E D I T O R I A L   P A G E

PERSPECTIVE

GUEST COLUMN
The self-effacing Giani Kartar Singh
Dharam Singh
THIS brief write-up, based primarily on an account narrated in the yet-unpublished memoirs of Giani Kartar Singh and an article by Master Tara Singh, who was an eyewitness to the episode, is an attempt to bring out two prominent characteristics of the personality of Giani Kartar Singh — his self-sacrificing and self-effacing nature, especially when it came to espousing a Panthic cause vis-a-vis any narrow parochial considerations, and his knack of reading the pulse of a gathering at any given moment.

MIDSTREAM
Establish SAARC Parliament like EU
Rakshat Puri
IT became amply clear at the last meeting of the SAARC heads of government in Colombo, in the summer of 1998, that discussion of subjects on the basis of political approach and attitude may not any more easily be kept out of debate. This may, indeed, make necessary, sooner than later, a reconsideration of the scope of Article 10 of the SAARC Charter, and also persuade consideration of the need for constitutional amendments in other directions.

The game of cricket that bowls over Taliban
Nadeem Yaqub
WHO had ever heard of a cricket tour that lasted less than a week? Afficionados of the game might be shocked at the thought that the once-leisurely game had been turned into a fast turnover — like instant noodles.

PROFILE

Harihar Swarup
The man who wears an uneasy crown
FIFTYONE years back a chubby four-year-old-kid was crowned King of Nepal. An attendant held the jewel bedecked crown over his head as the infant monarch stood on the saluting base. The infant was prince Gyanendra but his coronation was a short-lived affair as Britain and the United States did not accord legitimacy to the “puppet regime” and Jawaharlal Nehru firmly announced that New Delhi only recognised King Tribhuvan as the Himalayan kingdom’s sovereign.

DELHI DURBAR

Defence Ministers want only Yes Minister!
IN a country where there is a political spectrum covering all hues, it is not surprising that every government which comes to power favours the media groups which have been supporting it. And, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance Government is no exception.

• Silence is golden
• Audience with Vajpayee
• Preaching Buddhism
• From Syria with love
• Buy Indian

DIVERSITIES — DELHI LETTER

Humra Quraishi
Devyani keeping a low profile
THOUGH at present, there is nothing new to report on the Nepal developments but yes, journalists here in the city are visibly upset by Kantipur Times Editor Yubaraj Ghimire’s arrest. If I am not mistaken he had lived in New Delhi for over a decade (first worked for a national daily and then switched over to a magazine ) and he came across as a quiet, introvert sort.

• Seniormost bureaucrat
• Retire to arise!
• The latest here

The self-effacing Giani Kartar Singh
Dharam Singh

This brief write-up, based primarily on an account narrated in the yet-unpublished memoirs of Giani Kartar Singh and an article by Master Tara Singh, who was an eyewitness to the episode, is an attempt to bring out two prominent characteristics of the personality of Giani Kartar Singh — his self-sacrificing and self-effacing nature, especially when it came to espousing a Panthic cause vis-a-vis any narrow parochial considerations, and his knack of reading the pulse of a gathering at any given moment.

The public life of Giani Kartar Singh was dedicated to the welfare of the Panth, and any offices that came his way were not his ideal but only the means to fulfil his aim of serving the Sikh Panth. Of course, this aspect of Gianiji’s personality has been touched by almost every writer who ever wrote anything of substance on the life or times of Gianiji. Still the episode deserves to be recounted here because the values espoused by Giani Kartar Singh are the need of the day, in which, however, the present generation of politicians — Akalis as well as others — sadly lacks.

When a provisional government at the Centre took over in September 1946, just on the eve of Independence, Sardar Baldev Singh, who was then a minister in the Punjab Cabinet, was included in the Central Cabinet as a nominee of the Sikhs. Consequently, a ministerial berth got vacant in the Punjab Cabinet that was to be filled by a member to be chosen by the 23-member Panthic Assembly Party from amongst themselves. In fact, the Punjab Assembly then had 33 seats reserved for the Sikhs under the communal representation scheme. Of these 33 seats contested in the 1945-46 Assembly elections, 10 were won by the Congress Sikhs and the remaining 23 were captured by the Panthic Party. On the eve of these elections, the Nagoke-Majhail group among the Akalis did not favour contesting independently and instead preferred to have some sort of an alliance with the Congress. It was a very crucial period for the community, and Master Tara Singh had to work hard to persuade the Nagoke-Majhail group to approach the Sikh electorate as common candidates of the Panthic Party. The argument preferred was that in the event of the Akali Dal getting a maximum of Sikh seats, they would be in a better position to act as the premier political party of the Sikhs and acquire the sole prerogative to bargain maximum concessions for the community on the eve of Independence. Although the Akalis fought these elections as one Panthic Party, yet the Nagoke-Majhail group, which won six of the total 23 seats captured by the Akalis, retained its separate group entity within the Panthic Assembly Party.

A meeting of the Panthic Assembly Party was called to elect one from amongst them for inclusion in the Punjab Cabinet. The intraparty factionalism surfaced to the fore, and consensus on any name did not seem possible. According to Master Tara Singh, the contest seemed inevitable because none of the elected members had an obviously taller political stature than the other so as to earn an easy and quick decision in his favour. Thus, more than one person staked his claim for this berth, thereby necessitating a contest.

The first meeting for this purpose was scheduled for August 30, 1946, at the Shimla residence of Sardar Baldev Singh. The only item on the agenda was election of the leader of the Panthic Party in the House: election as leader meant natural elevation as minister. The meeting was attended, among others, by Master Tara Singh and Giani Kartar Singh. It was unanimously decided at the outset that, keeping in view the situation through which the Sikh community was passing, of the two persons to be elected for inclusion in the Cabinet one should be from the agricultural and the other from a non-agricultural community. Since the second minister was to be included only after the arrival of Sir Khizar Hayat Khan, if the person elected in this meeting happened to belong to the agricultural community, the other should be from a non-agricultural community, and vice-versa. There were pulls and pressures and the meeting on 30 August ended without any decision.

As Sardar Baldev Singh had to go to Delhi on the 31st, the next meeting was fixed for September 1, 1946 (3 pm). Thus, August 31 provided ample opportunity to the senior leaders to discuss the matter informally among themselves and find a way out. According to Master Tara Singh, the leaders informally resolved that Giani Kartar Singh and Ishar Singh Majhail should sit together and arrive at a consensus. Both these leaders, though belonging to two different factions within the party, were known for their flexibility of stand to resolve any issue. After mutual discussion, they decided that voting should be avoided, and if no decision is arrived at, arbitration by Sardar Jaswant Singh (Duggal) should be accepted.

The meeting on September 1 was advanced to 1 pm. The proposal that the person recommended jointly by Giani Kartar Singh, Master Tara Singh and Ishar Singh Majhail should be unanimously elected for inclusion in the Cabinet was unanimously accepted. The meeting also resolved that this three-member committee could decide, if it so wished, the issue through an arbitration by someone. All members promised to abide by whatever decision was arrived at by this committee.

Once all members gave their concurrence to the above proposal, Master Tara Singh suggested that before the name of the prospective minister becomes known, all groupism within the party should come to an end. This suggestion was greeted with general applause, and all members gave the assurance that they have given up all group affiliations. The ardas was said, and the local Sikh society felt highly elated and satisfied at this development.

Sardar Baldev Singh could not reach Shimla till the evening of September 1. The meeting was, therefore, rescheduled for September 2, 10 am. In the meantime, the three-member committee left the decision for arbitration by Jaswant Singh. The meeting began at the appointed hour, and Sardar Jaswant Singh wrote down his decision, put it in an envelope and handed it over to Sardar Baldev Singh. The envelope was opened and read out by Master Tara Singh. The decision was in favour of Giani Kartar Singh.

Giani Kartar Singh was not very keen on getting the ministerial berth. In fact, his candidature was sponsored by a group within the Panthic Party as against the candidature of Swarn Singh sponsored by the Nagoke-Majhail group. Although 17 of 23 members supported Gianiji’s claim, yet he feared this might not be liked by the Nagoke-Majhail group and the latter might defect to the Congress with its six members, thereby increasing the strength of Sikh members in the Congress camp to 16 against the 17 of Panthic Party. This might have negated the efforts put in by Master Tara Singh and other leaders on the eve of Assembly elections to maintain unity among the Akali ranks. Now that the decision was announced in his favour, the question uppermost in his mind was whether to accept the ministerial office for himself or to avoid any possible disintegration of the party.

Giani Kartar Singh was still lost in such thoughts when his supporters loaded him with garlands. Giani Kartar Singh reminisces in his memoirs that he first of all looked towards Jathedar Nagoke and Jathedar Majhail. A mere look at their faces made Gianiji shiver down the spine fearing the worst for his party. So he got up, went down to Swarn Singh and put all those garlands on him. He also said that he had staked his claim for a berth in the Cabinet because of the groupism. Otherwise he had, he said, no love for the office. Now, that all group affiliations ceased to exist after the previous day’s ardas, he did not wish to be a minister. Moreover, the Panth would gain more from his renouncing the ministership, he said, than by his accepting it. He thanked all the members for the confidence they reposed in him, but at the same time he expressed the wish that someone else should be made minister. There reigned complete silence all around for a while. When Sardar Baldev Singh tried to break the ice, he was so overwhelmed by emotion that he could not speak more than one sentence or two. He felt choked, and tears rolled down his eyes. The entire assembly seemed under some spell. Giani Kartar Singh also failed to control his emotions, and with eyes filled with tears went out of the meeting room.

All this happened in a flash, and everybody, including Sardar Swarn Singh, felt extremely touched by his single gesture of Gianiji. Swarn Singh, records Master Tara Singh in his signed article, was still weeping when he got up to reciprocate Gianiji’s gesture. He stated that only Giani Kartar Singh deserved to be the minister: his sense of sacrifice seemed to have proved this fact. Swarn Singh also offered to give up his legal practice and work under the guidance of Gianiji. However, Giani Kartar Singh was determined to give up the Cabinet berth because, he felt, it was in the interest of the Panth: Swarn Singh fully deserved to occupy that office, he said. Moreover, the community would call Giani Kartar Singh a liar, he said, if he accepted the position now. People might say that the renunciation was only a sham. The issue was discussed for a few minutes — in the same emotionally charged atmosphere. At last, the decision went in favour of accepting Gianiji’s recommendation of Swarn Singh, and the latter had to accept the verdict of the sangat.

This episode might remind the reader of Kapur Singh’s humility and sense of sacrifice when he declined the offer of governorship in favour of serving the congregation. That is past history, the Sikh heritage. However, the episode recounted in the preceding pages is so recent that at least a few of the participants in that meeting might still be alive and they can vouchsafe for this fact. But can we find another Kapur Singh or Kartar Singh among the present Sikh leadership? The community has experienced a deep trauma in the past decade or so, and, unfortunately, our leadership is so engrossed in self-aggrandisement that they are least bothered about the welfare of the community. There seems, at the moment, no future for it.

On the face of it, it was just a question of choosing one of the members for a ministerial berth, but the way all members, especially Giani Kartar Singh, responded to the Panthic cause by forgetting all group rivalries and jealousies, the incident acquired tremendous importance. Apart from bringing about emotional unity among members, it also proved two points beyond doubt. One, that Giani Kartar Singh was in active politics only to serve the Sikh cause and not for any narrow material gain for himself, and, second, that Gianiji had the knack to read the pulse of the gathering at any given moment and he could, through his innovative and selfless style, alter the course of events to suit the general cause.

Establish SAARC Parliament like EU
Rakshat Puri

IT became amply clear at the last meeting of the SAARC heads of government in Colombo, in the summer of 1998, that discussion of subjects on the basis of political approach and attitude may not any more easily be kept out of debate. This may, indeed, make necessary, sooner than later, a reconsideration of the scope of Article 10 of the SAARC Charter, and also persuade consideration of the need for constitutional amendments in other directions. Article 10 requires that contentious and bilateral issues be kept out of discussion, all decisions being taken unanimously by its seven members. Against this background, this columnist among others has long urged the establishment of a SAARC parliament. The time has seemed ripe for it. Now the call of the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICCSR ) for the launch of an India-Pakistan Social Scientists Forum is generally welcome. But most particularly welcome is the intention of the Forum “to endorse the setting up of a South Asian Regional Parliament along the lines of the European Parliament”. The Forum is expected to take off after a bilateral India-Pakistani social scientists meeting that is to be held during the visit of Pakistan’s ruler General Pervez Musharraf.

The ICCSR says in an informational advertisement calling for papers from intending participants “the Government of Pakistan has also given its support to build social science links between the two countries. The ICSSR has developed proposals for an India-Pakistan social science network and forum for sponsoring India-Pakistan academic conferences and engagements in collaborative work with institutional partners in the two countries”. This would provide “an opportunity for Indian and Pakistani social scientists to assess the changing attitudes of the two countries to their joint potential and lay out alternative situations covering the 2000-2020 time-frame”. There can hardly be any doubt that the setting up of a SAARC Parliament would be the most effective measure to this end.

In 1998, then Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif tried hard at Colombo to bring Indo-Pak political differences into SAARC’s agenda for discussion. He wanted, in the absence of effective bilateral discussion on issues such as Kashmir, SAARC to consider setting up a “High Council” comprising the foreign ministers of the seven member-states, for “inquiry, mediation and conciliation”, not only in relation to Kashmir but also other issues, such as “peace and security in South Asia” following Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests. Sharif failed in his attempt, primarily because of the limitation imposed by Article 10. The other heads of government did not go along with him. But it was not difficult to discern, from the reports of the meeting available, that while the other heads of government, including chairperson Chandrika Kumaratunga, officially went along with India and with Article 10, they seemed uncertain in their unofficial reactions. There was a general feeling that bilateral political issues may not be kept out of SAARC deliberations for long. Mrs Kumaratunga was herself reportedly indicating in informal conversations that a measure of official cognisance would have to be taken eventually of bilateral and other political issues and differences that simmered at every heads-of-government meeting on the periphery of SAARC’s formal agenda. In these circumstances, it would be wise and practical, as the ICSSR suggests, implicitly if not explicitly, considering urgently the example of the establishment and growth of the European Parliament at Strasbourg.

A study of this would be relevant to the situation that prevails in the South Asian Region. As in the European Parliament, a SAARC Parliament would have directly elected members in an election presumably overseen by SAARC agents. The election candidates, as in Europe, would not be constrained or inhibited by political curbs and compulsions in the member-states on normal freedom of expression and movement. And, to begin with, as in the European Parliament, the decisions and resolutions in the SAARC Parliament too may have to be recommendatory in nature and non-binding on member governments. But there seems little doubt that the indirect effect of the discussions and decisions in the SAARC Parliament would be profound. Since the members of the SAARC Parliament would be unrestricted by official restraint in their home-countries, the full weight of public opinion would very likely emerge in the debates and proceedings. These would be a barometer of public thinking in South Asia. There is hardly any doubt that a number of issues on which governments might agree or disagree could elicit a different kind of response in public opinion as expressed by the directly elected members of a SAARC Parliament. In the event, public response would undoubtedly affect and influence official-level discussions and decisions.

Details of the structure and working of such a Parliament would, of course, have to be studied and given practical shape by designated representatives, according to specified scope, direction and latitude provided to them. But, while inspiration of the establishment and growth of the European Parliament is very much there to inspire those given the task, it would nevertheless be in place to suggest that a SAARC Parliament would have to integrate with circumstances that prevail in the region. For example, considering India’s huge area and population in comparison with SAARC’s other member-states, it may be absurd to go by a population-representation ratio in a South Asian Parliament. Rather, there may be more sense in all seven member-countries having equal representation, the difference being in size of constituencies rather than in number of representatives.

The idea of a directly-elected South Asian Parliament rests on the need for government and non-government quarters alike to be aware of public opinion. A SAARC Parliament would afford continual opportunity for non-government political debate. This should help highlight trends in South Asian political deliberation and inter-action among governments in member-states. As mentioned above, the signs are that discussions at SAARC meetings are on the way to becoming political. And, as also mentioned above, the weight of public opinion expressed in a SAARC Parliament must have effect eventually on official-level parleys. In due course, there seems little doubt that political parties in the various member-countries would tend to associate with like-minded groups and parties across national borders. The results could be revolutionary. It is entirely possible — indeed, it is probable — that decisions, indecisions, agreements and non-agreements among the SAARC governments might be revealed as varying significantly from South Asian public opinion expressed through democratically-elected people’s representatives in the SAARC Parliament.

Writing on direct elections for the European Parliament in 1979, Robert Jackson and John Fitzmaurice, in The European Parliament (Penguin), reckoned that “one of the most important political functions of the new European Parliament will be to magnify the effect of . . . divisions and pressures (within governments) and to widen the area within which the (European Economic) Community’s political processes work themselves out. A directly-elected Parliament will of course help to form a more highly developed public opinion about the Community’s affairs : most important of all, it will increase the involvement in them of the political parties from among which the national governments are drawn”.

Twenty-two years later, there is enough evidence to warrant this projection. This even though, formally, the decisions and resolutions of the European Parliament continue to be recommendatory. Yet, the weight of European public opinion as it emerges in Strasbourg is more and more telling. The prescription would seem to be no less effective for South Asia. The time has come to move seriously and effectively to establish a SAARC Parliament. (Asia Features)

Is Delhi a gas chamber?
K. T. S. Tulsi

THE Yamuna enters Delhi at Wazirabad and leaves at Okhla, after travelling a distance of 25 km. This represents two per cent of the total length of the river and yet the Delhites load it with 71 per cent of the total waste that it receives in its entire journey. Uttar Pradesh, in which it runs 82 per cent of its course, adds 20 per cent of the pollutants about 2000 millions litres of waste water and 132 metric tonnes of bio-chemical matter are discharged into it through Najafgarh and Sen Nursing Home and power house drains. Of the total of 2000 million litres of waste water, 1700 million litres is contributed by the domestic sector. Out of this, only 1270 million litres of waste water is treated.

Is there an alternative? The 12 million residents of Delhi release about five million kg of human waste every day. The municipal corporation requires about 500 trucks to transport it daily. But transport it to where? Another mini Delhi is required for its disposal. What about the other garbage? Take the example of cigarette butts. Although only 10 per cent of the population smokes, but even that means 13 million stubs a day, which would weigh 13 tons a day and 5000 tons a year. Add to that the cups, cans, wafer packets and polythene bags scores of other forms of rubbish. How and where shall this be disposed of if the Yamuna were to be spared?

Delhi has 20 large, 25 medium and approximately 93,000 small-scale industries. 50 per cent of the total waste water generated by the industries, is contributed by the large and medium units.

In the field of air pollution, the situation is critical. About 2000 metric tonnes of pollutants are emitted in the atmosphere every day. Out of these, 1063 metric tonnes is carbon monoxide, 323 metric tonnes is nitrogen dioxide, 320 metric tonnes is hydrocarbons and 173 metric tonnes is sulphur dioxide. Vehicular sources contribute about 62 per cent of the pollutants emitted in the atmosphere. This is followed by thermal power plants, which emit 16 per cent industry 12 per cent and domestic sector 7 per cent.

Delhi exceeds by more than double the WHO recommended standards of particulate matters. PM 10 and SO2 pollutants are responsible for 95 per cent of the hazards due to air pollution. Over 8200 persons die a pre-mature death for reasons related to air pollution every year. About 4 lakh hospital admissions every year owe their sickness to air pollution. Every Delhite suffers at least two bouts of minor sickness every year due to air pollution. WHO has put 2,41,958,219 as the figure of minor sickness in Delhi every year. The incidence of respiratory diseases in Delhi is 12 times the national average.

The traditional concept that development and ecology are opposed to each other, is no longer acceptable. Sustainable development is the only way of preserving Delhi. We have to eradicate poverty and improve the quality of human life, while living within the carrying capacity of the eco-system. Sustainable development is defined by Brundtland report to mean "Development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of the future generations to meet their own needs. Sustainable development as a balancing concept between ecology and development has been accepted as a part of the customary international law."

There are two essential principles of the jurisprudence of Sustainable development:

(1) The precautionary principle; (2) The polluter pays principle.

The precautionary principle means:

(a) That the state government and the statutory authorities must anticipate, prevent and attack the cause of environmental degradation.

(b) Where the threats of serious and irreversible damage are anticipated, the authorities need not postpone measures to prevent environmental degradation, merely on account of lack of scientific certainty.

(c) The onus of proof is on the citizens, developers and industrialists to show that their activities are environmentally benign.

The polluter pays principle has been interpreted by the Supreme Court, to mean that absolute liability for harm to the environment extends not only to compensate the victims of pollution, but also the cost of restoring the environmental degradation. Restoration of the damaged environment, being an essential part of the process of sustainable development, makes the polluter, liable to pay the cost to individual sufferers. Apart from the constitutional mandate to protect and improve the environment, there are a number of post-independence laws on the subject. I view of the constitutional and statutory provisions, the Supreme Court has held both the precautionary principle as well as the polluter pays principle as part of the environmental jurisprudence of the country. In the case of Vellore Citizens' Welfare Forum Vs. Union of India (1996) 5 SCC 647, the Supreme Court has held that the constitutional and statutory provisions protect a person's right to fresh air, clean water and pollution-free environment.

In view of the above law, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, each of the industries, polluting vehicles as well as the manufacturers of the polluting vehicles, the state transport authorities etc. will be directly responsible to the residents of Delhi, to compensate them for the loss of health, as a result of the degradation of the quality of water and air in Delhi. The manufacturers of two-stroke engines and the proprietors of polluting industries should take notice of the law on the subject and be prepared for the spate of claims for compensation and punitive damages from the citizens.

The game of cricket that bowls over Taliban
Nadeem Yaqub

WHO had ever heard of a cricket tour that lasted less than a week? Afficionados of the game might be shocked at the thought that the once-leisurely game had been turned into a fast turnover — like instant noodles.

But Afghanistan has just completed a cricket tour of Pakistan that was over in five days and four matches.

Unknown to many in the cricketing world and blessed by the puritanical Taliban leaders, Afghans who have never been known to hold a bat, battled on the playing fields of Peshawar from 10-14 May in the first-ever cricket tour by an Afghan team.

They may have lost this 40-over war of bat and ball to neighbouring Pakistan by three matches to one. But the one game Afghanistan won by five wickets against a Federally Administered Tribal Areas team showed the skeptics that all is not lost.

"Although soccer is the most popular sport in Afghanistan, many youngsters are taking to cricket seriously," says bearded Allahdad Noori, the 28-year old captain of the Afghanistan team.

Curiously enough it was not Britain that taught Afghans the game, though it did so in other countries where it planted the Union Jack.

The thanks must go to the Russians, who are more adept at holding a volley ball than a cricket ball. When the Russian army came to Afghanistan in 1979, hundreds of thousands of Afghans fled the country, many crossing over to neighbouring Pakistan.

They were housed in refugee camps that dotted the frontier areas and Peshawar, the provincial capital. It was those Afghan refugees who picked up the sport watching Pakistani and Asian cricketers.

South Asia cricket is an emotionally charged game and Afghan youth, watching play on television and on their field, became enamoured of it.

"I am here to support my team. They will win, inshallah," said enthusiastic teenager Zabiullah, who was among 300 spectators at the Arbab Niaz Cricket Stadium braving the 42 degree Centigrade heat, to cheer his national side.

Zabiullah, like most of the other Afghans at the stadium, came from refugee camps scattered around Peshawar. Some, like Nasirbagh and Kachagari are only 10 kilometres away.

Like most of the others in the team, captain Noori spent 19 years in Peshawar as a refugee. His family has a foreign-exchange business at Chowk Yadgar, an area in the old city of Peshawar known for such transactions.

Though he returned to his native Afghanistan three years ago, his family still lives near Peshawar. It is such interaction that has made cricket Afghanistan's newest sport.

Not that others haven't wanted to introduce cricket to Afghanistan. In the 1920s King Amanullah Khan tried to have a cricket team but he did not get far because of political instability.

"The Afghan culture had always remained distinct and Anglo-Zaxon culture had never been able to make a mark on it. Cricket reflects the impact Anglo-Saxon culture has made on Afghans in recent times," says Kamil Bangash, a columnist for Pakistan's national daily The Nation.

That is because the cultural dimensions have changed with the influx of thousands of refugees, many of them young. While they brought their own culture to Pakistan — including the traditional sport buzkashi that is played on horse-back — they have also adapted to the local environment.

Afghan children born in Pakistan have grown up playing cricket on the streets like the locals and speak local languages.

"We want to prove that Afghanistan is not far behind in cricket and we should get associated membership of the International Cricket Council," says Noori of the just-concluded tour. Noori, who speaks fluent Urdu, the national language of Pakistan, has styled himself on Pakistani fast bowler Wasim Akram.

Afghanistan's strongly Islamic Taliban rulers, who are averse to any kind of entertainment including music and fine arts, spent $ 1,300 or so buying cricket gear in Pakistan for the tour.

It was undertaken at a time when Maulvi Kalamddin is heading the sports ministry. Previously he was in charge of the dreaded ministry that handled vice and virtue and enforced a strict Islamic code in the streets and public places of Kabul, the Afghan capital.

Ilyas Khan, a senior journalist who writes regularly on Afghan issues for the leading political magazine Herald, believes the Taliban agreed to the Pakistani request for a cricket tour to soften its image as a reactionary group.

"Through cricket they are trying to put up a benign face which is more in line with modern times. It's a public-relations stunt to create goodwill among the people," he says.

Afghan cricket officials hope that the annual meeting of the ICC in June will give some official recognition to their efforts to join the cricket world.

But former Pakistan test cricketer Farukh Zaman, who coached the Afghan players in 2000, says there is little chance of getting ICC affiliation in the near future.

"Most of the cricketing world does not recognise them. They do not have the financial resources for building infrastructure. Above all the cricket culture is missing in them."

But cricket captain Noori has set his sights high.

"It may sound odd to you but let me assure you that our aim is to play in the World Cup and win it," he says confidently. (Gemini News)

The man who wears an uneasy crown
Harihar Swarup

FIFTYONE years back a chubby four-year-old-kid was crowned King of Nepal. An attendant held the jewel bedecked crown over his head as the infant monarch stood on the saluting base. The infant was prince Gyanendra but his coronation was a short-lived affair as Britain and the United States did not accord legitimacy to the “puppet regime” and Jawaharlal Nehru firmly announced that New Delhi only recognised King Tribhuvan as the Himalayan kingdom’s sovereign.

Prince Gyanendra’s grandfather, King Tribhuvan, had fled to India in 1950 leaving behind the infant prince following revolt by powerful Ranas. The last of the hereditary Rana Prime Minister Mohan Shumshere Jang Bahadur Rana ceremonially put King Tribhuvan’s infant grandson on the throne but the whole exercise proved abortive.

Fate has taken another twist for 54-year-old Prince Gyanendra, who is second of King Mahendra’s three sons. An uneasy crown has been put on his head for the second time as he succeeds his slain brother King Birendra amidst serious political crisis; the 225-year-old institution of monarchy faces a crisis of survival and the ten-year-old system of parliamentary democracy is on the brink of chaos. What type of a person the new King is ? Can he steer his country out of the current instability ?

According to scrappy account available, Cambridge educated King Gyanendra is quite mature, experienced, well read , down to earth and does not waste time in elaborate protocol, grasps a point quickly and cannot stand persons of low calibre or fools. He is known to have a huge personal library and can talk on a variety of subjects which includes environment and also writes poetry. Some of his verses have been composed into popular songs. He is, in fact, an environmentalist and over the years has associated himself with several projects. Known for his interest in nature and wildlife preservation, he was appointed Chairman of the King Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation and had long association with World Wildlife Fund.

During the rule of King Birendra, he maintained a low profile. Now that he sits on the throne, he will have to use his skills to bring together constantly fighting political parties and deal with activists of the Maoist movement. He is also known to be short tempered. Given his past background, fear is being expressed in some quarters that King Gyanendra may undermine democracy. After all, he was quite critical of the system which his slain brother established eleven years ago following a series of bloody protest demonstrations.

In sharp contrast to his elder brother, King Gyanendra has an authoritarian streak, short tempered and known for his hardline views on democracy. In 1990, he had publicly voiced opposition to the late King Birendra’s overtures towards democracy and accused him of bowing to pressure of pro-democracy forces. He did not like any proposal under which the absolute powers of the King were diluted.

Reports also say that he developed an anti-India bias because the Congress and other Indian political parties supported the movement for democracy in Nepal. The new King now needs India’s support as never before to restore stability in the Himalayan kingdom. He has to shed his prejudices against India and also strive to become people friendly and popular like his slain brother.

Though King Gyanendra kept himself aloof from palace affairs, he was often bogged down in controversies because of his wayward son, Paras, known to be friendly with Prince Dipendra, who mercilessly showered bullets on his parents and close relatives before shooting himself in the head. Paras, however, escaped the carnage or, as some say, the frenzied crown prince might have spared him because of friendship. However, the question — how Paras escaped totally untouched when so many died — continues to haunt the people ?

The lone son of King Gyanendra , Paras is known for his notoriety and rowdyism. When drunk, he can cross any limit. He had allegedly beaten up people, including policemen and was involved in several hit-and-run car mishaps. In one of such incident, popular Nepalese singer Prabin Gurung was killed but no action was taken against him because of the exalted position he enjoyed . This was, perhaps, the reason that King Gyanendra named his wife Komal the “Maharani” but did not bestow the honour of Crown Prince on his son.

King Gyanendra had initial schooling in Darjeeling’s Catholic Missionary School and went for higher education in Cambridge. He likes reading and, as a young man, played hockey and cricket. He and Komal, a daughter of the Rana clan, were married in 1970 and the couple have two children-Prince Paras and Princess Perana.

Defence Ministers want only Yes Minister!

IN a country where there is a political spectrum covering all hues, it is not surprising that every government which comes to power favours the media groups which have been supporting it. And, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance Government is no exception.

This is quite evident from the selection of media personnel selected to accompany various Ministers during their visits abroad. This is more so in Defence, which remains not only a critical but a sensitive issue.

Former Defence Minister, George Fernandes carefully selected the media persons and the groups who would accompany him on important tours abroad. Mostly they were the ones who were well disposed towards the Minister and the Government. It was on more than one visit that he took along representatives from organisations which were known ‘‘BJP sympathisers’’.

Now with Mr Jaswant Singh taking over additional charge of the Ministry of Defence, the scenario has not quite changed. On his first tour abroad as Defence Minister to Russia where some very important defence deals were to be signed, he has again taken representatives only from those organisations who are sympathetic to the BJP. Grapevine has it that with so many scandals besieging the Defence Ministry, the Government wants to take no more chances.

Silence is golden

The Congress seems to have taken the adage “silence is golden” quite seriously. Of late the party spokesman’s favourite comment is “no comments”. He has been taking recourse to this rather crude stratagem of avoiding answers a little too often. There were a host of important, albeit inconvenient, questions over the past week which the party avoided answering. The questions related to the decision on President’s rule in Manipur, Jayalalitha’s apparent drifting away from her alliance with the Congress, the party’s stand on the creation of ‘Harit Pradesh’ and Mamata Banerjee’s overt signals to the NDA.

Keeping quiet may be part of the party’s strategy to avoid controversies but it does nothing to boost the Congress’ image when the party is seen as getting increasingly passive. The BJP, on the other hand, seems to be getting pro-active. The ruling party has virtually rejected the demand for `Harit Pradesh’ despite RLD leader Ajit Singh’s overtures, has been defiant on the possibility of the Trinamool Congress entering the NDA and has been less than enthusiastic towards Jayalalitha. Will the Congress comment?

Audience with Vajpayee

For Pakistani asylum seeker and poet Aftab Hussain his days of running from pillar to post to get a stay permit in India seems to be over. With great difficulty Hussain managed to get an audience with Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee at his 7 Race Course Road residence last week. It was a meeting which left the Pakistani poet satisfied and contended.

Though the meeting began almost 90 minutes late, Hussain was bowled over by Mr Vajpayee who promised not only to help him leading to resolution of his present problems but also agreed to launch a collection of his 100 odd Hindi poems, written during his 15 months stay in India.

The poet in Mr Vajpayee emerged at the meeting and Hussain was told his anthology ‘Samunder Se Pehli Mulaqat’ which has gone to press would be released by him personally with great pomp and show. “Ham bahut dhum dham se ayenge”, Mr Vajpayee told his guest.

Preaching Buddhism

Buddhism appears to have found a modern preacher in India. In a bid to obliterate casteism from India’s social structure, the Chairman of the All-India Federation of SC/ST Organisations, Mr Ram Raj, has launched a special drive urging people to ‘embrace’ Buddhism as the religion does not conform to a caste driven society.

Strangely, however, Mr Ram Raj advocates people, especially Dalits to ‘embrace’ Buddhism which he says is not conversion even though he vehemently denies that Buddhism is a part of a larger Hindu religious philosophy. One wonders, how embracing Buddhism would not entail conversion if it is separate to Hinduism. Moreover, Mr Ram Raj has no coherent answer to whether Buddhism, and consequently a caste-less society, would bring about economic upliftment for the downtrodden.

From Syria with love

The New Syrian Ambassador Dr Mohsen Al-Khayer, who presented his credential to President K.R. Narayanan last week, comes from the same village of Kurdaha where his President Bashar Al-Asad hails. A cardiologist by profession, Dr Al-Khayer, grew up politically with former Syrian President late Hafiz Al-Asad, who shaped the destiny of his country. The Ambassador, who was in the team of physicians attending on the former President, was given a choice of either United Kingdom or India for his diplomatic assignment.

Dr Al-Khayer preferred New Delhi and in doing so he turned a prophecy into reality. Around two decades ago, on his return journey from Tokyo after attending a world cardiology conference, he had a short stay in Delhi for delivering a lecture. Recalling the words of a gentleman whom he met in a busy market place, Dr Al-Khayer said he was then told that he would come back to India with a higher status.

He was reminded of these words while in Rashtrapati Bhavan where he had a short but enriching conversation with the President who impressed the diplomat with his knowledge of Syria. Dr Al-Khayer was so impressed with Mr Narayanan’s words that he immediately composed a short poem in Arabic and sent it to Damascus for publication in the national media.

Buy Indian

‘Be Indian buy Indian’, a slogan coined by the Congress seems to have lost its meaning for the present generation of its leaders. At least this is what noted danseuse Komala Vardhan thinks. Back from a successful 10-day visit to China, Komala Vardhan was all praise for the dragon country. The rapid development of China and their playing the perfect host impressed her most.

What did not impress her was that in her own country she was being neglected. For instance, the Congress Government in Delhi has not even invited her once to perform at their functions. She complained that the Delhi Government has failed to recognise her efforts even though foreign countries have been flooding her with invitations. Komala Vardhan is however, determined to have a date with the Indian audience. She plans to hold a two day cultural function in July to raise money for her dance institute.

(Contributed by Satish Misra, T.V. Lakshminarayan, Girija Shankar Kaura, Prashant Sood, Gaurav Choudhury and Smriti Kak.)

Devyani keeping a low profile
Humra Quraishi

THOUGH at present, there is nothing new to report on the Nepal developments but yes, journalists here in the city are visibly upset by Kantipur Times Editor Yubaraj Ghimire’s arrest. If I am not mistaken he had lived in New Delhi for over a decade (first worked for a national daily and then switched over to a magazine ) and he came across as a quiet, introvert sort. In fact journalists who had come to the Press Club of India on Wednesday seemed so upset by the news of his arrest that they decided to lodge a protest with the Nepalese Embassy here. “On Thursday afternoon about a hundred of us went up to the Nepalese Embassy and submitted a memorandum addressed to Nepal Prime Minister Koirala, demanding the immediate release of Yubaraj and his two colleagues...They cannot suppress the Press and the flow of information” says photojournalist Ram Rahman.

Here I should add that it seems impossible to get facts and details of the shoot-out from the Nepalese citizens living in the Capital. When I contacted two well-known families who have siblings living in Kathmandu they sounded helpless, “Nobody wants to talk ..We did get in touch with our brother in Kathmandu but he said it is not proper to talk on the phone...The impression we got was as though the telephone lines are bugged. And this is when he is not into politics nor a media person...The free flow of information is getting hampered.”

Meanwhile, with the news that Devyani Rana — the woman at the centrestage of this controversy — has left New Delhi for Moscow there seems less of that media glare on her. But there is no confirmation of her leaving for Moscow, in fact sources says that she is in India and for obvious reasons keeping an extremely low profile. And as matters stand today it seems Devyani would never be able to return to the Himalayan kingdom, though it is not clear whether her immediate family would speak out at some stage. Another interesting aspect as pointed out by a Nepalese national is the role played by astrologers — I am told that the royal family depended heavily on astrological predictions so it seems rather strange that none of the astrologers on whom they had relied had warned them of the impending doom and how to guard against it. And as all those Nepal watchers are coming out with their comments and analysis the person who is yet to talk on these developments is former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar, who is said to be close to several Nepalese families, including filmstar Manisha Koirala’s family.

Seniormost bureaucrat

I had mentioned in one of my earlier columns about the trend here - the senior-most bureaucrat not necessarily becoming the next Cabinet Secretary unless he enjoys proximity with one of the two political camps running the show here at the Centre. Without further beating around the bush, the 1964 batch UP cadre bureaucrat Naresh Chandra Saxena would be the senior-most bureaucrat in the country after the present CS TR Prasad retires next month but Saxena is also the most unlikely candidate for the CS post! With an impeccable track record there are two aspects against him — he is not close to any from the Right Wing setup and another fact that stands out is his earlier reports on some of the worst riots to have occurred in UP in which he had criticised the administration for not controlling the riots or rather being a party to them.

So will Saxena have to pay a price for not towing any political line and or ideology and continue as Secretary in the Planning Commission whilst second or third in the hierarchy gets the top slot ? If that happens then I am afraid we will have to sit and redefine the very definition of administration and also it should be time for the IAS Association to upgrade itself from a chai paani setup to a more meaningful body which can take care of its members’ interests.

So let’s wait, watch and see. However, the practice has been that a month before the retirement of the CS the name of his successor is announced and together with that some other transfers and shifts are made. Till date there are only speculations on the matter but Saxena ‘s name doesn’t really figure in even these...

Retire to arise!

Has it occurred to you that few in the privileged government /political sector retire these days — even before the Cabinet Secretary TR Prasad’s term comes to a close in July, there are rumours of his going as Governor to one of the NE States. And if sources are to be believed the recently retired IB chief Shyamal Dutta is getting posted as Governor of Nagaland. And already names are afloat for governship of Goa as the present Governor, Mohd Fazal is said to be critically ill. And though Tamil Nadu Governor Fathima Bibi’s position not too clear but once again there are names doing the rounds.

The latest here

And weeks before General Musharraf’s arrival discussions are being held here on what his visit would signify — if I am not mistaken at least three such discussions have been held here just this week. God knows how many more will follow, with the same aspects being repeated. The joke doing the rounds is that maybe a book or two on him — rather on his visit —gets published by the time he reaches New Delhi.