politicians, innocent people will continue to die like flies. There is enough proof available to justify this argument after what followed the terrorist strikes in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001. The carpet bombings in Afghanistan and Iraq have failed to tame the terrorist monster. The problem is getting aggravated day by day. Only a gullible person will take the tall claims of the ruling class seriously. This, however, does not mean that terrorism has reached a stage where no cure is possible. It is a cancerous growth but not yet in its last stage. The world has used only the military might at its command to unsuccessfully handle the scourge. It has not concentrated on the ideological weapon with the seriousness it deserves. There is every possibility of the monster dying its natural death once the world decides to take it on ideologically. Let us, therefore, go deeper into the psyche of the terrorist and the ideology he is guided by. Terrorist masterminds must be using certain festering problems to convert humans into bombs moving on two legs. So, the civilised world should speed up its efforts, and with all earnestness, to eliminate the possible factors providing sustenance to the monster. Simultaneously, groups of respected scholars well-versed in Islamic theology should be made a part of a drive to convince the public that the kind of jihad being preached by terrorists and their silent supporters and sympathisers has nothing to do with Islam, which stands for peace. In fact, Muslim Islamic scholars themselves should offer their services for this humanitarian cause because today’s terrorists are Muslims and they are misusing the name of their religion. Terrorist masterminds have been using the Quranic concept of jihad to brainwash youngsters to get ready to die for a “cause”, which would help them attain “shahadat” (martyrdom). And attaining martyrdom is certain to take one to the best of heavens (Jannat-ul-Phirdaus). Nothing could be farther from the truth. Those who commit suicide in this manner not only lose their own lives but also take the lives of innocent people. They are murderers. Like all other religions, Islam does not approve of murder and suicide. Anyone who commits suicide becomes a “shaitan” (a devil) and has a place assured for him in hell. This is what Islam says. The truth must be repeated time and again so that terrorist masterminds fail to find recruits to become their cannon fodder. Terrorists are not only a threat to peace and stability, but are also the enemies of their own community and religion. A young man who gets influenced by a distorted interpretation of the concept of jihad is, first of all, a selfish human being of the worst kind. For his own perceived benefit he takes the lives of many others. He also brings a bad name to the religion he claims to profess. Who will respect a religion that stands for terrorism, even if cloaked in false jihad? Had the suicide-bombers at Ayodhya succeeded in their destructive mission, there could have been a wave of violence all over India. This was bound to lead to a worst kind of communal polarisation, putting considerable strain on India’s secular fabric. Many lives would have been lost besides large-scale destruction of property. A powerful chain reaction is obvious in such a situation. History tells us that violence only begets violence. It has never solved any problem. Just think coolly of what Osama bin Laden and his followers have achieved by doing what they did on September 11, 2001. Their heinous act has led to more miseries for Muslims and hatred for Islam. There would have been no bloodbath of the kind the world witnessed in Afghanistan and Iraq had there been no 9/11. Pakistan narrowly escaped the ire of the US and its allies. The wily General, President Pervez Musharraf, saw the writing on the wall and quickly agreed to cooperate with the US as “an ally” in “the fight against global terrorism”. The course he took was contrary to that advocated by the sympathisers of the extremist fringe of society in Pakistan. It is, however, a different matter that he has yet to come down heavily on the Kashmir-centric terrorists operating as jihadis. The terrorists have created a situation where it is becoming difficult to differentiate between terrorism and the concept of jihad. The day is not far off when many people may consider Islam as the fountainhead of terrorism. The Western world has already started expressing the fear after the London blasts that terrorism may force the governments there to treat every Muslim as a potential terrorist. There may be a strict vigil at the places where Muslims live. In fact, any activity associated with the Muslims and Islam may be looked at with suspicion if terrorism continues to survive. Ultimately, a thick wall of suspicion will come up in most societies. A very sad scenario, indeed! |
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Octroi for town and village development PUNJAB Finance minister Surinder Singla recently declared that octroi would be abolished soon in Punjab. He also said that the government would find alternative sources of revenue. With general elections due, the statement may just be a slogan aimed at urban voters. But if it is a part of government policy, then it requires critical analysis. In the year 2000, the total income of municipalities was Rs 730 crore out of which Rs 520 crore came from octroi. Around half of the income, Rs 346 crore, was spent on establishment costs and exigencies, Rs 200 crore on water, Rs 38 crore on street lights and Rs 42 crore on maintenance of roads. There was no budget for any new project in any municipality. Octroi amounts on electricity and liquor is first recovered by the state and then the share of the municipalities is credited to them. In the year 2001 and 2002, the municipal committees’ share of the tax recovered on their behalf was not paid to them. What the position is today, is anybody’s guess. Circumstances indicate that debt position may have worsened. Government has also to pay about Rs 500 crore as subsidy to various industries. In many writs, government undertook to comply with various commitments but things have not improved. Reason? Lack of funds. It is surprising that with such liabilities on its head, the government, which claims to be honest and open, is planning to incur further annual liability of Rs 520 crore. Moreover no study has been conducted so far to establish whether due to VAT the financial situation of municipalities has improved to any considerable extent. F.M. has no clue to new sources of revenue. He has yet to start the exercise but commitment for abolition of octroi has been made. The cart has been placed before the horse and it is expected that it will move forward. Our resources are not unlimited. So why shut off those which are being utilized for about a century now? If octroi is abolished, Municipal Committees will not even be able to pay its employees. Under the present situation, it is not politically prudent to talk of things which are not practical. Instead of imitating political opponents, it is better to educate people that abolition of octroi will ruin the people’s right to govern themselves. There are two arguments in favour of abolition of octroi. One is that the majority of states, due to political compulsions, have abolished it. In those states however, the municipalities are in poor condition. They have failed to provide even basic civic amenities such as clean drinking water, sewerage, repair of roads, and the like. The second argument is that it is the oldest tax and the methods of recovery are crude, hard and inconvenient. These are defects of procedure, which can be improved and made more humane without much extra cost. Municipalities should apply their mind to this aspect, otherwise their case will become weak. The people should be educated that our country can only develop if our villages and towns develop. With this objective, the basic philosophy of the 73rd and 74th amendments must be understood. India lives in its villages and towns. They are the pillars on which the structure of our culture stands. Let us make them strong. Progress should happen from the bottom upwards and not down from the top. Only one thing can be started from the top and that is digging a hole. |
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Delhi Durbar Congressman Murli Deora is on overdrive lobbing the US Congress so that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh can address a joint sitting of the Congress on July 19 during his visit to Washington. Singh will be the first PM in the post 9/11 scenario to be addressing the Congress. On his part, Deora appears to have impressed upon US Congressmen to write to the Speaker of the House of the Representatives asking him to invite the Prime Minister to address the session. The letter has highlighted Singh’s eminence as an economist and statesman. The high flying Deora has contacts on Capitol Hill and has been attending dos in Washington DC, at least during the Clinton presidency. Najma strikes a deal
Under a dark cloud over her morphed picture in one of the books, Indian Council of Cultural Relations (ICCR) Chairperson Najma Heptullah has proceeded on a foreign trip to the US and UK, and is not likely to return before her term at the Council ends next month. Apparently, her trip is part of a deal she struck with the UPA government which enables a graceful exit for her. External Affairs Minister Natwar Singh, who has been instrumental in finalising the deal, can then bring in noted cultural and literary figure Kapila Vatsayan. It also allows Indian High Commissioner in London Kamlesh Sharma to have his favourite Atul Khare as head of the Indian Culture Centre. The current head of the Culture Centre in London Pavan Verma is coming to New Delhi as Director General ICCR.
Kulkarni wants out?
There is intense speculation in BJP circles about the possibility of Sudheendra Kulkarni, quitting or being expelled from the BJP. Kulkarni was till recently National Secretary and Political Secretary to party president L K Advani. The main reason is his recent article in a national daily in which he has stressed that “Hindus and Hindu organisations should express sincere regrets to their Muslim brethren for December 6, 1992”. Some party insiders feel that these kind of ideas can only be stressed by a person who wants to either quit the “Hindutva” party or is inviting dismissal.
The Veerappan of North India
The hunt for Sansar Chand, dubbed as India’s biggest poacher, intensified only after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s intervention following the sudden disappearance of tigers from the Sariska park in Rajasthan. He is wanted in nearly 60 cases of poaching and smuggling in animal skin. It is no secret that Chand’s entire family is in the poaching trade with his first wife and son serving a jail term. That Sansar Chand’s syndicate was well oiled is clear from the fact that cases are pending against him in several states including Punjab, Haryana, Uttaranchal and Maharashtra. Contributed by Prashant Sood, Satish Misra, Gaurav Choudhury and S Satyanarayanan. |
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From the pages of Rotten Jails
How rotten is the jail administration in this country may be judged from a case which has just been decided in Bengal. A woman was undergoing a term of imprisonment. She became pregnant, made a confession, and the end was a trial and conviction of the man who happened to be a subordinate officer of the jail. He appealed and the Sessions Judge has acquitted him. The judgement is an extraordinary document and the language used is occasionally most curious. The judge considered that the man had been convicted on the uncorroborated testimony of the woman — a very bad creature, as the Judge says. The finding of the Judge may be quite correct but no matter how bad the woman may be there must be some motive when she accuses a particular person of being the father of her child. Even the worst character is supposed to be safe from dishonour in a jail, and if such a thing can go undiscovered and unpunished, no woman, whatever her offence or whether her character, should be sentenced to a term of imprisonment. |
Many of us pray out of custom, not because we truly believe in God. Many of us actively doubt God’s existence. Yet God cares for all of us like a good father cares for all his children. — Book of quotations on Hinduism Determination must be coupled with patience of the king wishes to win. Yielding an inch today may gain a mile tomorrow. Becoming too rigid, one becomes like the mighty oak that gets uprooted in a gale. —The Mahabharata Brahma Ananda is the quiet stillness of a subterranean ocean. Worldly pleasures have the turbulence of mountain brooks. —The Upanishads It is not strange that a man who loves himself engages in corrupt practices to please his body? If he really loved himself, he would try much harder to cleanse his soul. — The Buddha God speaks to us in many voices… that of the water and the wind, the flowers and the insects, the animals and the birds. — Book of quotations on Hinduism It is easy to shower love and affection on your family members, on your near and dear ones. When you can feel the same love and affection for strangers even,
—The Buddha  |
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