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Confusing picture EVM paper trail |
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Playing the credit
card Shameful fight over Sangrur centre It is a facility that in all probability would come up over the next couple of years. But the desperate scramble of various parties and leaders to take credit for getting the sanction only betrays how lacking they are in anything to show for their exalted positions of power. Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal is miffed with the Central government for not inviting him with due grace to the foundation stone laying ceremony of a PGIMER extension centre at Sangrur.
Beyond dramatics of
NY Summit
The incorrigible
brat
When family kills
its own for ‘honour’
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EVM paper trail Electronic
voting machines have transformed the way elections are conducted in India ever since they were first introduced on a limited scale in the late 1990s. The sturdy and successful machines have found favour with the general public and political leaders alike. Results are now declared in hours, instead of days, and the EVM system has shown itself to be a robust and secure one. However, from time to time, some political leaders have maintained that such machines can be manipulated. Proof for such accusations has, however, not withstood judicial scrutiny.
Now the Supreme Court has ordered the Election Commission to introduce the ‘vote verifier paper audit trail’ (VVPAT) system in a phased manner for these machines. The system would enable voters to see printouts of their votes and thus be able to visually verify that their choice has been correctly recorded. A system has been worked out to tackle cases in which there is a dispute about the casting of any particular vote. The commission has demonstrated the VVPAT system by using them at 21 polling stations of 51-Noksen (ST) Assembly constituency of Nagaland. While there are always naysayers who point out that the introduction of the printer introduces yet another fallible element in the EVM, overall it is
another additional security in our polling system. While the VVPAT has been evolved and demonstrated, there is no major urgency in implementing it. The cost implications of this system are substantial. The Election Commission estimates that the system will entail an additional expenditure of Rs 1,690 crore. Equipping 13 lakh EVMs with the printer will also take time, both in manufacturing and in training personnel in their use. Even though the apex court has directed the Centre to provide adequate funds to the Election Commission, it is only proper that the implementation and its schedule be left to the poll panel, which can introduce the system in a phased manner.
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Playing the credit card It
is a facility that in all probability would come up over the next couple of years. But the desperate scramble of various parties and leaders to take credit for getting the sanction only betrays how lacking they are in anything to show for their exalted positions of power. Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal is miffed with the Central government for not inviting him with due grace to the foundation stone laying ceremony of a PGIMER extension centre at Sangrur. If at all such a high-profile ceremony was required for an occasion such as this, the Chief Minister ought to be invited as a matter of course. The state has a major role to play in the much-needed centre coming up, something that should have happened long ago in a region much affected by diseases caused by bad
water. That the stone-laying has been done in the presence of Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi compounds the politics of development. It is to be a Union Health Ministry-financed project set up on land provided by the state government. When public money is used for people’s good, no one is ‘bestowing’ a personal favour on anyone. But that’s how the political leadership would have us believe. And Rahul Gandhi went on to deliver a political speech from a stage right next to the venue for the ceremony, even as state Congress leaders quibbled over
credit. Punjab, on its part, has been carrying pictures of the Chief Minister on ambulances, and the Centre has been complaining about it — all because both pay a small percentage of the total operational costs. Badal has also fashioned his Sangat Darshans as an act of benevolence reminiscent of princes and kings of yore. His fear probably is that people receiving material aid through the administrative channels may not credit it against him. If only our worthy leaders would pay as much attention to genuinely serving the people as they do to collecting feathers for their caps.
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People who say it cannot be done should not interrupt those who are doing it. |
Beyond dramatics of NY Summit India
suffers from a long-term
diplomatic malady. Whenever a new ruler takes over in Pakistan he is
automatically described as a votary of peace, reconciliation and
harmony by many Indians and the Indian media. This happened when
Generals Ayub, Yahya, Zia and Musharraf took over, or when Zulfiqar
and Benazir Bhutto, or Nawaz Sharif assumed the reins of office. Ayub
and Yahya took us to war in 1965 and 1971 and a combination of
Musharraf and Sharif inflicted the Kargil conflict on us. This charade
was re-enacted when Sharif returned to office this year, with many
scribes choosing to be highly impressed by his claims of being a
"changed man", committed to a new era of peace and
friendship with India. Sections of the corporate sector joined the
chorus, extolling the qualities of the new leadership, because of
Sharif dangling prospects of enhanced trade and energy cooperation. Amid
all this fanfare, people chose to forget Sharif’s role and
involvement in the 1993 Mumbai bomb blasts, where 250 Indians
perished. It is also known that Sharif was briefed both in the GHQ at
Rawalpindi and in Skardu, about the impending Kargil intrusion, even
before he embraced Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Lahore.
Moreover, coinciding with the Kargil intrusion, Sharif was a
participant in finalising a "Broader Kashmir Plan," which
involved an approach to the Afghan Taliban leadership to provide
20,000-30,000 "volunteers" for jihad in Kashmir — a
proposal the Taliban agreed to fully support. More importantly, Sharif
and his party have retained close links with the Taliban and Al-Qaeda-linked
extremist groups in Pakistan like the Lashkar-e- Taiba,
Sipah-e-Sahiba and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi. Despite evidence of
Sharif’s propensities, New Delhi chose to rush ahead with plans for
a summit meeting in New York. There was ample evidence of a buildup
for enhancing infiltration across the Line of Control, which led to an
escalation of tensions and the brutal killings of Indian soldiers,
which the government initially sought to downplay. What New Delhi has
sought to slur over is that the ceasefire, which had been largely
respected for a decade since November 2003, was being flagrantly
violated, after Sharif took over as the Prime Minister. There have
been 55 violations of the ceasefire in this August and 31 in
September. More seriously, the shootout in the Kupwara sector has been
described as a "mini Kargil". The agreement reached at New
York to enhance DGMO-level contacts suits Sharif just fine as DGMO
discussions are hardly likely to end infiltration. With winter setting
in, infiltration across the LoC will inevitably fall significantly.
The real issue is whether Sharif and Pakistan’s new army chief will
respect the ceasefire and end infiltration after the Himalayan snow
melts in June 2014. Given Sharif’s past track record, one would be
well advised to proceed with circumspection, care and caution. All
this is reminiscent of the escalation in cross-LoC violence when
Sharif commenced his second term in 1997. Worse still, Hafiz Mohammed
Saeed now roams across Lahore and Islamabad spewing venom against
India, with patronage from Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif.
Moreover, the carrots of enhanced trade and energy cooperation are now
in cold storage. A redeeming feature of recent developments has,
however, been the bluntness with which India was prepared to call a
spade a spade, when it comes to terrorism sponsored by Pakistan, both
at the Washington Summit and the UN General Assembly. Dr Manmohan
Singh uncharacteristically asserted: "I explained to President
Obama the difficulties we face, given the fact that the epicentre for
terror still remains focused in Pakistan". The Prime Minister was
even more candid in his address to the UN General Assembly, where he
also made it clear that the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir is and
will remain an integral part of India. One has to realise that
Pakistan now faces a three-front situation. Internally, the country
faces, what Pakistani author Ahmed Rashid has noted, is the prospect
of a bloody confrontation with the Tehriq-e-Taliban-e-Pakistan
and its Punjabi allies, a festering insurgency in Baluchistan and
escalating ethnic and sectarian tensions in Karachi. At the same time,
Pakistan has opened a second front across the Durand Line by
continuing to back the Mullah Omar-led Taliban and the North
Waziristan-based Haqqani network. It has also recently opened a third
front by escalating violence across the LoC in Jammu and Kashmir,
apart from its efforts to spread terrorist violence across India,
using its Lashkar-e-Taiba assets to incite groups like the
Indian Mujahideen, while resorting to economic destabilisation by
smuggling counterfeit Indian currency through Nepal. There is now
strategic space for India to imaginatively and proactively respond to
Pakistan’s growing internal turmoil, raising the costs for Pakistan
for its sponsorship of terrorism. India should respond in a
calculated and calibrated manner to Pakistani policies. There can be a
process of engagement on issues like people-to-people contacts, trade,
energy and economic relations and CBMs on issues like trade and travel
cross the LoC. In the meantime, "back channel" contacts can
continue on issues like terrorism and J&K. River waters issues
should continue to be addressed as per the Indus Waters Treaty and the
Sir Creek issue in accordance with internationally accepted
principles. There can obviously be no question of any withdrawal from
Siachen till a final settlement of the J&K issue and the
delineation of the Actual Ground Position Line. India’s policies to
deal with Pakistan’s second front, the Durand Line, should be
reinforced through a comprehensive Russia-Afghanistan-India security
dialogue to strengthen Afghanistan’s defence potential and address
the security concerns of Russia’s Central Asian partners, whose
security is underwritten by Russia through the Collective Security
Treaty Organisation (CSTO). Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Turkmenistan and Tajikistan are threatened by the growing presence of
the Taliban, Al Qaeda and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan along
their borders with Afghanistan. India should also initiate a direct
dialogue with the CSTO. India’s diplomatic efforts regionally and
globally should aim to aggressively isolate and shame Pakistan as the
epicentre for terrorism in its neighbourhood. Maleeha Lodhi, one of
Pakistan’s best informed journalists, reports that agreement was
reached in New York for the National Security Advisers of the two
countries to be charged with "discussing and allaying each other’s
concerns" on terrorism. If true, we have agreed to equate
unfounded charges of Indian involvement in Baluchistan with the
universally accepted fact that Pakistan is the epicentre of global
terrorism. Have we learnt no lessons from the Sharm el-Sheikh fiasco? |
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The incorrigible brat He
was driving at almost 100 km per hour, with scant regard to traffic rules. The rookie cop flagged him down and asked him to lower his window. “Sir, you seem to be in a tearing hurry?” Well, said the flustered driver, “I am a busy professional and am getting late for an appointment.”
The cop pulled out his voucher pad and began filling it out with the penalty amount after examining his driving license. This was taking too long. How dare he? “Do you know who I am?” He burst out, glaring at the cop. Pat came the reply, “No sir, I don’t need to know everybody.”
The boy continued, “I am the son of Mr Sahay, who was the Commissioner at one time.”
“Sir, it is just not possible for us to remember everyone and their families in such a big city. I would like to be excused,” declared the cop politely, without a trace of respect or recognition.
The boy couldn’t believe it and thought, “How dare he not know who my father is.”! He paid a hefty fine and both the traffic cop and driver went their separate ways.
The episode, however, had punched a huge hole into man’s ego. On reaching home, he angrily pushed the door of his father’s bedroom. The latter was having a nap but now, disturbed by the ruckus, had woken up. With patience being the last thing such superbrats have, he said in a stentorian tone, “Gosh! Our city police has become really headstrong. A stupid rookie cop challaned my vehicle for over-speeding and slapped a fine of Rs 5,000. This, even though I told him that I happen to the son of Mr Sahay, a former
commissioner.” Sahay pensively listened to him, then rubbing his puffed-up eyes, he said: “If you over-speed, the traffic police is right in challaning you. You should have accepted the challan without any fuss and arguments. There was no need to drop my name and don’t do it in future. Now, I want to live in peace.”
“Oh Dad you are really crazy. I took your name because I happen to be your son. After all, despite remaining in top positions, what have you done for me? And now you object even if I mention that I am your son. It’s a real shame! ” He burst out angrily and stomped away after slamming the door.
After a few days, he was again detained at the lights by the traffic police, “Sir, it looks this vehicle belongs to some other member in your family.” The traffic cop said after checking his documents. No, it is mine but it is registered in the name of my father, who is the head of the family.” he said very
arrogantly. “Sir, it hardly matters; I just wanted to be sure about its ownership.” His ego was again hurt. Furious and red in the face, he went to his father, who was taking his lunch. “Dad, you hardly use this car. It is a real embarrassment for me when cops check the papers and question me about the ownership. I have asked an agent to get it transferred in my name. You should sign at the columns ticked
here.” After an hour or so, the incorrigible one went to collect the documents, “Dad what is this? You haven’t signed. You don’t seem to realise how precious my time is,” he said, angrily. It was as if he was the
boss. “Having already lost my son, I don’t want to lose the ownership of the car. Stop using my car and help yourself. I’ve kept the papers with me,” retorted Mr Sahay. Perhaps for the first time in his life he was being tough with his son. True, whether an incorrigible brat or a paragon of virtues, it is we as parents who mould and shape our
children.
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When family kills its own for ‘honour’
It is vital to analyse customs, compulsions and mindsets to arrest one of the most barbaric trends of killing for perceived 'honour'. In the so-called modern era that swears by civility, such killings are a blot on humanity.
In
a country of Sufis and saints who said, “Ishq na poochhey deen-dharam noo, ishq na poochey zataan” (Love doesn't care for religions or castes), why do we still call ourselves progressive if we can't tolerate such sublime bondages. Every time we hear about killing for 'honour', we pray it should be the last. But close on the heels of Rohtak came Panipat. Before that it was 'Manoj-Babli', and many others who went unreported. All gruesome murders in cold blood. Hounding and lynching lovebirds either in the name of honour, or for alliances within the 'strictly prohibited' degree of marriage perceived as such not by law, but probably by custom, tradition, taboo, and mores, aberration or even criminality. In the present day gory scenario, there is need to not only analyse, shun and put a stop to the practice of killing for honour, but also to suggest ways to arrest the most barbaric trends, in the so-called modern era that speaks of civility being practised and sworn
by. 'Honour' killing is generally resorted to as a reprehensible reprimand and admonition, for the perceived law-breakers in a community, or a social group, by members of the selfsame social entity. Largely these killings pertain to men and women who are found to indulge in promiscuous, or meditated, sexual or near-sexual relationship, whether by way of elopement, marriage or fun,
etc. Despite sound socio-economic standing, communities in certain northern states have the practice of killing for 'honour' which continues unabated and with impunity. Any social group that develops itself into a ghetto will always have tendencies to uphold 'honour'. This is largely done for security and recognition as a true-blue member of that group, caste, tribe or community. If there are chances for proper assimilation of various kinds of social groups, and their being available to each other; and also if they are interacting on a regular basis, being aware of each others' customs, then sure enough it is a collective honour of the collective sensibility of the groups, and not that of a particular or ostracised diminutive social entity. Collective and assimilative social sensibilities, which cater to a wide spectrum of the stratum, will always be condemnatory of the lead taken by any of its subsidiary group of the act of killing for
'honour'. In perspective Before going further into the causes of, and remedies against such killings, let us examine the scenario as picturised in the magnum opus, "Mother India", which had general acceptance of the mother taking the life of her son when he dares to play with the honour of a girl from his own village (and thus the collective honour of the entire village community).
Urban sensibilities do not generally subscribe to the concept of 'honour' killing for various reasons. This is not to suggest that in an urban atmosphere, the sensibilities lack their mass appeal and application. But it is a fact that more of awareness, education and enlightenment, up to some degree, of a particular urbane populace, give scope for thought before such an extreme step is executed against individuals, who are otherwise estranged or ostracised. Experience has shown that closer one is to the nucleus in a social group where he or she cohabits, there are more chances of such a killing if the "locally perceived situation so warrants". If the "executioner" of the killing is relatively away from that particular nucleus, he is less likely to take up such means as a "corrective” step, which he otherwise prefers to adopt to reassure his individual social placement, individual social status and collective honour in the
group. Undoubtedly, the caste factor plays a very important role in recognising the stakes as are typical to different groups in the Indian context. The castes are historically known to be scoring on each other by being a cut above the rest when it comes to meeting with any kind of threat extended to their own entity. In such a situation, a defence mechanism, which has en masse and free inflowing social support from within that particular caste, or group, surfaces. It is generally the moral booster for someone who indulges in the crime of killing for 'honour' since the executioner feels 'righted' in his own right and
action. When the members of a caste group pamper themselves with such reinforcements of 'caste sensibilities' on a regular basis, the quest for upholding the caste's 'honour' and urge for maintaining the perceived 'superior status', or the perceived 'commitment', has its manifestation into a very well entrenched and engrained acceptance of facts at the collective psychological level of the members.
Distance from nucleus Yet another factor to be kept in mind is that if the 'law-breakers' are right in view, or if the object of 'bad name' or perceived 'insult' is instantaneously in the line of fire, then the thoughtless, darter attack on the unsuspecting victims is inevitable. How grave is the crime committed? Although the social status of both sides matters a lot, sometimes economic disparity may loosen the controls of the groups on the executioners of the
crime. The gravity of the offence generally determines the practice of 'honour' killing. If you marry in a different caste at a far-off place (being away from the nucleus), which is fairly distanced from the nucleus, the gravity of the misdemeanour may not be that big a factor with the so-called group, killing is then relegated to just finding out the couple to tackle them appropriately later. In a girl's case, being found in compromising position, running away from home, having been sexually exploited and left to fend for herself, forcefully married, kidnapped or abducted; these are all factors which are fairly grave to evoke killing the boy for honour.
Custom of gotras A common reader may not be aware of the custom related to 'gotras'. Many castes do not allow same 'gotra' marriages. It's not typical only to Jats. Some castes compromise on the one, two, three, four or even five steps distanced 'gotras' while finalising alliances since they have to conform to the norms in a situation when a particular 'gotra' is either in large numbers, or small. Then there is a practice of 'adopting' the maternal uncle's 'gotra' in some other communities to felicitate a marriage. Even among the Jats, the step distance from the mother's side or the grandmother's varies from 'gotra' to 'gotra'. Hence, it is a transitional phase continuing since times unknown and there have been resolution of issue relating to prohibition of degree in 'gotras' that go into minority. There is a tradition in Haryana in vogue even today that if you attend a marriage even a 100 miles away from your village, the elders would invariably ask it there were any girls belonging to their 'gotra' whom they offer a brotherly token in cash. In such circumstances, and the custom being in existence and recognised in law, it would be risky to make an assessment. This proves that the issue of 'gotras' has constantly been evolving with restrictions loosened as and when difficulties were faced. Awareness being created in the media should bring about a cascading effect in the form of social change.
Role of police Generally the role of the police is suspect in cases involving such killings. Given that the policemen too come from the same tradition-bound society, it is not always true that they have sympathies for the perpetrators of the crime or collude by their acts of omission or commission, but that they are handicapped in more ways than one.
First and foremost, is the absence of a complainant who has to ultimately steer the case of the prosecution. Then there are no witnesses - here a collusive assent of the instant social group to the crime or their just staying away, compounds the job of the police. When a 'studied silence' prevails in the environment around, what sounds would be heard to bring home the guilt to the criminals in the courts domes and arches of sanctified hard proof beyond any shadow of doubt - is the question. And it cannot be blamed on the police.
In the recent Rohtak case, it was only the police that recovered the half-burnt body of one of the victims. There are almost no recoveries to be effected since the perpetrators of the crime do not 'audaciously' hide anything but rather take pride in their 'doing' and sort of cooperate in investigations, many a time confessing their crime, which is seen by them as justified. Even if the police seeks police remand for the criminals, there isn't much to extract from them. It is a fact the police is worried and serious in pursuing such cases, more than other murder cases. It is the circumstantial evidence that the courts need to place more reliance on, insofar as direct evidence is concerned, besides forensic inputs. Even evidence given to the media in the form of interviews, etc. should be appreciated when the perpetrators before the trial 'brag' about their act of the most horrendous proportions. The testimony of mediapersons can go a long way in nailing the murderers in such a case when no witnesses come
forward.
The writer is posted as Commissioner of Police, Ambala-Panchkula.
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