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A blow for justice Inadequate response |
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Insuring crops in Haryana
‘Simon Go Back’ — 75 years after
Always on the ascent
Canal network lets down Bhiwani villagers
Will consumer gain?
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A blow for justice THE acquittal of S.A.R. Geelani and Afsan Guru in the Parliament attack case of December 13, 2001, by the Delhi High Court is abiding proof that Indian courts dispense justice in the fairest possible manner even in the cases involving an attack on the nation’s sovereignty. At the same time, the verdict is an embarrassment for the police which had put forward extremely weak evidence. A court only goes by the proof presented before it. Legal luminaries were virtually unanimous that the POTA court was not right in holding all four alleged conspirators guilty. The involvement of Delhi college lecturer Geelani and Afsan Guru, the wife of one of the accused in the conspiracy, was hardly established beyond reasonable doubt. As the High Court has said, the attack on the Parliament House in which nine persons were killed and 16 injured when five armed Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) terrorists fired indiscriminately was indeed “of such a magnitude that the collective conscience of the community is so shocked that it will expect the holders of the judicial power centre to inflict death penalty irrespective of their personal opinion as regards desirability or otherwise of retaining the death penalty”, but no one can be sent to the gallows on insufficient evidence. The case against Geelani rested entirely only on telephone conversations he had with two convicted persons. The conversation played in the court was “inaudible” and its translation from Kashmiri to Hindi was done by a person who had studied only up to Class V! Surely, death penalty or even life imprisonment requires more substantial proof of involvement. The court also rejected the POTA court’s finding that Afsan was guilty of failing to disclose to the police the conspiracy involving her husband. While setting aside the five-year sentence she was given by POTA judge S N Dhingra, the High Court held that there was no evidence that she was in the know of things. At the same time, the High Court has confirmed the death sentence to JeM militants Mohammad Afzal and Shaukat Hussain and even enhanced their life term to death sentence on the charge of conspiracy. While the two are set to file appeals in the Supreme Court, the Delhi Police may also challenge the acquittal of Geelani and Afsan Guru in the apex court. The last word in the case will be written only when the highest court of the land gives its verdict. But for now, the Delhi High Court has reaffirmed its independence, competence and impartiality. |
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Inadequate response PAKISTAN could not ignore the 12-point Indian peace package because of the merit in all the proposals. Its response could have been more forthcoming and without riders. The bus link offer by India between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir is aimed at redressing the grievances of the Kashmiris to enable them to meet their relatives and acquaintances on both sides. This could help generate a feeling of goodwill among the people. But Pakistan has put the condition that the check-points along the route should be manned by UN personnel with the travellers must having UN documents for ensuring their genuineness. Why bring in the UN when the two countries themselves can handle the problems involved as is the case with the Delhi-Lahore bus service? The proposals to open the route between Munabow in Rajasthan and Khokrapar in Sindh (Pakistan) with a bus or train service, and launch a ferry service between Mumbai and Karachi have been tied to a future composite dialogue. Such delaying tactics in the case of confidence-building measures were avoidable and could slowdown people-to-people contacts. Most influential world capitals have appreciated New Delhi's peace package because of the necessity to create an atmosphere congenial to improving relations between the two neighbours. Unfortunately, Pakistan is disinclined to realise the significance of this pre-requisite for what it calls a "composite dialogue" on Kashmir, etc. This is clear from its failure to stop militant infiltration into India or dismantle the terrorist training camps in Pakistan. In fact, the spurt in terrorist violence in Jammu and Kashmir shows that infiltration has gone up. Pakistan's Kashmir-specific three-point offer is unfortunate. Its proposals — 100 scholarships to Kashmiri students, treatment facilities to handicapped persons from Jammu and Kashmir and financial help to windows and victims of rape belonging to the border state — give the impression that Pakistan intends to deal with J and K independently, which is bound to be rejected by New Delhi. If Pakistan is really bothered about the well-being of the people in this part of India it should desist from promoting terrorism, which has caused untold suffering to them. |
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Insuring crops in Haryana LAST year when drought hit the country, the need for a crop insurance was deeply felt. Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan, which were severely affected, had not yet opted for the National Agriculture Insurance Scheme (NAIS). Rajasthan was all for it, but did not have funds. Under the scheme, a state government is required to pay 50 per cent of the insurance premium. Punjab too has been dragging its feet, partly because it is short of money and partly due to an assured irrigation to almost 98 per cent of the cultivated area. Also farmers in the state have never vigorously pressed for crop insurance. The cotton crop has been failing in the state year after year due to the repeated attacks of a pest called the American bollworm, but this has seldom led to the demand for an insurance cover. The new Bt Cotton is seen as an answer to the problem. The Haryana Cabinet on Wednesday has given a green signal to the NAIS, which is run by the General Insurance Corporation (GIC). Unlike Punjab, Haryana has large drought-prone areas depending heavily on rain. Its canal network is also not up to the mark and is limited in reach. Even during a normal monsoon many areas do not get adequate irrigation water. So the insurance scheme will help only when there is a crop failure due to any pest attack, drought or natural calamity. The state will have to invest more in conserving its water resources and developing its irrigation network. Water harvesting is the need of the hour not only in Haryana, but also in all water-deficit states. Punjab’s underground watertable has declined to an alarming level and farmers spend heavily every year on pumping out underground water. Its irrigation certainty is also under threat. There are many inadequacies in the National Agricultural Insurance Scheme. Farmers in some of the states are already opting out. First, the scheme covers annual crops only and leaves out fruit trees like apples and mangoes. Second, due to a shortage of manpower, the GIC has failed to spread out effectively in the rural areas. The commission-based agency system is also missing in villages. Third, the system of assessing crop damage by comparing the past three years average yield is erroneous. If there is a drought for three consecutive years, the crop loss would be none or negligible. The levels of indemnity will have to be based on each individual year and not on the average of three years. All in all, the insurance cover does ensure timely compensation to farmers in need, specially when the states' financial position is precarious, and is a welcome option for those who can afford it. Injustice is relatively easy to bear; what stings is justice. — H.L. Mencken |
‘Simon Go Back’ — 75 years after ROUTINE scholarship sometimes fails to capture the thrill of critical moments. The “Simon Go Back” agitation of 1928 is a case in point. It was the first all-India struggle after the non-cooperation movement of the early twenties. In November 1927 the British appointed the Indian Statutory Commission, headed by John Simon. Britain had been unwilling to make a commitment on India’s constitutional advance. The people had enough and were further irked by the commission, its exclusively British composition and the manner of its appointment. The commission was to inquire into the “ working of the system of government, the growth of education and the development of representative institutions and matters connected therewith” . It was to report further on the degree of “Responsible Govern-ment”. The terms of reference were provocative: it was to report on “whether and to what extent it is desirable to establish the principle of Responsible Government or to extend , modify or restrict the degree of Responsible Government”. The move fell far short of the Congress demand for a Round-Table Conference or a Convention Parliament. A few days before the commission was publicly announced, the Viceroy called Gandhiji and other political leaders for a meeting. Gandhiji, who was in Mangalore, came up a thousand miles north for the purpose. On seeing the paper which the Viceroy handed over, he asked why it had simply not been placed in a “one-anna envelope” and posted to him. The report in The Hindu of November 9, 1927 suggested that Gandhiji gave an indication to the Viceroy that such a commission could be met with a boycott. On November 10 the the Congress President, Srinivas Iyengar, declared: “We cannot be parties to an enquiry into our fitness for swaraj or for any measure of Responsible Government.” A women’s meeting in Bombay, presided over by Sarojini Naidu, in early December 1927 also called for a boycott. The Congress and most other political parties resolved to oppose the statutory commission. At its Madras session later the same month the Cong-ress passed a resolution calling for a boycott. The commission toured India precisely 75 years ago, from February 1928 to April 1929. In the preceding month, a committee headed by the new Cong-ress President, M.A. Ansari, and including, among others, the famous Dalit leader and freedom fighter, Chaudhuri Behari Lal, called for a hartal. The commission reached Bom-bay on February 3, 1928. The Bombay Chronicle on that day carried Mahatma Gandhi’s one-line statement saying that the boycott should be peaceful and “show the nation’s strength of purpose”. The “Simon Go Back” slogan which rang out throughout India was coined by the Bombay-based Congress Socialist, Yusuf Meherally, whose birth centenary also happens to fall this year (2003). As Bombay, the Gateway to India, greeted the commission with Meherally’s slogan, the same words were echoed by the rest of the country. Meherally himself was arrested in Bombay, placed inside a drum and rolled for a long distance on the road. Later he described it wryly as “a moving experience.” Jinnah, who played a leading role in the boycott, told the (Central) Legis-lative Assembly that “barring a few ‘jo-hukumists’ and flunkeys, the country was for boycott”. However, there were some important exceptions. Dr Ambedkar, for example, did give evidence before the commission. As in Iraq in 2003, where most expenses of the occupying forces are being borne by Iraq through its national budget, so in 1928 the expenses of the Simon Commission were on the Indian account. In the legislature, Motilal Nehru moved a cut motion for Rs 3,40,000, that being the cost of the commission. He argued that the (British) Parliament “must nurture its own child and not foist its cost on India”. Motilal Nehru’s motion was passed by 66 votes to 59. Noted journalist M. Chalapathi Rau wrote of the agitation : “In its completeness, the boycott brought together all communities as they had not been brought together since the Khilafat days.” This agitation touched the masses, and people gave free play to their sense of fun: A kite with the “Go Back” slogan descended when members of the commission were having tea at a party thrown by some Talukadars in the Lucknow Baradari Maidan. The kite swooped down low enough to be read but went up again and could not be traced by the police. In the 1930s, it used to be a prized possession of the UP Pradesh Congress Committee. In Banaras, officialdom decided that the commissioners should have a ride up the Ganges in the “Mor-Pankhi”, the personal barge of the Maharaja of Banaras. The idea was to give the Commissioners a view of the ghats. The protesters got wind of it. A motor-boat was requisitioned. With the “Go Back” slogans prominently displayed, it kept pace with the barge, taking a parallel course between it and the ghats. And there were the tears. Lucknow, as Pattabhi Sitaramayya put it, had been converted into an “armed camp”. The black flag procession in Lucknow was led by Jawaharlal Nehru and Govind Ballabh Pant. The Mounted Police resorted to a brutal lathi charge. Nehru and Pant were specially targeted. Nehru was mercilessly beaten up. This show of force did not help the Raj. Photographs showing injuries on Jawaharlal Nehru’s back were later published by many newspapers. In Lahore, the black flag procession on October 30 was led by Lala Lajpat Rai and Madan Mohan Malaviya. Lajpat Rai was beaten severely on the chest and died soon after on November 17, 1928. Sardar Mangal Singh, Dr Muhammad Alam, Dr Satyapal, Raizada Hansraj and Abdul Qadir Kasuri were also in the procession. Many of them, particularly Raizada Hansraj, were also beaten up by the police. Gandhi described as “fraudulent” the police version of the incident in which Lajpat Rai was targeted. After this Jawaharlal Nehru moved a resolution at the AICC meeting in Calcutta for an even stiffer boycott. As is well known, this incident also galvanised Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev. Students and police were in conflict in almost every major city, including Calcutta and Delhi. In the South too youths were ever active. A boycott committee had been formed with 20-year-old Davood Ali Mirza of Madras as chairman. The police resorted to firing near the High Court. One person died on the spot, two lost their lives later and several were injured. Although the commission was widely boycotted, its arrival spurred constitution-making. The Motilal Nehru Committee on the Principles of the Constitution of India also came to be appointed in May 1928. Sardar Mangal Singh, who was later arrested in the 1930 civil disobedience movement, was among the eight members of the Nehru Committee, the only one from Punjab. He was also the Nehru Committee’s longest surviving member, remaining with us till 1987. Among the other committee members were Ali Imam, Tej Bahadur Sapru and Subhas Bose. A Supplementary Report was produced by an enlarged Nehru Committee. Saifuddin Kitchlew was among those consulted. The enlarged committee had a second member from Punjab, Abdul Qadir Kasuri, whose grandson is, if I am not mistaken, the present Foreign Minister of Pakistan. Like Mangal Singh, Kasuri had courted arrest in the civil disobedience movement of the 1930s. Given the many stories and much material on the anti-Simon Commission agitation, it is surprising that so little historical work has been done on it. Some books on political prisoners, and dealing with this period, don’t even mention these agitations ! Why so? It is when a nation loses a sense of its composite history that the space is created for alternative sectarian narratives. |
Always on the ascent IT’S been an unusually harsh season for the Phulbari bustee in Darjeeling. Four Sherpa families have lost four young men, swept to their deaths with five others from other parts of the country by an avalanche after a successful expedition to Panchachuli mounted by the ITBP. Even for a fraternity inured to deaths on mountains, the toll this season has been excruciatingly high. Climbers around the country are especially saddened by the death of Sangay Sherpa, who had set an extraordinary world record along with his younger brother, Kusang Sherpa. Sangay and Kusang were the only two persons in the world to have climbed Everest from three sides — the south, north and the formidable east face. Darjeeling’s Phulbari bustee is home to many of India’s finest climbers — Sherpas who spend season after season in the harsh, unforgiving, icy snowscapes of the highest mountain range in the world. Around October every year, when the climbing season ends, most of them return to spend the winter at home — unless called up for a winter expedition: a rarity in the Indian Himalaya. But the broad, cheerful faces of Sangay, and of Dawa Sherpa, Kusang Dorjee and Pasang Dorjee will not be seen in the bylanes of Phulbari again. Like Tenzing, Sangay grew up in a village in Nepal — in his case, in the shadow of Mt Makalu — and drifted to Darjeeling looking for work. Destiny led him to employment as a kitchen boy for the Advance Mountaineering Courses of the Himalayan Mountaineering Institute. The courses were run by the then Deputy Director of Field Training, Dorjee Lhatoo, who remembers, “He had an intoxicating smile and a barrel chest which marked him out as a super high-altitude climber. And he had the heart of a gem, he was kind and generous and had a rustic sense of humour which kept everyone entertained.” Because of his fierce eyebrows, he came to be called ‘Maradona Sangay’. He graduated to being a high-altitude porter and, ultimately, guide. In 1989, when I was a rookie on my first mountaineering expedition, Sangay was the head Sherpa on our attempt to climb White Sail. (By a strange quirk of fate, the expedition had been planned to Panchachuli but it turned out another team was already there.) One day, he came to me, the only member of a West Bengal team who could write Hindi, and explained that he wanted to dictate a letter to his wife as he was worried about his baby daughter who had been ill when he left home. The ITBP commanders, notably Hukum Singh, were always on the lookout for good climbers and Sangay was inducted into the force. His first ascent of Everest was on May 12, 1992, from the south side. On the next climb, May 17, 1996, from the north side, Kusang was with him and the two brothers became the first Indians to climb Everest from two sides. And, on May 28, 1999, the brothers became the first climbers in Everest history to successfully tackle three sides. The fearsome east face has been rarely climbed — it is the flank of Everest that Sir John Hunt, leader of the 1953 expedition on which Tenzing and Hillary summitted, had glimpsed and thought, “This will never be climbed.” He was to see it climbed in his lifetime and happily eat his words. The last time I saw Sangay was at the gathering of mountaineers in Delhi this May to felicitate Sir Edmund Hillary to mark the golden jubilee of Everest’s first ascent. He had cultivated a tiny moustache — moustaches are unusual among Sherpas — and, under his uniform beret, his eyebrows seemed trimmed. “He’s trying to acquire an ITBP look, trying to blend in,” I had remarked to Lhatoo. He had come a long way but his journey would likely have taken him even further for he was only 38 years old. He had learned to write his own letters. His daughter is now 15 and it will devolve upon her to comfort her nine-year-old brother and mother. |
Canal network lets down Bhiwani villagers
THOUSAND of farmers across Bhiwani district have been rendered daily-wage earners and unconfirmed reports of suicides by farmers are doing the rounds in villages along the 63 irrigation minors in the district that have failed to provide water to the fields regularly, in some cases for years. The district has a total of 144 irrigation minors that had led to successful crops for years before 63 of these started failing, 25 to 30 of them chronically. Residents of Bamla, Halluwas, khark Kalan, Naurangabad, Ninyan and Amrawat villages told this correspondent the irrigation water supply did not reach their villages located at the tail-end. Around 700 acres of land of Lohani village has been destroyed by water-logging. Economic hardships are forcing children of farmers to take to crime, drug addiction etc. Tension in families is leading to suicides that often go unreported, says Ajit Singh of Bamla village. Ram Kumar of Lohani village, Mani Ram of Amrawat village, Sanjay Dhankar of Ninyan and Om Pal of Naurangabad agreed with Ajit Singh. They claimed that suicide cases in their villages had been on the rise, but refused to give the names of those forced to take the drastic step. DSP (Headquarters) Shiv Kumar, however, refutes this, saying there were no cases of suicide caused by drought. The number of heinous crimes has fallen from 1,570 last year to 1,283 till today. However, robbery cases have increased from six last year to 12 this year. Murders have gone up to 26 this year from 22 reported last year in the district. Farmers said suicide cases were not generally reported to the police to avoid inconvenience to the bereaved families. They said family life had been disturbed in the wake of loss of income. Irrigation Department employees unofficially admit that between 25 and 30 minors were chronic cases and the rest could be restored provided desilting, a higher intake of water, 24-hour power supply and funds were arranged. Ajit Singh of Bamla village even had to serve a legal notice to the district administration and the irrigation authorities to get water for his fields located on the tail-end of a minor. Samay Singh, Jogi Ram, Mukhtiar Singh and Ajit Singh said: “They had to pay ‘abiyana’ (irrigation water charges) and even the penalty, but not a drop of water had reached their fields.” They alleged that the ziledar had instructed the patwari to record that their fields were supplied by irrigation water. The farmers said this minor was built by the British 104 years ago when a drought hit the area. Now despite the presence of an irrigation mechanism, drought would always haunt them because of the failure of the minor. Sanjay Dhankar of the adjoining Ninyan village said he was forced to double up as a driver of a tractor and a road roller to support his family. A number of minors visited by this correspondent made it apparent that they had not been in use as they had been virtually closed by silt. A farmer of Lohani village, Ram Kumar, had a different story to tell. He said that 700 acres of land of his village had been destroyed by water release from a canal near the village land. The area has been water-logged since 1983, rendering hundred of farmers without any income. Ram Kumar claimed that there had recently been suicides by five young farmers, but refused to give their names saying it would land their families in a police net. The villagers said the suicides had not been reported to the police. He said the suicides were not directly linked to crop failure. They have not got any compensation except in 1995, villagers say. The problem of water-logging in the village is so acute that the government has acquired 80 acres permanently for the discharge of excess canal water. This water-logging escape has destroyed the fields. Ram Vilas of Loharu said lack of canal water had led to the ground water going alkaline, making cultivation difficult. The Loharu and Tosham areas of the district have seen borings for water exploitation going as deep as 650 feet at some places. Farmers wonder how there can be a shortage of water when the 16,000 cusecs of water taken from the Tajewala Headworks for years was supplied to their fields through a network of minors of the West Jamuna Canal (WJC) and the East Jamuna Canal (EJC) in all districts of the state except Ambala, parts of Hisar, Sirsa, Gurgaon and Narwana. Sirsa and a part of Hisar get water from the Bhakra. Farmers wanted an inquiry to find out if the WJC and the EJC were able to get water to their capacity which, they suspect, has been reduced due to heavy silting. They say their land and crops could have been saved by a rotational supply of water, which sweetens the groundwater. Even during the monsoon they had not got any canal water supply. Irrigation Department employees unofficially say unless there was an annual allocation of Rs 10 crore for the department in the district alone against the present Rs 3 crore, 25 year-old pumping machines were replaced, the water intake in the district canals was increased from the present 1,700 cusecs to around 2,000 cusecs and 24-hour power supply was ensured, the canal system would fall short of the needs of the people. |
Will consumer gain? IT may well turn out to be the case of big fish eating up small fish in the country’s telecom sector. With the slugfest continuing between the WLL and GSM cellular operators, a major phase of consolidation could well be the next big activity that one may witness in the industry. Interestingly, the principle of first entry advantage seems to have been violated here with the late entrants beginning to have a greater say in market dynamics. Technological developments sweep the industry at a feverish pace coupled with a possible entry of foreign giants as the FDI cap has been lifted. Whether it will be better for the consumer is another story. Because as one industry leader put it: “Enough safeguards need to be put in place to avoid the creation of monopolies”.
Dengue rumours
After Delhi BJP leaders declared senior Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad as having been afflicted with the dangerous dengue and rumours floating of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being affected, the party’s media managers lost no time in dubbing these speculation. A party functionary volunteered to tell the scribes that there was no truth in the reports about Priyanka’s sickness.
Prince Charles
The Prince of Wales and heir to the British crown is currently on a nine-day official visit to India. The last time Prince Charles had visited India was in 1992. A little known fact is that the Prince of Wales’ title, though ancient, carries no established or formal role. The Prince, by active involvement in his organisations, has created a new role through which to serve the nation. Prince Charles is the 21st holder of the Prince of Wales title in 700 years — but the role of the Prince has not been defined over the centuries. It has always been for each Prince of Wales to interpret his position as he wishes. Incidentally, not many know that Prince Charles is the first heir to the throne to go to school and the first to study for a university degree.
A house for Mr Bhatti
The Deputy High Commissioner in Pakistan’s High Commission had been working with a handicap for the past eight months ever since his posting in Delhi. But not any more. Munawwar Sayeed Bhatti has finally got a house and he will be shifting to his Vasant Vihar bungalow in a couple of days. Diplomats are known to throw lavish parties at their residence off and on. Bhatti had thus far been deprived of this facility as he had to function from a smaller accommodation. Why did it take so much time for Bhatti to get a house? Because all landlords who initially came forward to offer their property for rent ran away after they came to know that someone from Pakistan would be living in their house! Life is no easier for Indian diplomats in Pakistan. Contributed by Gaurav Chaudhary, Prashant Sood and Rajeev Sharma |
They who love God, love everybody. — Guru Nanak Our life is what our thoughts make it. — Marcus Aurelius If any man is thirsty, let him come to Me and drink. He who believes in Me, from his innermost being shall flow rivers of living water. — The Bible In tribulation, immediately draw near to God with confidence, and you will receive strength, enlightenment and instruction. — Saint John of The Cross Great men never make bad use of their superiority; they see it, and feel it, and are not less modest. The more they have, the more they know their own deficiencies. — Rousseau Everything
great is not always good, but all good things are great. — Demosthenes |
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