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Friday,
August 17, 2001, Chandigarh, India  
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This
slowdown is real Signals
from Jerusalem |
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Hari Jaisingh
The
General’s farmhouse
How to
deal with the media
Indonesia:
which way will it go?
Badal
rating : not by “surveys” alone
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This slowdown is real FOR the second time in two weeks Prime Minister Vajpayee has characterised the economic slowdown as “a temporary phenomenon”. On August 3 he conveyed this rosy picture to a select gathering and the second time was his I-Day address. He obviously wants to talk the economy up, revive the fading feel good factor and set the economy on a growth graph. The nation will fervently hope that he succeeds but unfortunately the fundamentals are all wrong. Take the assessment of first the Standard and Poor’s, a credit rating agency, and now the IMF. Both have pointed out that economic reforms are stalled, fiscal deficit is soaring, public investment even on infrastructure is non-existent and public debt is mounting steadily. What this really means is that the BJP-led alliance government is clueless about drawing the big picture of the economy. These are some official statistics. Industrial production has grown by less than 2 per cent in the first half of this year compared to the same period last year. This is supported by two other statistics. There has been a sharp drop in imports of those goods and equipment the industry needs. And consequently there is a sharp decline in customs duty collection. And, two, many factories are laying off workers, exacerbating the overall unemployment position. Mr Vajpayee built his optimistic picture on four favourable factors – a comfortable foreign exchange position, a good monsoon and more than adequate foodgrains stock and low inflation rate. These do not provide solid support. Nearly 70 per cent of the foreign exchange reserve is accounted for by repatriable deposits by non-resident Indians (NRIs) and the investment in Resurgent India Bonds and India Millennium Deposits. At the first sign of trouble the NRIs will flee with their deposits as they did in 1991 and the other two have to be redeemed at their maturity. Foreign investment in the stock market is meagre, unpredictable and unhealthy in its influence on price movement. Foreign direct investment in industries is puny and does not add muscle to foreign exchange reserve. A good kharif prospect is a nightmare for the Ministries of Food and Finance. It spells more trouble both in terms of subsidy and political fallout. The inflation rate has broadly remained at less than 5 per cent but it is because of several negative factors. Demand for essential commodities is stagnant or dipping as is the case with foodgrains. Free imports (at the cost of local industries) have kept the prices low. Household durable goods have no high demand since this market is saturated. India’s slowdown is different from the global trend and it makes correctives difficult to sculpt. |
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Signals from Jerusalem THERE
are ominous clouds over the West Asian horizon. The unending Palestinian Intifada and the Israeli retaliatory measures have brought the situation to a flashpoint. Since the USA seems to have confined its role to issuing statements by junior officials like Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David Satterfield, currently in the troubled area, there is no hope of revival of the 1993 Oslo peace process. The historic compromise formula agreed upon between Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and the late Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in the Norwegian capital could not bring about the desired results because the extremists on both sides succeeded in sabotaging the efforts. The failure of last year's Camp David talks when Mr Yehud Barak was at the helm of affairs in Israel caused a fierce Palestinian uprising and waves of suicide attacks beginning in September, and this seriously damaged the fabric of understanding woven all these years. Then came a feeble attempt at creating an atmosphere for talks through a ceasefire arrangement between the two sides, but in the meantime Israeli troops captured Arab East Jerusalem's Orient House and other buildings known for Palestinian political activity. The action followed last Thursday's suicide bombing in Jewish West Jerusalem resulting in the death of 15 persons. The hawks in the Israeli government, including Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, say that there is no question of returning Orient House to the Palestinians, who feel humiliated and upset. The Arab world is watching the serious goings-on with amazement. The world community has, perhaps, become insensitive to the unabated bloodletting in the area because it can do little in the absence of serious American efforts to bring the warring parties to the path of sanity. This is a very pathetic scenario. The international community should realise its collective responsibility to bring pressure on the George Bush administration to move fast in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to save the strategically significant region from being set on fire. There is a silver lining on the horizon. The number two in Israel's coalition ministry, Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, is against the permanent occupation of Orient House by his country, and is pressing for immediate talks for a ceasefire agreement. He also wants to use the opportunity, if it comes his way, to prepare a ground for bringing the Oslo peace process back to life. There are certain others also in the Israeli power structure who share Mr Peres's viewpoint. But they are unable to convince Mr Ariel Sharon and other hardliners to see merit in their line of thinking because of the US reluctance to play its historic role decisively. Mr Sharon wants Mr Arafat to ensure an end to acts of violence by Palestinians before any negotiation can begin. But the tragedy is that Mr Arafat has no control over the Hamas, the Hizbollah and other militant outfits behind the killings of innocent Israelis. He is losing appeal even among ordinary Palestinians owing to Israeli target attacks. Can one think of a more tricky situation? |
Defining political will IN my last column I stated that the Vajpayee government lacked political will to tackle terrorism and other pressing socio-economic problems. I also made it clear that mere rhetoric and brave words could not take us anywhere in crushing terrorist sponsored by Islamabad. Nor can soft-options and a goody-goody approach to burning issues help us in meeting the challenges posed by militants and fundamentalists in the valley and beyond. A number of friends and critics later asked me point blank: "How do we generate political will? What sorts of policies, strategies and action plans will have to be evolved to make things work?" They asked me for specific answers instead of indulging in generalised counter-rhetoric. I appreciate their sentiments and anxieties about non-performance in the face of mounting problems. This shows the increasing feeling of disgust at the impotence of the official machinery in tackling the menace of terrorism that has been with us in a highly explosive form for the past 12 years or so. Why and how we have failed has been discussed extensively. The problem has now got further complicated because of the lack of right response or inept handling of the situation, or both. Failures are manifold and wideranging. Perhaps a few right initiatives on right occasions taken in a sustained manner could have made a difference. But the one essential ingredient that makes or unmakes a problem is the quality of political will. This is not an abstract concept, though it cannot be quantified. Conceptually, I would say that political will is the ability to clearly understand a problem, work out a solution and accordingly mobilise proper support system and enforce action with an iron will. An experienced leader like Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee is capable of generating the requisite political will provided he does not allow himself to go adrift under pressures and counter-pressures. The right type of vision, clarity in goals and targets, operational efficiency and coordinated and integrated thinking and action can help in this regard. Political will, of course, cannot be injected in the leadership like blood transfusion. It is either there in the leadership or is not there. The question that was specifically put to me was: how do we generate political will? I don't have ready theories. I can only make certain formulations which go into the making of political will and provide the tooth to bite. The first essential ingredient of political will is proper understanding of the problem objectively and in a historical perspective. History is a mirror of past successes and failures. It tells us how and why we have failed. It also throws up a clear picture of how, over a period of time, the geo-political and demographic profile of Kashmir has got changed. Most of our leaders do not care to dwell into the past with a view to understanding today and formulating the right response for tomorrow. They feed themselves on certain half-baked facts and illusions based on personal or party interests or outdated ideologically-oriented concepts. Besides, they invariably look at national problems through the prism of caste, creed, community and religion. Small wonder that the passionate belief of several citizens in "India first and India last" suffers in the bargain. History of Kashmir tells us a number of unpleasant things. It also provides a clear picture of how the demographic profile of the valley and beyond has been changing over the past few centuries. But, true to our weak national character, we tend to paper over the ground realities. Reality does not disappear simply because we do not wish to see it. We have to face facts and accordingly find correct answers. Distorted facts will only throw up wrong answers. This is one big tragedy in Kashmir. Certain developments, however, cannot be made to order. They are part of the evolution process. All the same, certain events can be controlled or given a definite direction if we are sure of our heritage and how we want to build the future that should ensure peace, harmony and allround growth for the people for all times to come. The weakening of political will in the case of the present government has been the result of the mistakes and blunders of the past contributed by the persons who have been at the helm of national and Kashmir affairs from time to time. The turning point in the subcontinent was, as we know, Partition. Who is to blame for the bloodshed and communal strife before and after Partition is a separate issue, beyond the scope of the present article. It must, however, be said that despite his good qualities as leader with high idealism and a human touch, Jawaharlal Nehru could not give the desired direction to the events which were unleashed in the wake of Partition. He could apparently never visualise that the Chinese were capable of stabbing him in the back if their interests so demand. How the Panchsheel concept got buried in the 1962 India-China conflict is an open secret. Nehru did a number of things in good faith and on principles. But probably he did not fully grasp the fact that in the promotion of national interests mere good intentions and lofty ideal cannot take us very far. After the Chinese aggression, Nehru was a crushed person. He could never recover from the shock. As for the Indian response to the Pakistani invaders in Kashmir in 1947-48, it is difficult to understand why the ceasefire was ordered, especially when the Indian army was capable of throwing out the aggressors and regaining the lost territory — Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Theoretically, there would have been no Kashmir problem today, had Indian leaders shown the requisite political resolve to take things to the logical conclusion. But something failed somewhere. Perhaps this was the lack of political will and the inability to see tomorrow in today's and historical perspective. It is necessary to see the nation's interests keeping the future framework in view. This is what statesmanship is all about. The trouble with Indian leaders is that they talk too much. They work for short-term gains with the result that long-term interests of the country get lost. They evolve everything in terms of vote-bank politics. And this vote-bank politics goes hand in glove with note-bank politics. This vicious circle goes on. The soft options actually emanate from the known weaknesses of our leaders to see everything on personal and sectarian considerations. National interests, in the process, become incidental. Take the case of Mr Vajpayee. He is a statesman in the true sense of the term. What he lacks is the mustering of courage to set the pace for events because he wants to survive politically first. In fact, survival has become the biggest concern of most politicians. Survival for what and for whom? Prime Ministers come and go. National interests cannot be and must not be made dependent on the survival of politicians. Unfortunately, this is what has been happening. Take the case of Mr L.K. Advani, who views himself as the Sardar Patel of today's India. He has a reputation of being a hawk and enjoys the support of hardliners in the Sangh Parivar. But, in the process, this advantage has also become a big handicap for him. For, he evokes distrust from the BJP's allies and sections of society. A national leader must have a fund of goodwill as Mr Vajpayee has. He is also supposed to have the ability to carry all sections of society with him. That is the biggest strength of the Prime Minister. But he has never been able to turn this asset to his advantage. A leader has to know how to assert himself for the right cause, at the right occasion and for the right purpose. If he allows the drift to continue, he will get exposed as a person who lacks the requisite political will to guide the nation's destiny. Leadership is not made in heaven. It has to be nurtured with clear goals and objectives. It has also to rise above personal family, party, sectarian and communal considerations and force his colleagues to do likewise if they wish to remain in power. He should have the ability to turn undesirable in-laws into out-laws. But in most cases, the problem arises when power becomes a money-making device and not a passionate mission to guide and take the nation to the highway of progress and prosperity today and for the generations to come. My agenda is simple and straight: turn India into a land of opportunities and tackle the problems squarely and with firm determination. This is what political will is all about. Indeed, problems can be tackled with a freshness of approach, bold initiatives, an integrated policy thrust and honest pragmatic programming that should be free from mafiaised politico-bureaucratic tangles and angles. Even today's dreaded terrorism can be crushed decisively if we act clearly and firmly. The nation cannot be built on soft options. For sure success, we have to outlive our old image as a soft state. Is this a tall order? Certainly not. Ask millions of Indians here and abroad and they will say in chorus: "Yes, Mr Prime Minister." |
The General’s
farmhouse ROUGH sketch in hand, we navigated to the outskirts of Chandigarh looking for a particular farmhouse. My former boss, a Major General, retired recently and chose to settle in a village adjoining the airport. Organised by him was a prayer, and he had called us over for the bhog and Guru ka langar. Over the phone, in true military style, he gave out relevant directions, distances and landmarks. So navigating, we peeled out of the town’s periphery and sped into the green belt with the fresh air hitting our faces while the pot-holed track hit my Maruti Omni from underneath. Cars of all makes lined the village road outside the house and I parked close to the hedgerow some distance from the house. At least a hundred people — serving and retired army people, village folks, women old and young, frolicking children, businessmen and senior executives — were present. The serenity of the occasion matched the calmness that pervaded the scene. Outside in the verandah or on the huge lawns sat the crowd. Non-Sikhs with their heads covered, as did the ladies. There was no sign of the prayer part in this congregation. Were we late? No sir. Ushered inside, we found two rooms full with the Granthi reciting the Guru Granth Sahib. I fumbled for some change in my purse, paid my obeisance and came out to join the rest. A quiet lunch followed the bhog, during which the hostess took care to introduce every one with a personal touch. My wife thus was the “bride who came to our house in Pune immediately after marriage”. Just as we wished the General and his wife had walked out towards the road we learnt that some of the cars parked on the roadside were obstructing a bus. I rushed to see if my Omni was one of the offenders. It was, but not to worry. Someone had organised clearing of the road without any fuss by silently calling the persons concerned to move their cars a bit. And since my car was only an Omni they thought it fit to bodily lift the thing and move it closer to the hedgerow to let the bus move on. What’s the after taste of this morning’s experience? A simple communion with god. No showmanship, no brouhaha and no fuss. No loudspeakers to propagate your religious inclinations to the world. That’s not the end of my memory of this visit to the General’s farmhouse for a spiritual outing. It keeps coming back. And it returned yet again the other day. It was a jagrata — when people keep awake the whole night singing devotional songs. Some do it the simple way devoid of any showmanship. Most put up shamianas and install loudspeakers. This house down the lane may have had not more than 15 people gathered for the night session. But blaring loudspeakers kept the entire neighbourhood awake till sunrise. This included the old requiring rest and school children with CBSE board exams on their heads. How does one tackle this social menace? Faced with this problem at Chandigarh many years back I rang up the flying squad which promptly put an end to this high-pitched “devotion” at midnight. Now, I just turned in my sleep, and the whole of next day nursed what resembled a jet lag. A writing assignment that I had kept for the day landed square on Sachin Tendulkar’s bat. That’s what makes us remember the farmhouse spiritual treat laid out by the General. There’s no better way to keep your peace with god and your neighbours too. |
How to deal with the media
1. Make sure you are up to it first. Like writing or public speaking, dealing with journalists is more difficult than it looks. If you are a grumpy communicator, you will not make yourself more friends by going public. If you are a hothead, you can have a disastrous effect on sales within minutes. 2. Find out what the journalist wants from you beforehand and prepare. Think about all the nasty or difficult questions they could ask you and work out replies. 3. Most interviewees are either an expert on a general theme or an individual who is important in relation to his or her own particular circumstances. Experts need to be pithy and interesting if they want to be asked back. Hewett advises against pithy and interesting if they want to be asked back. Hewett advises against the classic bore’s answer: “Now there are four points I wish to make to this question.
"Pack your comments into short stimulating sentences, anecdotes and metaphors. Both experts and individuals need to have sophisticated ways round questions they do not know the answer to. Try to think of something better than the politicians’ phrase to buy time “Well, I am glad you asked me that...” 4. Never give out information you are unsure of or, worse still, untruths. Experts will get a very poor reputation if they give duff interpretations. 5. Take positive feedback. Some of the best TV and radio performers started off as very rough operators. But there are a host of techniques you can use to get better: responding graciously to insults; isolating the essence of the subjects under discussion; cutting out superfluous words; and making people laugh. 6. Build up relationships with journalists you like if you want to be invited back. Not only will most of them find it harder to shaft you if you get into trouble (a useful trick for politicians), but they will also put more emphasis on your view of life. The best spin doctors are not those who are described as such, but those who are more subtle in getting their interpretation of events put over by the
media. The Observer
Class strips off pounds, inhibitions
About 15 minutes into class, the instructor shrieks: “Are you still wearing clothes? Ladies, take off those shirts!” Jeffrey Costa pumps his hips with gusto and watches the class bump and grind in the mirror. The ladies hesitate and steal furtive glances at their classmates. One T-shirt drops to the floor. A few others follow. The wooden floor reverberates to the booming bass line of Destiny’s Child’s “Independent Woman” and Costa shouts encouragement to the group of about 20, punctuated by sharp sighs reminiscent of Michael Jackson in mid-moonwalk. The routine is a weekly ritual for 31-year-old Costa, who cooks up a different programme each week for the class in “Cardio Striptease,” billed by fitness temple Crunch as a way to shed both pounds and inhibitions. Strip aerobics, which debuted in mid-June, marks the New York-based chain’s attempt to attract beautiful people and wannabes bored by run-of-the mill aerobics. “I want you to fall in love with yourself,” Costa tells his class. Several students shoot sexy gazes and seductive smiles at their reflections. Others maintain looks of fierce concentration, particularly during the raunchiest bits. Though the name might suggest otherwise, “Cardio Striptease” won’t end with everyone bouncing around naked. Most choose to stop at their sports bras and exercise shorts. No one should feel obliged to take their clothes off or even wear anything particularly revealing, Blayne says. Sometimes it’s the quiet ones who turn out to be the wildest. Blayne says she’s often surprised that folks who appear a bit conservative and inhibited at first sight pull out all the stops once the music starts. And some women who didn’t dress up at all for class later confided they felt so inspired that they went home, put on some high-heeled shoes and a bra and danced in front of the mirror.
Reuters
It looks like a tiny brown turnip, has a strong smell and what some consider a disgusting taste, but Peru’s “miracle” maca can boost your sex drive by up to 200 per cent, according to a study. The powerful plant, cultivated for more than two millennia in the harsh high Andes at altitudes of more than 13,200 feet (4,000 m), is the basis of a nutritional supplement often dubbed “Peruvian ginseng” which, the study found, can also cut stress, boost energy and well-being and increase fertility. A relative of turnips, mustard and cabbage, maca — lepidium meyenii or lepidium peruvianum in Latin — is rich in phosphorus, calcium, protein, iron, natural fiber and mineral salts. Maca produces an increase in sex drive within two weeks. Meanwhile, lackluster lovers should not rush to throw away their Viagra. Maca may boost desire but does not share the wonder drug’s erection-enhancing properties.
Reuters |
Indonesia: which way will it go? A
woman has come to power in Indonesia! This is a major event for Islam, for Asia and for the world. Indonesia is the fourth largest country in the world and the most populous Muslim nation. Which way will it go is of interest to all of us. Will it go the way of moderation and englightenment or will it go the way of fundamentalism and obscurantism! One can never be sure. All that we can do is to speculate. Megawati Sukarnoputri, the new President of Indonesia, is a nationalist and moderate. (Both are anathema to the fundamentalists). She is popular. And she is backed by most of the political parties. Above all, by the armed forces, which are opposed to the fundamentalists. Will Indonesia follow the example of Egypt, Algeria and Turkey? Only time can tell. Abdurrahman Wahid, the former President, was a scholar. He was secular and liberal. But his regime was a disaster. It was marked by uncertainties. As a result, while other South East Asian countries managed to get out of the 1997 Asian crisis, Indonesia continued to be in the lurch. In fact, the eccentric ways of Wahid only aggravated the crisis. But Wahid meant well. He was for democracy. He restored the right of the Communist Party to function. Thus, Megawati has inherited a country, which is still in a crisis. A civil war has been going on for years. It may well break the country into a number of ethnic states. Yet they are all Muslims! Reminds one of the revolts of the Bengali Muslims against the Punjabi-dominated Pakistan. Whatever be the outcome, Indonesia will remain unstable for a long time to come. And it will have serious repercussions in Asia. Indonesia has a population of 220 million. Of them, 60 per cent live in the Java island. Thus Java is the dominant province of Indonesia. It dominates over all others. This has been resented by other ethnic groups. More so by the people of Aceh (Sumatra) and Irian Jaya, who have been waging a long struggle against Jakarta. Indonesian Islam was moderate. But new winds have been blowing — Arab winds, especially after the petrodollar boom. It is for a “purer” form of Islam — that is for the Wahabi Sunni Islam. Has Megawati the statesmanship and political skill to cope with these challenges? There are serious doubts on this. In any case, she has to pay a high price for the support she has bought. Already, by agreeing to the candidature of Mr Hamzah Haz, chief of the United Development Party, as Vice-President, she has paid a high price to the fundamentalists. This party is the third largest in Parliament. And Mr Haz is the man who said in 1999 that a woman should not be the President of Indonesia! Megawati was opposed to having any Vice-President. But, as is obvious, the fundamentalists have been able to overrule her. As for the armed forces, which are opposed to a political settlement with the separatist forces, they will expect a free hand to deal with the revolts in Aceh and Irian Jaya. Like in East Timor, this will lead to secession. The first task of Megawati is, therefore, to bring about unity of the country. This is not going to be easy, for the separatists have made huge sacrifices and are not willing to accept anything but independence. What kind of a person is Megawati? She is not known for a strong will. She seldom speaks. So you don’t know her mind. She is not familiar with politics and economics. She did not distinguish herself as Vice-President. But she is very popular with the people. She is close to the Chinese minority, which is financially powerful. Business and industry have welcomed her. In fact, the Indonesian currency gained considerably against the dollar. It is felt that she will be able to bring about greater stability in the country. Of course, her dependence on the rightist forces, including the Golkar (party of former President General Suharto) is a handicap. Support from Golkar will no doubt men abandoning the corruption charges against Suharto and others. Thus, Megawati has to balance the various pulls and pressures. Whether she can do so with some skill is yet to be seen. Hers is the largest party in parliament with 31 per cent of the seats. But even the forces which support Wahid are not insignificant. They represent 30 million voters. It is clear from the above that the future of Indonesia is uncertain. This must be a matter of great concern to India. Sumatra is close to the Andamans, almost a stone’s throw away. Chaos can spill over to the Andamans. And religious extremism can spread to Malaysia, a multi-racial country, with Indians constituting 11-13 per cent of the population. India is interested in the stability of the entire region. Only then can it ensure the safety of its oil and gas supplies. But then there are many other countries which have similar interests. They will not want to allow the takeover of the region by Islamic fundamentalists. That is why India must be ready for the worst scenario. It must set up the Far East Command at Port Blair expeditiously. In any case, as the supreme regional leader, this is the least it must do to establish its presence in the region. |
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Badal rating : not by “surveys” alone A weekly magazine survey, splashed by Punjab’s PR Department over newspapers as an image-building exercise, has ranked Mr Parkash Singh Badal as No 1 CM, Beant Singh at No 2 and Pratap Singh Kairon at No 3. Rankings can be twisted, biased or misleading. The survey methodology can be inadequate or/and the participants selected unrepresentative. Despite precautions, the findings can still be palpably silly. How else do you rank Mr Badal above Kairon? Beant Singh will go down in history as the Chief Minister during whose reign terrorism was almost stamped out. During more than a decade of militancy, the Akalis, including Mr Badal, had made themselves irrelevant. Kairon was a cut above them. Old-timers fondly recall tales of his situation handling — how he sacked the entire lot of agitating patwaris and brought discipline to the administration. Mr Badal let the elementary teachers agitate for almost a year before he accepted their demands, that too after a hunger strike and a road blockade in his constituency. Kairon was a far-sighted CM. He built institutions and entrusted these to capable hands. PAU is an example. He paved the way for the Green Revolution. Mr Badal, on the other hand, has damaged institutions, particularly universities, by handing these over to his loyalists. Beant Singh too rewarded his henchmen. Mr Badal is actually presiding over Punjab’s economic decline. The state has missed the IT
revolution, which has catapulted certain western and southern states to international prominence. Despite a friendly government at the Centre and his own son as a minister of state for industry, Mr Badal could not get an IIT, leave alone an IIIT, for the state. Free power and water to farmers are his claims to fame, but quality supply of these basic farm inputs is missing. The PSEB is in financial ruin. Its Chairman and the Power Minister are at war. They have, like the rest in the administration, little time for reforms. Farmers’ suicides are not uncommon. Delayed and inadequate paddy and wheat procurement operations last year left them fuming. Paddy bonus was unduly delayed. The situation hardly appears better this year. Once upon a time Mr Badal got an idea to set up Adarsh schools. Many of these are without sufficient teachers and students are quitting in disgust. Another bright idea was to set up two model development projects — one at Kaljhrani in Bathinda district and the other at Padri Khurd in Amritsar district. Both are left in neglect, their publicity benefit fully realised. A dangerous development which the Badal government has helped grow with its indifference is an alarming increase in the use of narcotics among youths. His own Health Minister has publicly acknowledged it, but done little about it. Drug-pedllars thrive with police-political blessings. The Badal government has not yet taken up reforms. PSU disinvestment requires guts and Mr Badal has not displayed any. The power regulatory authority is yet to become functional. The bureaucracy is yet to get trimmed. Against a sanctioned strength of 26, Punjab has 69 IAS officers — 43 of them surplus. The CBI has asked for the Centre’s permission to prosecute the state’s Home Secretary for corruption. Yet Mr Badal does not mind his continuation. His tolerance of corruption is understandable. Six top Akali leaders, including certain MLAs and one Cabinet minister, are reportedly named in an inter-state racket of issuing fake arms licences in Ferozepur district. All that Mr Badal has done is to tell the DCs to probe the matter. The Jhajjar police, which unearthed the scandal, has recommended a CBI inquiry. Corruption is not an issue here. The PR Department’s ad also refers to a newspaper survey which says 92 out of 100 people find the sangat darshan programme useful. Of those surveyed, how many were party workers and securitymen? Newspapers have reported how protesting farmers going to attend a sangat darshan in the Sangrur area were lathi-charged recently on the pretext of maintaining peace. A Rs 4 lakh cheque issued by the CM at a sangat darshan to the sarpanch of Majra village in Gurdaspur district bounced when presented to the bank. Why has the sangat darshan idea, like that of octroi abolition, occurred to the Chief Minister only shortly before the elections? Mr Badal is a nice, smooth-talking likeable politician who enjoys a good rapport with people, whether rustic farmers or slick businessmen. Voicing concern over rural poverty or unemployment, he sounds genuine. He has a wry humour, a winning smile and a way with words. I have seen him closely, having reported on some of his business-related engagements. But you measure a CM’s performance by his results. Mr Badal’s score is much lower than Kairon and perhaps even below Beant Singh, given the latter’s role in restoring peace to the state. The survey only shows general ignorance about Kairon. Or perhaps the participants preferred to go in for a serving CM. |
Dr Kitchlew and separate electorates IT is gratifying to note from the speech made by Dr Kitchlew at the inter-communal dinner organised by the League of Youth on Saturday last that what he regards as a necessary evil at the present time is not separate communal electorates, which he is all for abolishing, but communal representation in some form, which can only mean joint electorates with a reservation of
seats. We need scarcely say that the second is a much safer proposition than the first. |
This world is like a mirror house, and all these bodies are like different mirrors, and true Atma or real self is reflected on all sides. ... Ignorant people come like dogs in this world and say, "That man will eat me up, that man will tear me to pieces, destroy me." Oh, how much of jealousy and fear in this world. To what are this jealousy and fear due? To ignorance... Please turn the tables. Come into this world like the master of the house, of the looking glass and mirror house. Come into the world not as dog but as god and you will be the master of the mirror-house.... It will give you pleasure when you see your rivals and your brothers and your enemies advance; it will give you joy when you find any glory anywhere. You will make a heaven of this world. —Swami
Ramatirtha, In Woods of God Realisation, Vol I *** O Supreme Lord! Thou shinest forth with Thy attributes of Infinite knowledge, etc. Fill me with light of knowledge unlimited! Thou art of Infinite prowess, O Lord Endow me with firm vigour and activity of body and mind Through Thy grace; O Lord of Supreme might! Thy power is Infinite Be pleased to grant unto me Excellent power. O Lord! Thou art of moral force (ojas) do vouchsafe to me the strength (born of) truth and knowledge. O Lord! In Thee resides righteous indignation towards the evil doers, Impart by Thy will that indignation to me also! Thou art sufferance, enable me to bear pleasure and pain with equanimity. Be graciously pleased to endow me with these good qualities. —Yajurveda, XIX, 9 *** The real performance of a devotee consists in the practice of Truth, contentment and compassion. —
Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Sri Rag M 5, page 51 *** Silence To speak or not to speak when that is the question, silence should take the place of speech. —
Mahatma Gandhi, “ A Thought for the Day", The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. 81. |
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