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ON RECORD One for the road: Another kind of exclusion politics |
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PROFILE Comments Unkempt Diversities — Delhi Letter
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ON RECORD
An activist for world peace, Mr Atwal has visited several countries to enrich his legislative experience. Unanimously elected as the Deputy Speaker, Mr Atwal feels that the ruling parties in the states should also follow the same convention of offering the post to the Opposition for strengthening parliamentary democracy in the country. Excerpts: Q: What are your priorities in the new role? A: My effort will be to maintain the dignity and decorum of the Lok Sabha. The House should be run with impartiality and neutrality. The ruling party and the Opposition have their roles cut out. In the states, the MLAs raise local issues while in the Lok Sabha the MPs raise national issues. I don’t see any difficulty. The MPs are senior colleagues. Q: The Shiromani Akali Dal was the only party in the NDA to lay a forceful claim to the post of Deputy Speaker. Was there a special reason? A: I am grateful to the BJP leaders including Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Mr L.K. Advani, NDA convener George Fernandes and the NDA allies besides my own party colleagues. Though the BJP had many more MPs, it has given this honour to the SAD. It is a convention in the Lok Sabha to offer the post of the Deputy Speaker to the Opposition. The United Progressive Alliance government also followed the healthy convention by giving the post to the NDA. Very few states in the country follow this convention but it should be respected. Q: The SAD has been raising its voice against a minister of the UPA government for his alleged role in the 1984 riots. Any comments? A: When a member becomes the Speaker or the Deputy Speaker, he does not belong to his party alone but to the House. He has to take care of the privileges and rights of all the members. It was the decision of the SAD’s Political Affairs Committee to lodge a protest when Mr Jagdish Tytler speaks in the House. The decision on the kind of protest against any minister is a decision to be taken by the SAD. I am a member of the SAD but maintaining the conventions of the House is now my prime responsibility. Q: What were the reasons for the SAD’s good showing in the Lok Sabha elections in Punjab? A: The previous SAD-BJP government in Punjab had done a lot of development work. Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh has been making efforts to defame Akali Dal workers. The Akali leaders including former Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal were sent to jail. The facilities given to the people by the Badal government including free power to farmers, old-age pension, shagun scheme and concession on power to SCs were withdrawn by the Congress government. All this led to resentment. Q: The Amarinder Singh government is now talking of restarting such schemes. Any comments? A: That will be for people’s benefit. Q: Many of these populist schemes are considered a drain on the state exchequer and goes against the suggestions of the lending agencies. A: It is for the government to decide how to generate resources. People should get facilities. Measures such as free power also help in boosting agricultural production which, in turn, helps in higher revenue generation. Q: With Dr Manmohan Singh as the Prime Minister, will the SAD continue to lambast the Congress as "anti-Punjab"? A: There are no two opinions about the honesty and capability of Dr Manmohan Singh. But Congress is the main political opponent of the SAD. It has not been fair to Punjab from the time of Partition. Punjab was not made a state on the basis of Punjabi language and when it was reorganised following a series of agitations, several Punjabi-speaking areas were kept out. Chandigarh, which was for Punjab, was not given entirely. There is no other example in India where the parent state was not given the capital. Punjab’s waters were given to other states including Rajasthan and Haryana. The wounds caused to the Sikhs by the 1984 riots following Indira Gandhi’s assassination can never be healed. Dr Manmohan Singh was made the Prime Minister by the Congress because of his capability and certain compulsions. It wasn’t a decision taken happily. Q: Dynastic politics in the Akali Dal seems as strong as in the Congress. A: If a person is working in the political arena, his coming to electoral politics is natural. But if a man comes into politics without working among people or calls himself a leader without a base of supporters, that is wrong. There is nothing awkward in political workers, who may be sons and daughters of leaders, contesting elections. Many such examples exist all over the world. The only people who should not join politics are criminals. There should be no rowdyism in the legislatures. Q: How does the Akali Dal view the demands being made by certain sections in the UPA for reservation in the private sector? A: The SAD’s stand cannot be against reservation but it is a policy matter which will be decided by the PAC of the SAD. Personally, I am in favour of reservation in the private sector. I think there is need for such measures. Q: Is the SAD satisfied with the response of the Punjab government on the SYL issue? A: No, the state government should have done more. It has not made the kind of efforts required to defend the interests of the state. Punjab has no surplus water and cannot even give a drop. Q: What will be your priorities as an MP? A:
I will work for the development of the country and keep the focus on
the welfare of the poor and downtrodden. I will give due attention to
development works in my constituency. |
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One for the road: Another kind of exclusion politics Irrespective of the party you support, and laudable though the voters’ independence and the “democratic success” of the recent electoral exercise are, there is one thing that is worrying. And that is the attempt at active delegitimisation of certain developmental and growth-oriented policies, especially with regard to roads and infrastructure. Consider many of the statements made by avowedly pro-poor and pro-rural parties: “Of what use are good roads and flyovers to the poor man with a cycle,” says one. “National highways are useful only for the rich,” says another. Notably, this has affected not just the NDA at the Centre, but the S.M. Krishna-led Congress government in Karnataka, and the Chandrababu Naidu-led TDP government in Andhra Pradesh. Indeed, it may be recalled that when DMK President M. Karunanidhi, who is currently reveling in his party’s sweep of the Lok Sabha seats in Tamil Nadu, lost the Assembly elections three years ago, the flyovers of Chennai had become a focal point for Ms Jayalalithaa. While there were allegations of corruption to compound the issue, she and her party more than once made statements to the effect that people were not impressed with flyovers and more must be done for the farmer and the poor man. Sounds familiar? All these parties had to struggle with the charge of being too “pro-urban.” What kind of incentives for performance does all this offer the politician? He will go for populist policies that apparently have a better chance of beating anti-incumbency — subsidies, interest waivers, free this, and free that. With the fiscal deficits that we are running in states and at the Centre, there soon won't be any money left for anything else. And growth will take a beating. The left, with a clutch of seats from just two states, is now brave enough to say “Baad mei jaaye stock market,” never mind that investors’ wealth is being wiped out in the bargain. One of the persistent concerns that has occupied commentators of majoritarian democratic systems, parliamentary or otherwise, is the danger of majoritarian tyranny, and what happens to the minority that differed, even if that minority is a minority of one. When seats and or vote shares are very close, that concern becomes even more important. And when an electorate in a vast and diverse country like India throws up an extremely fractured verdict, it becomes a very serious issue indeed. In effect, we are in danger of exchanging one kind of exclusionary politics for another — to the detriment of everyone. You don't need an economist to tell you the value of good roads. Connect point A to point B and watch the economy of both points grow — not necessarily with high-tech companies; even a streetside hawker benefits Did anyone actually ask the poor man on the cycle? He might tell you a different story, as will any trader, or a truck driver, ploughing the much improved roads in many parts of the country. Its value to the economy, and to the well-being of all sectors of society, is immense. Another reason why such a disincentive to politicians is worrying is there are already parties like those in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh who by all counts, prey on deprivation to continue to win votes. A tried and tested anti-incumbency strategy — let conditions remain horrible, indulge in a few populist free-bees, blame the Centre for all the macro and micro-problems, blame anything and everybody else, and continue to sit in power. That points to a key campaign mistake that the BJP perhaps made. Harping on Sonia’s foreign origin and stale (though by no means unimportant) issues like Bofors, they seem to have successfully alienated many voters, while a plank of good governance of the Bijli Pani Sadak tune, coupled with a conscious effort at promoting the value of good economic policies of growth even to the poor might have helped them not squander what must have been an advantageous position in February/March, when first exit polls indicated a majority of above 300 for the NDA. The same with Mr S.M. Krishna in Karnataka, who had the additional problem of a drought. This is not to play down other factors, like a general anti-incumbency that seems to invariably creep in (of the ‘let’s give someone else a chance’ variety), or crucial matters like choice of candidates and indeed, choice of regional alliance partners. The BJP’s favourite nationalism plank, though of great appeal to many Indians especially if it is inclusive and non-religious in nature, is still too abstract for many groups in India. The point is, the BJP forgot to be truly inclusive in its campaign. And it paid the price. The danger is to swing the other way and practice a different policy of exclusion, masquerading as ‘people-oriented’ rural-friendly policies to the detriment of the entire polity. Urban centres become urban centres because they are the places where wealth is created. Nobody is suggesting that rural areas be ignored or that agriculture and agricultural wealth is unimportant. Or even that classic Left concerns are not legitimate. For a start, we need better roads to rural foci that help decongest cities and actually distribute wealth. The key is to maintain perspective. Interestingly, the “rich” and the corporate world actually get away with little effect on their quality of life. It is the vast middle class that gets penalised and excluded. “They deserve it”, the Left might say, of course, but that is rabble-rousing no different from the virulent fundamentalisms of religious right wing groups. True inclusiveness, coupled with genuinely hardworking policies about the economy and foreign affairs, is what will make a difference. Both the electorate and the politician will have to remember that. The electorate will actually sooner or later realise that. The cyclist after all wants to upgrade to a moped. The politician has to realise it too. The alternative is regression. The writer is The Tribune’s Special Correspondent in Bangalore |
PROFILE Even tough Anbumani did not hold a post in the PMK, he had great say in party matters, played a major role in selecting the party candidates for the Lok Sabha election and vigorously campaigned for them. The results surprised his father and dismayed the party cadres. The PMK won all the six seats allocated to the party as a partner in the Congress-DMK alliance. Critics in the PMK, who had been accusing Dr Ramdoss of running family politics and promoting his son, were silenced. Such is the hold of Anbumani over the organisation that anyone who questions his authority is either sidelined or thrown out of the party. He is indeed the future face of the regional party. It now appears certain that he would take over the reins from his illustrious father, who worked hard to build the PMK. Modernity in outlook, fluency in English and freshness in approach instantly impress a first-time caller on Anbumani. The impression one had conjured up of a typical Dravidian leader (Dr Ramdoss only speaks in Tamil) melts away. He is brimming with ideas and has big plans for his ministry, the party and, of course, Tamil Nadu. Like all young men, he too has a dream. He wants to build the PMK strong enough to rule the state one day. His immediate plan is to revamp the medical education, take medicare to the rural masses and initiate steps to stop commercialisation of medical and engineering education by private institutions. He has done his home work in the Health Ministry very well and the facts and figures are on his finger tips. There are as many as 213 medical colleges in the country, producing 24,750 doctors every year but 85 per cent of them concentrate in the urban areas and, regrettably, villages have been left out high dry; almost with no medical facility. Therefore, he would like to give priority to quality health care in the villages. He plans to make it compulsory for the doctors to work in rural areas. Though Anbumani calls the shot in his party and holds the Cabinet rank at the Centre, his first love continues to be “green activism”. He has led for years an NGO — “the Green Motherland” — which has been on the forefront of crusade for sustainable development and water and food security. The NGO, reports said, was one of the most visible groups from India at the Sustainable Summit in Johannesburg in September, 2003. He was also in the forefront of his organisation in a series of campaigns for protecting temples, tanks, planting trees, preserving marshlands and discouraging the use of tobacco. As Health Minister, he may take tough measures to discourage smoking and habit of tobacco chewing. Projecting his son at the national level was, perhaps, a tall ambition of Dr Ramdoss and he worked hard to achieve that objective. He snapped ties with Jayalalithaa and left the AIADMK alliance in 2001, barely two months after the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, because she refused to allocate a Rajya Sabha seat to Anbumani. Consequently, he joined hands with the DMK only after ensuring that his son was accommodated in the Rajya Sabha. Such was the weakness of the PMK Supremo for his son that he mainly agreed to join the Congress-led government to enable Anbumani become a Cabinet Minister at the Centre. The elder doctor faced the wrath of his partymen for “grooming his son as his political heir at the cost of others” but did not bother. Dr Ramdoss, ultimately, had his way. Anbumani is certain to be elected to the Rajya Sabha on June 28. It is also believed that the DMK too decided to join the Congress-led government to pitchfork the late Murasoli Maran’s son, Dayanidhi Maran as the party’s “big man in Delhi”. Like Anbumani, the junior Maran is well educated and articulate. A commerce graduate, he studied Business Management at Harvard University. Both are of the same age. While Anbumani is yet to formally enter Parliament, Dayanidhi was elected to the Lok Sabha from the Chennai Central constituency held by his late father. Progeny of two top Dravidian leaders — Anbumani and Dayanidhi — do not reflect the rigidity and bias of their parents and are more forward looking. Unlike Dr Ramdoss, who knows English, but would always talk in Tamil and Karunanidhi, who can only speak in his mother tongue, the two young ministers, representing Dravidian parties, are more at home in English and feel more comfortable in New
Delhi. |
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Comments Unkempt Forty years after the death of Nehru, there is still an irrepressible wish to play the game of, “What might have been” if circumstances had panned out differently. Would independence have come earlier? Would there not have been that terrible bloodshed, the tragic cleaving of families, homes and friends and a forcible but less-successful-than-China jump-start to what we have come to call “development?” Could it be that Nehru had more garlands looked round his neck than he deserved? Much of all this can be pushed back to M.A. Jinnah, A.K. Fazlul Huq and Shyamaprasad Mookerjee (for Bengal), Gandhiji, Vallabhbhai Patel and Nehru. When, in 1939 Subhas Bose defeated Gandhi “the defeat” is more mine that his” (Pattabhi’s) in the Tripuri Congress tally, the revolutionary, radical and youthful forces in India might have got together and pushed the British, already reeling under defeats in South East Asia and Europe and with Roosevelt unable to bring the America into the war. But when Gandhi craftily pulled the Congress rug from under Subhas Bose and did not allow him to form a Working Committee, Nehru did not weigh in and side with Bose. Instead, he played ‘anguish’ and stayed ‘neutral’. John Foster Dulles would have asked, “Neutral on whose side?” Eventually Nehru sought safety under Gandhiji’s wings where no strong decisions would be necessary. Bose was left with no future in the Congress though he was incomparably the more intrepid and popular, especially with the youth. Later, after the end of the war, Nehru once said in public that had he been left in Subhas’s position abroad he might also have been forced to raise an Indian National Army. He could never have done that. He could not have tramped across the high peaks of Afghanistan and Central Asia to Russia and then on to Germany. Nor could he have spent three months under the oceans in, first, a German and, then, a Japanese submarine making his way below dangerous waters to South East Asia. The Presidency of the Lahore Congress where the Independence Resolution was read out on the banks of the Ravi was not Nehru’s by turn. He got it, because as Gandhi said, of “Motilal’s dying wish”. Subhas has complained in a long letter to Nehru that in his time after the Haripura and Tripuri Congresses he was not even given a Congress Secretary who was loyal to him. Acharya Kripalani did not play on his side. It is often forgotten that the Medical Mission to China and the National Planning Committee were both organised when Subhas Bose was President of the Congress. Of the early years of Independence, there is very little left on available record. Not many of the files of the early years of the Nehru Prime Ministership and his correspondence, private and public, are accessible. Judith Brown’s recent biography speaks of new papers but Indian scholars say otherwise. Of course, they have never gone to court to force the opening up of those papers. Unlike in the biographies of other world statesmen — Churchill, Roosevelt or even Stalin, the Nehru papers are mostly under lock and key. Even Nehru’s personal life is under a mist of praise. He was not a good husband, not in the sense of being unfaithful, but not being caring enough and his wife Kamala, who was a very great friend of Jayaprakash’s wife Prabhavati Devi, wrote several pained letters to her. After the Emergency, Jayaprakash handed the letters over to Indira Gandhi and they have never been published. There were some other letters of Prabhavati which were discovered by a scholar, Mrs Uma Rao, researching in the role of women in the Indian freedom movement. She was assured they would be published and were taken away be the would-be publisher and Mrs Rao died without ever seeing them in print. India is a careless country about the preservation of history. If Gandhiji had not written a frank autobiography we would probably have been brought up on myths and anecdotes. Mountbatten, the great charmer charmed Nehru and so did his wife Edwina. Mountbatten thought he would have his name engraved for ever in history for freeing the “jewel” in Britain’s crown. Nehru had indeed realised that the real fight was against fascism and did try to convince Gandhi but he himself did not stand up as strongly as did MN Roy or as did Maulana Azad who thought the Quit India Movement mistimed. Its result was that Congress leaders were locked up for three years in Ahmednagar Fort and the Indian people deprived of leadership while Jinnah and the Muslim League waxed in strength. Eventually, when the draconian and horrible decision of Partition was agreed on and Mountbatten brought it on a year before it was due. None of the leaders who were supposed to have their fingers on the pulse of people of India — Nehru, Jinnah and Mountbatten — foresaw the terrible consequences — Noakhali and the killings fields of Punjab. At least 200,000 people died. Mountbatten has taken great care, in editing his papers, to shrug off responsibility. Subhas Bose, chafing in exile in South East Asia, was totally against Partition. After Independence, where was the development which heaved the Indian people from below the poverty line? Did the Socialist Pattern mean anything? The giant public sector was often tied up in huge losses. The bureaucracy could only imitate what the British taught and the training produced — and continues to produce — dowry-loaded grooms. Due to the stupidity of both sides Pakistan was a thorn on the Indian side and the two countries strangled each other. The situation with China was as Aneurin Beven had said once of Anthony Eden, the British Prime Minister, during Swez: “If he knew he’s too wicked to be Prime Minister and, if he didn’t know he’s too stupid to be Prime Minister”. Nehru never recovered. The population did not decline, investment in health and education was minimal. Nehru did not speak Gandhi’s language on peace. Martin Luther King did. The only creative policy of the Non-aligned Movement soon crumbled away. Caste ruled as strongly as before and land reform was feeble. Though thousands of brave women put aside their households and followed Gandhi into the fields and roads, there were very few women in Parliament when Nehru died. Kamala Devi Chattopadhyaya has written that Nehru and his contemporaries felt they were getting too old and, without Partition, would never get to rule. In 17 years (1947-64), Nehru was not able to set up a statue of Gandhi at the crossing of Janpath and Rajpath where there stood the statue of King George V. A statue of Bose in front of the Red Fort he would probably not have tolerated. Nehru’s economic vision and policy have, of late, been heavily criticised but without being set against anything more positive. His attempt to solve Kashmir was a fizzer. Nehru does not deserve all the praise heaped on him, nor does he deserve all the
blame. |
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Diversities — Delhi Letter
This week several women heading national women’s organisations met Union Finance Minister P. Chidambaram and requested him to include women’s representatives as an interest group in the pre-Union Budget consultation. They say, there is a need to set priorities on the Tenth Plan keeping in view the social priorities of the ruling United Progressive Alliance’s Common Minimum Programme (CMP). Also, there is need for affirmative action for women by allocating resources for women-specific schemes and providing budget for all schemes and programmes of different ministries. In recent times, benefits to women have declined from 1.02 per cent in 1998-1999 to .87 per cent in 2001-2002. Those who met Mr Chidambaram include Mohini Giri (Guild of Service), Brinda Karat (All-India Democratic Women’s Association), Gomti Nair (All-India Women’s Conference), Vina Mazumdar, Nirmala Buch and C.P. Sujaya (Centre for Women’s Development Studies), Jyotsna Chatterji (Joint Women’s Conference), Syeda Hammed (Muslim Women’s Forum), Saba Farooqui (National Federation of Indian Women), Mary Khemchand (Young Women’s Christian Association), Akhila Shivdas (Centre for Advocacy and Research) and Husna Subhani (All-India Muslim Forum). The women’s associations have hailed the CMP’s commitment for 100 days work for every rural and urban household. They say, the scheme should include 40 per cent women beneficiaries, specially women-headed families and single women. Current policies have led to the destruction of many traditional industries. This has affected women in the unorganised sector most. The Budget must express a clear financial commitment to help these industries. They urged Mr Chidambaram to increase allocations for widow pensions and ensure social security. Women senior citizens and the increasing number of single women and women-headed families also require social security and tax concessions. They also sought provision of funds for short stay homes, shelter homes and counselling services. The same delegation also got in touch with Union Information and Broadcasting and Culture Minister Jaipal Reddy. They stressed the need for legislative intervention for a level-playing field for the viewers and consumers, particularly those from marginal and vulnerable communities; (ii) voice to local and regional aspirations and needs; (iii) ensure plurality of views, news and representation; and (iv) safeguard sensitivity of less privileged sections of society. The French, all the way It’s been the French all the way. This week at the United Nations, France voted in favour of UNSCR 1546 to help the people of Iraq. In New Delhi, the French Ambassador to India, Dominique Girard, inaugurated the live screening of the French Open finals. It really came as a surprise to see so many people, most sportingly dressed in their sports wear. The large hall was packed despite the heat and the day being Sunday. Earlier, its cultural centre hosted a series of films. With more to come including the Music Day (June 21). There is a rather elaborate newsletter from the Alliance Francaise (New building, new address: 72, Lodhi Estate, New Delhi-3). Outgoing High Commissioner of New Zealand Caroline McArthur, before leaving for home country, hosted a series of events at the IIC to highlight the various achievements of her country. Her golfer-photographer husband Simon Mark spoke highly of our golf courses.
Shift in focus Though the day-long show of the Olympic torch being carried here is over, it has left many wondering — should Bollywood been invited at all? For, it’s not just that the focus shifted but it left many sport veterans on the
pavement. |
Our first duty is not to hate ourselves; because to advance we must have faith in ourselves first and then in God. He who has no faith in himself can never have faith in God. — Swami Vivekananda He alone serves God whom God causes to abide by His order by obeying which he is approved and admitted to his palace. — Guru Nanak Water surrounds the lotuses, but does not wet its petals. On the other hand, sensuality of all kinds is enervating. The sensual man is a slave of his passions, and pleasure-seeking is degrading and vulgar. — The Buddha When you pray, don’t use vain repetitions, as the heathens do: for they think that they will be heard for their long speeches. — Jesus Christ Fearless minds climb soonest unto crowns. — Shakespeare |
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THE
first MP of the Shiromani Akali Dal to be elected to the post of the
Lok Sabha Deputy Speaker, Mr Charanjit Singh Atwal, seems comfortable
about his new role. A former Speaker of the Punjab Assembly, Mr Atwal,
67, has been Vice-Chairman of the Executive Committee of the
Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. He was elected to the eighth
Lok Sabha from Ropar and won the recent Lok Sabha election from
Phillaur. 
Like many in Dr Manmohan Singh’s Cabinet, Health Minister R. Anbumani, is not a member of the either House of Parliament but qualifies to get a berth in the Union Council of Ministers by virtue of being the son of Dr R. Ramdoss, the founder of the Patali Makkal Katchi (PMK), a Dravadian party of Tamil Nadu with a totally regional orientation. Like his father, 36-year-old Anbumani is a qualified medical doctor. An alumnus of Madras Medical College, he was appointed organising secretary of the PMK barely a month ago.