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Monday,
August 20, 2001, Chandigarh, India  
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One term,
no more Sabotaging
good intentions |
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Structural
infirmities in the economy Escalating
conflict in W. Asia & US obligation
Will
Sohan Singh learn English at 80?
Computer
games stunt teenagers’ brains
Want
some tea? Or biscuits? Grab phone
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One term, no more UNELECTED members of Vidhan Sabhas (and perhaps of even the Lok Sabha) can hold ministerial office for only one term of six months, the Supreme Court has ruled. The case arose over the appointment of Mr Tej Prakash Singh, son of Beant Singh, who was appointed as minister first by Mr Harcharan Singh Brar and later by Mrs Rajinder Kaur Bhattal. His second induction in the mid-nineties provoked a writ petition which has now culminated in the verdict of the apex court. Mr Tej Prakash Singh is now a footnote in the political history of Punjab but the judgement has mighty reverberations across the country. And most urgently and significantly in Tamil Nadu where an unelected member of the Assembly has been sworn in as Chief Minister. Ms Jayalalitha is also disqualified to contest an election since she has been sentenced to three years in prison in a case of conspiracy and misuse of power. Former Tamil Nadu Governor Fathima Beevi swore her in as Chief Minister by invoking the powers under Article 164 of the Constitution. Now the Supreme Court has limited the scope of this Article to just one term of six months. At the end of this period the minister quits if he fails to get elected. This judicial pronouncement has come when the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister is fighting a desperate battle to retain office. She has appealed against the special court’s conviction and the High Court has posted the case for August 27. There are two peculiar angles to the decision of Justice Balasubramanian who will hear the case. One, he has said that he would hear the case on a day-to-day basis for just six days and dictate his order on the last day in the court. Two, he gave just about two weeks for the High Court-appointed public prosecutor to study more than 2000 pages of evidence and arguments though the latter demanded six weeks time. Some lawyers have taken objection to this and have petitioned the Chief Justice to post the case before a two-Judge Division Bench. The ground has thus been prepared for a grand legal battle, the Chief Minister trying to secure a favourable verdict before November 13 when the six-month term ends and the critics trying to stall the process. She pins much hope on the retraction of the testimony by a government official who has taken the blame for the undervaluation of the land price on himself, thus freeing her of any blame. But the bigger threat lies in the three public interest litigations before the Supreme Court which will come up for hearing in the first week of next month. The latest verdict indicates the thinking of the highest court and it is bad news for Ms Jayalalitha. |
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Sabotaging good intentions PAKISTAN’S Foreign Office has thrown a spanner in the works by insidiously criticising Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee’s full account of the intent, purpose, course and consequence of the Agra summit. He has cleverly chosen a subterfuge: a reference to General Pervez Musharraf’s Independence Day speech, painting India in repressive colours. We note that Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee’s extensive speech in the Rajya Sabha, delivered on Thursday, was long overdue. What he said in the House was heard with undivided attention. Besides his improved body language and a pleasant reminder of the return of his wittiness and wise rhetorical flashes, a few new facts also became evident. In quicktakes, one can imbibe a series of delayed and cryptic statements by the Prime Minister after the Agra summit. He began by giving his impression of “the reading of the mind” of the Pakistani President. General Musharraf came to Agra with his “fauji” mindset and a task-oriented militarist approach, he commented. The General lacked a good grounding in history. His lack of experience and exposure to global diplomacy came in the way of the success of the Agra talks. He harped on the “core issue” of Kashmir. He became edgy when he was told that cross-border terrorism was the first thing to be talked about; the core or the kernel could be reached after piercing the skin and taking off the pulp. When his own party men asked Mr Vajpayee at their conclave whether peace talks were “ more compulsive than necessary”, he put the General in the dock and criticised him for stymieing fruitful interaction by refusing to discuss the core of the core — the Pakistan-sponsored proxy war and murderous onslaughts by Kashmiri soldiers and mercenaries from across the border. A Lok Sabha statement happened after repeated demands in which the same story was similarly told. Then came the big opportunity of the August 15 Red Fort speech in which the Musharraf “jehad” was condemned and a promise was made to crush terrorism. The Rajya Sabha speech should be viewed through a political angle which aims at aspects beyond personal poise, other body-language features and more than incidental references to Mr L.K. Advani’s inquisitiveness about the possible “gup-shup” at Agra and a reiterative exoneration of Mrs Sushma Swaraj for her comments at the initial stage of the talks. The speech is noteworthy also for the Prime Minister’s mention of the evolution of a structured framework for future talks and his happiness over the information that the Kashmir issue would not be raised “in SAARC or at any other international forum”. Pakistan’s Foreign Office reacted poste-haste and stated that it knew of no broad framework for talks; it had not even received a proposal from India “about a framework”. It went on embarrassingly by saying that it would not raise Kashmir in SAARC but would continue to articulate its “views on Kashmir in UN fora”! The nation cannot escape feeling hurt about the double-quick Pakistani disclaimer amounting to sabotage. In the light of the Agra experience, it is necessary to find out the basis of the Prime Minister’s apparent optimism and hopefulness although the raising of the Kashmir issue at any forum need not bring any discomfort to him. |
Structural infirmities in the economy THE Tenth Plan approach paper proposes an 8 per cent average GDP growth rate for the period 2002-7. This growth target for the Plan has generated a good deal of controversy about its attainability. The appraisal of such a growth target has to focus both on the question of attainability and sustainability. In the past nearly 50 years the country has managed to attain annual GDP growth of 8 per cent or more (at constant prices) only thrice! Even during the 1980s and the 1990s, when the growth rate markedly accelerated, an 8 per cent GDP increase was recorded only once. Thus attaining a growth rate of 8 per cent during the Tenth Plan and then sustaining it beyond the Plan period becomes suspect in the light of the past experience. In the first three decades of planning, the country could barely muster an average GDP growth rate of 3.5 per cent (derisively called the Hindu growth rate). In the 1981-91 decade it averaged 5.4 per cent, to be followed by an average of 6.3 per cent since 1992. The data do give the impression that due to this acceleration over successive periods the country may now be poised for an even higher rate of economic growth. However, the fact of the matter is that even in the 1990s, when new growth impulses were released in the wake of liberalisation and globalisation, the country seemed to have again got stuck in a new average equilibrium growth rate of just around 6 per cent. This was being labelled by perceptive analysts as a neo-Hindu growth rate, more out of frustration than derision — frustration with the lack of vital new initiatives by our policy makers. It is clear that unless (i) some obvious drawbacks of our current economic scenario are rectified and (ii) several policy-induced growth stimuli are generated, it will not be possible to break the stranglehold of the forces holding the economy to the new equilibrium growth rate of around 6 per cent. Obviously, if the long-term growth curve is to witness a discontinuity in the form of a sudden upward push, some measures strikingly benevolent for the growth process will have to be taken. A GDP growth rate of 8-10 per cent is of course eminently desirable for the country for rapid accumulation of national wealth and a consequent rise in prosperity, for really being counted among the comity of nations as a fast emerging market and thus an attractive investment haven and, finally, for poverty alleviation and generation of ample employment opportunities. Traditionally, economists have derived the economic growth rate from the ratio of the aggregate savings rate to the incremental capital-output ratio (ICOR), the latter being a measure of productivity of capital. The savings rate currently being around 22 per cent (to which may be added 1 per cent as FDI or foreign savings) and the estimated value of ICOR being about 4, the resultant GDP growth rate works out roughly to 5.75 per cent. This gap between the currently realised growth rate and that proposed for the Tenth Plan would require the savings rate and the productivity of capital (the reciprocal of ICOR) to be substantially raised. Raising the savings rate to the required about 32 per cent of the GDP (including foreign savings) would need a Herculean effort. In fact, the current savings rate of 22 per cent has attained a kind of equilibrium value since the late 1980s. Ironically, the current private savings rate in India is more or less comparable to that achieved by the high performing East Asian economies. The villain of the piece has been the public sector saving component, which, having consistently risen till the early 1980s has now turned negative. The fiscal deficit of the entire public sector, representing financial profligacy in its various dimensions, has been responsible for current revenues being insufficient even for day-to-day expenditure of the government, much less contributing to national savings, capital formation and thus economic growth. The governments at the Centre and in the states are hardly expected to set their house in order because it will require making sacrifices by the ruling class and its vote banks which they have so far stubbornly refused to make. Then, there are some well-known inefficiencies in the system which make the attainment of an 8 per cent GDP growth rate doubtful. Some of these are: (i) an inefficient infrastructure comprising such important sectors as transportation, communications, banking, power, etc, which are saddled with numerous problems impinging both on their quality and cost; (2) an unsustainable high fiscal deficit, which, apart from making a negative contribution to national savings, makes it difficult to bring down the real rate of interest and thus discourages private sector investments; (3) a very slow rate of human capital formation and its numerous inequities — a failure on our part precluding the replication of the East Asian economic miracle in this country; (4) growing regional disparities, with some states hardly making any contribution to the national economic growth; (5) the existence of a huge unorganised or informal segment of the economy (accounting perhaps for as much as four-fifths of the total employment) which has benefited very little from innovations, technological development, the growth of demand from a consumerism market, or even public expenditure; and so on and so forth. This list of constraints on economic growth is quite formidable. One wonders how, without removing these structural infirmities in the economy in the first place, the country can achieve an 8 per cent GDP growth rate — a no mean achievement by international standards or on the basis of historical experience. The writer is a former Professor and Head, Department of Economics, HP University, Shimla. |
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Escalating
conflict in W. Asia & US obligation NOW, more than ever before, the USA must lead the world community in ignoring Israel’s fierce opposition and implementing the Group of Eight’s proposal for United Nations observers in the strife-torn West Bank and Gaza Strip, and also, if need be, the Golan Heights. Beyond that, it must be stressed that the first two territories belong to Jordan and Egypt, and the Golan Heights to Syria. Israel’s continued occupation flies in the face of international law and every canon of an orderly global community. Since New Delhi boasts of its diplomatic leverage in West Asia, it should point out to the Israeli Prime Minister, Mr Ariel Sharon, that continued occupation of chunks of neighbouring countries is a gross and intolerable violation of the discipline without which there can be no meaningful system of diplomacy. It is as if the Indian Army had still remained entrenched in Bangladesh, pleading India’s security needs in the northeast. The only possible exception is the Golan Heights, which are of little demographic or economic value to Syria but are of strategic interest to Israel. West Asia’s escalating conflict has created the impression that long-suffering Jewry, having endured centuries of wandering, persecution and murderous pogroms, is again fighting for survival against Hezbollah terrorism. That is not so. Of course, Israel’s security must be internationally guaranteed, with an explicit Arab commitment to respect its borders. Egypt, Jordan and the Palestine Authority have already done so, and Syria, the only other Arab nation that matters, has all but agreed to start peace talks. But their commitment can be only to the borders that Israel enjoyed before 1967, whereas Israel is embattled and besieged today only because it is determined to retain the fruits of conquest in the 1967 war. There would be little cause for stonings and suicide bombers by the Palestinians if President George W. Bush were to back faithful allies like King Abdullah of Jordan and Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak in demanding the restoration of the lands they lost to Israel 34 years ago. It would then be up to them to decide whether or not to hand over the West Bank and Gaza Strip to Mr Yasser Arafat and the Palestinians. The point is that in spite of subsequent claims by Mr Ehud Barak, the former Israeli Prime Minister, who met Mr Arafat under the aegis of former President Bill Clinton, the peace process that the Norwegians initiated did not promise an independent homeland for dispossessed Palestinians. The even more unsatisfactory Mitchell formula by which the Americans swear spoke only of a cooling-off period and confidence-building measures to enable a return to the negotiating table. Even Mr Shimon Peres, regarded as the most liberal of Israeli leaders, did not refer to more than an ambiguous “Palestinian entity”. All his idyllic plans for exploiting water resources to make the desert bloom, building roads and ports, expanding trade and setting up industries implied that Israel would forever remain economic master of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Israeli politicians and political theorists have never wavered from the contention that the old Palestine could accommodate only two sovereign states — Israel and Jordan — and that there is no room for a third. Jordan tacitly accepted this territorial thesis when the late King Hussein relinquished his claim to the West Bank. He was probably relieved to get rid of a Palestinian-majority area whose inhabitants had little affection for the Hashemite throne. He may also have hoped to earn Palestinian goodwill with a gesture that looked like contributing to their sovereignty dream. In reality, he, like Egypt’s assassinated President, Anwar Sadat, who first broke ranks with the Arab world at the Camp David talks and similarly surrendered the Gaza Strip, played into Israel’s hands. Mr Arafat and his Palestinians became Israel’s plaything, to do with as Israelis liked. It should not be difficult now for the USA to insist on extending the mandate of the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), which has been operational since 1978, to cover territories under Israel’s military occupation. Of course, the Israelis will scream that last year’s kidnapping in southern Lebanon of three of their soldiers confirmed misgivings about UNIFIL’s objectivity and efficiency, especially of its Indian peacekeeping component. But Israel would have objected vehemently in any case. If the UN can hold the peace in other parts of the world, there is no reason why the USA should allow Israel to be a law unto itself. This is the crux of the problem. Jewish settlements, Jerusalem’s status, Palestinian employment passes, Hezbollah violence, Mr Arafat’s posturings, and even Palestinian rights come afterwards, like all other challenges and controversies. But it is essential for a civilised world order that no nation should be allowed not only to enjoy the fruits of conquest but also to consolidate them through more and more illegal townships. There is little point in criticising Israel’s new policy of target assassinations or seizure of the Palestinian headquarters in Jerusalem if Washington will not say anything about vacating the occupied territories and dismantling settlements that fuel Arab fears of Eretz Yisrael, the Biblical Greater Israel, as an expansionist state extending from the Nile to the Euphrates. American policy labours under severe constraints. The permanent problem, as confirmed by differences between the State Department’s Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs and the White House’s political advisers, is that no administration dares ignore the wealthy Jewish lobby’s voice and wishes. Annual remittances to Israel and American financial and technological assistance in Israel’s armaments programme are formidable enough. But what really accounts for the helplessness of the US National Security Adviser, Miss Condoleeza Rice, is the indebtedness of all American public incumbents, from school board members to the president, to Zionist contributors to election funds. That obligation is not offset by Mr Bush’s hope of enlisting moderate Arabs on his side, as his father did during the Gulf War, in his plans for a military confrontation with President Saddam Hussain, whose jets had the effrontery last month to fire at an American U-2 spy plane over southern Iraq. Reportedly, even the influential Saudi ambassador, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, who was such a tower of strength for the Americans in 1991, refuses to oblige this time. The stalemate at one level and bloodshed at another will continue until the USA can summon up the courage to take a twofold step. First, it must accept that not sending independent international observers, supported if necessary by UN peacekeeping troops, is tantamount to recognising the occupied territories as a part of Israel, and the freedom struggle there as a domestic law and order problem. Second, Washington must make clear to all concerned that while Israel must be secure within its pre-1967 borders, it has no business to have any presence, military, administrative or political, outside them. In doing so, Mr Bush would provide the moral justification for his country’s military pre-eminence. The world looks to its only superpower for leadership. |
Will Sohan Singh learn English at 80? AT close to 80, and after almost 40 years in Britain, Sohan Singh Sidhu finds he could be in the middle of a human rights battle — concerning his human right not to speak English. A British Home Office minister has proposed that migrants to Britain should be made to learn English — which puts thousands like Sohan Singh, who have never bothered to do so, in trouble. First generation migrants from Punjab and Gujarat have spent most of their lives in England without bothering to learn English. The British government and local councils have had to provide services to them in their language. Sohan Singh can find instructions in Punjabi in all local offices. Interpreters are provided in courts, hospitals and anywhere else where he might have anything to say. But the minister, Lord Rooker, has now made the controversial suggestion that it cannot go on like this forever and migrants must learn to speak English. The proposal by Rooker, Minister in the Home Office, came at the end of an interview given to the dotcom company ePolitix. He backed a demand by MP Ann Cryer last month that people becoming British citizens should learn English.
IANS
Britons “abuse” e-mail at work A study by a British marketing company has revealed that Britons “abuse” e-mail services at work. According to the survey of some 500 workers by edesigns.co.uk, companies run the risk of losing hours of work time because of misuse of e-mail. “Flirting in the office” is the biggest waste of working time by men, followed by gossiping about colleagues online. Meanwhile, among women, the biggest e-mail abuse was “planning social life with friends”, followed by contacting siblings and gossiping about other staff. Other misuses of e-mail included forwarding jokes to colleagues and seeking new employment. Louis Halpern, co-founder of eMMa, an e-mail marketing association, suggests that managers should adopt a definite e-mail policy defining acceptable parameters for e-mail usage.
ANI
Not trained but creatively inspired Art, they say, cannot be taught and artists are born, not made. The description aptly fits Parshottam Singh. Though without any formal qualification, he has produced paintings that reflect a brilliant individualistic expression. Parshottam Singh is not the only member of the family inclined towards painting. The entire family is involved in the exercise, each with a distinct technical and thematic style, each depicting a different facet of human perception. What was started by Parshottam as a spiritual vocation has now been taken up by his children as a profession. The hereditary talent could not be denied. The results leave connoisseurs spellbound. Seldom does one see a painting of Guru Nanak Dev holding a
rabab, a musical instrument. It’s an aspect of Parshottam Singh’s imagination.
ANI
Children turn to Srinagar orphanages There are thousands of children at orphanages in Srinagar. They huddle together to forget a traumatic past and take up studies to build up a secure future. The authorities in Jammu and Kashmir have opened 21 orphanages to shelter these children who have lost their parents during the decade-old violence in the valley. Many of them do not even remember where they have come from and who their parents were. Kulsum is one such student, now being taken care of by one of the state-run orphanages. “I was very small when I came here and I don’t remember my parents. My mother is dead and my father is missing. My grandparents brought me here,” she said.
ANI |
Computer games stunt teenagers’ brains COMPUTER
games are creating a dumbed-down generation of children far more disposed to violence than their parents, according to a controversial new study. The tendency to lose control is not due to children absorbing the aggression involved in the computer game itself, as previous researchers have suggested, but rather to the damage done by stunting the developing mind. Using the most sophisticated technology available, the level of brain activity was measured in hundreds of teenagers playing a Nintendo game and compared to the brain scans of other students doing a simple, repetitive arithmetical exercise. To the surprise of brain-mapping expert Professor Ryuta Kawashima and his team at Tohoku University in Japan, it was found that the computer game only stimulated activity in the parts of the brain associated with vision and movement. In contrast, arithmetic stimulated brain activity in both the left and right hemispheres of the frontal lobe - the area of the brain most associated with learning, memory and emotion. Most worrying of all was that the frontal lobe, which continues to develop in humans until the age of about 20, also has an important role to play in keeping an individual’s behaviour in check. Whenever you use self-control to refrain from lashing out or doing something you should not, the frontal lobe is hard at work. Children often do things they shouldn’t because their frontal lobes are underdeveloped. The more work done to thicken the fibres connecting the neurons in this part of the brain, the better the child’s ability will be to control their behaviour. The more this area is stimulated, the more these fibres will thicken. The students who played computer games were halting the process of brain development and affecting their ability to control potentially anti-social elements of their behaviour. ‘The importance of this discovery cannot be underestimated,’ Kawashima told The Observer. ‘There is a problem we will have with a new generation of children - who play computer games - that we have never seen before. ‘The implications are very serious for an increasingly violent society and these students will be doing more and more bad things if they are playing games and not doing other things like reading aloud or learning arithmetic.’ Kawashima, in need of funding for his research, originally decided to investigate the levels of brain activity in children playing video games expecting to find that his research would be a boon to manufacturers. He expected it to reassure parents that there are hidden benefits to the increasing number of hours their children were devoting to computer games and was startled by what he discovered. He compared brain activity in children playing Nintendo games with those doing an exercise called the Kraepelin test, which involves adding single-digit numbers continuously for 30 minutes. The students were given minute doses of a radioactive pharmaceutical through an intravenous drip which allowed a computer to map a complex picture of their brains at work. A subsequent study was conducted using magnetic resonance images. Both studies confirmed the high level of brain activity involved in carrying out simple addition and subtraction and that this activity was particularly pronounced in the frontal lobe, in both the left and right hemispheres. Though it is often thought that only the left hemisphere is active for mathematical work and that the right hemisphere is stimulated by more creative thinking, the professor found that arithmetic produced a high level of activity in both hemispheres. In subsequent studies, Kawashima established that arithmetic exercises also stimulate more brain activity than listening to music or listening to reading. Reading out loud was also found to be a very effective activity for activating the frontal lobe. Kawashima, visiting the UK to speak at this weekend’s annual conference of the private learning programme Kumon Educational UK, said the message to parents was clear. ‘Children need to be encouraged to learn basic reading and writing, of course,’ he said. `But the other thing is to ask them to play outside with other children and interact and to communicate with others as much as possible. This is how they will develop, retain their creativity and become good people.’ By arrangement with The Observer, London |
Want some tea? Or biscuits? Grab phone FOR Mumbai resident Rakesh Sharma, domestic life threatens to grind to a halt every time the telephone stops working. It’s much the same for Delhi homemaker Shalini Beri. For the telephone spells “home delivery” — a delightful tinkle without which quite a few urban Indians like Sharma and Beri would find their daily lives in disarray. Sharma says, “I order cigarettes on the phone from a shack close by, fresh greens from my neighbourhood grocery. Another supplies my liquor and I pay by cheque.” Gone are the days when “home delivery” meant just a pizza or a Chinese takeaway. Today the delivery boy on his bicycle, or two-wheeler, will deliver just about everything — from rat poison to a bottle of rum — at your doorstep. The delivery miracle is a part of the communication revolution that has swept urban India in the past decade, with telephones cropping up in every other home and shop. Once he had access to a telephone, the corner shop owner discovered he could increase turnover merely by hiring a young boy to run up and deliver at the doors of the flats of the residential complexes nearby. Mr R.C. Agarwal, who runs a tiny provisions shop in the newly developed DLF City, a Delhi suburb, says his was one of the first shops in the neighbourhood to acquire a telephone. His customer catchment area increased from the residences within walking distance of his shop to a much wider belt. “Customers, who earlier had to drive down to the shop now just have to call,” he said. Journalist Chitra Padmanabhan claims life has been so much easier since the day she could pick up the telephone and order the sugar and tea leaves and simply wait for the doorbell to ring. Just about five years ago, Padmanabhan had to trek down and then back up four flights of stairs to her flat in Delhi’s Vasant Kunj each time she ran out of provisions. Now the rice and breakfast cereal, the bathroom cleaner, as well as the snacks and soft drinks for the impromptu parties, are just a call away. “It doesn’t matter if you forget something, they just send someone again. It’s wonderful for disorganised folk!” Harinder Baweja, who works for a New Delhi-based publishing firm, practically walks round her kitchen with the cordless telephone. When she does not feel like cooking, she just orders a complete meal. The delivery network in the food business has grown rapidly. Several enterprising men and women run kitchens in their houses and do “only home deliveries.” In most metros there are services — with names like Meals on Wheels or Waiters on Wheels (WOW) — which distribute booklets with entire menus of the restaurants they have arrangements with. Delhi-based WOW will take your order, place it with the restaurant of your choice, and deliver a steaming meal at your doorstep. Free of charge. The restaurants pay for the service. It is not that this rapidly growing delivery system does not have its downsides. As Beri says, your child may be running a fever and the chemists may take half a day to deliver. And when the telephone’s not working, things might just collapse if shops are not that easy-walk distance. But Sharma has found a way round this. He uses what he calls “the urban bush network... the ‘istriwala’ (the guy with the coal-filled antique iron who irons your clothes and is one of the pioneers of the home-delivery system), the ‘bai’ (charwoman) or the driver act as messengers.” But then, it is still a revolution of sorts. While in the best cities of the West they still struggle home at the end of a workday via the supermarket, in India all one needs to do is put up one’s feet... and call. Then wait till they deliver at the doorstep.
IANS |
Success Never think of success. Success is a natural byproduct. If you work sincerely upon yourself, success will follow you just as your shadow follows you. Success has not to be the goal.... *** And remember if you think too much of success you will constantly be thinking of failure too. They come together, they come in one package. —Osho, The Secret of Secrets, Vol. I *** Speech is of time, silence is of eternity. —
Thomas Carlyle, Sartor Resartus *** Better say nothing than nothing to the purpose. —An English proverb |
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