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Cleaning up telecom mess
In defence of privacy |
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Delay in N-sub lease
Confrontation in Parliament
Grave security challenges and the risk of armed confrontation exist in South Asia. India must have potent politico-diplomatic deterrence, strategic alliances and the military wherewithal to ensure peace as well has ability to check adventurism by assertive neighbours or fight a war on two fronts
Indo-US military co-operation
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Cleaning up telecom mess
Union
Telecom Minister Kapil Sibal has given indications that he means business by his statement that 85 companies which had been granted 2G licences on a first-come-first-served basis by his controversial predecessor A. Raja in 2008 would be served notices to ascertain if conditions relating to the Memorandum of Association and equity were duly fulfilled by them. His warning that the licences of those telecom companies that had failed to launch operations within a year of getting the licence may be cancelled also inspires hope. Significantly, there were as many as 119 instances where start-up telecom companies had not met the rollout obligations. These companies had been seeking protection from Raja for either return of their licence fee or permission to either sell their licence to the existing telecom firms or be allowed to merge with them. While some businessmen have been seeking softer punishment for them raising the bogey that cancellation of licences would deter future investment, it is imperative that a strong message be sent out so that such scams are not repeated and the public exchequer is not robbed of resources. The cold reality is that such has been the record of the government in implementing its own decisions in the face of scandals that there is an element of skepticism that is evoked by claims of strong action to stem the rot. If indeed Mr Sibal is sincere about coming down hard on the beneficiaries of the spectrum scam one would expect that the next logical step would be to recover the lost revenues and money lost from it. One can only hope that the new Telecom Minister’s serving of notices is not motivated by a conscious strategy to go slow and then spin his way out after the dust has settled. That he has given as much as 60 days to those on whom he plans to serve notices shows a lack of urgency to complete the process. Kapil Sibal has begun well in his new assignment. At stake now is his own credibility and that of the Manmohan Singh government. The ‘crackdown’ that he has promised must yield fruit. Money that the exchequer has been robbed of must be routed back to it. At the same time, the real villains of the scam must be unmasked and duly punished.
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In defence of privacy
The
issue of protecting privacy has come to the fore again with Niira Radia tapes and their transcription being viewed/published in the media. How inviolable is the right of an individual to privacy? When can it be violated, and to what extent? What is fair and what is not when such an invasion of privacy takes place? These issues crop up time and again, and the state’s need to protect its interests invariably triumphs over the rights of individuals to privacy. In the latest case too, it is now evident that the income tax department had been authorised to tap her phones as a part of its internal investigation into the finances of Vaishnavi Corporate Communications, which Niira Radia owned. The length of time this tapping went on for, i.e. six months, is bound to raise eyebrows. These tapes were then handed over to the CBI, which was investigating the telecom scam, and then, somehow, leaked to the media. The widely published transcripts caused considerable embarrassment to various people whose conversations have been made public. Now that Mr Ratan Tata, one of the affected parties, has filed a petition in the Supreme Court to say that his right to privacy has been violated, the government has reacted by trying to find out how the tapes were leaked in the first place. No doubt, this is important for the government, however, the people need to be assured that the norms about who can violate their privacy and for what purposes should be debated and legislated upon. Phone tapping is a serious measure and in most civilized nations, it is undertaken after due process, and always subject to judicial review. As technology makes tapping easy, the time has come to ensure that it is used by authorised people only for purposes that are clearly defined by the legislature and overseen by the judiciary.
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Delay in N-sub lease
The
Indian Navy, which is expecting to induct the country’s first indigenously built nuclear-powered submarine in about two years, will have to wait for a few more months before its sailors can train on a Russian nuclear-powered submarine for which India has contracted a ten-year lease. A nuclear-powered submarine is a complex weapon platform-cum-system requiring considerable expertise to operate. When such a submarine with an untested design is being operated for the first time, it becomes all the more necessary to have a crew that has a thorough knowledge and command of operating this sophisticated technology. This explains why it is critical for Indian Navy submariners to first train on an established design before operating INS Arihant, the Indian made nuclear-powered submarine, which is slated to form part of the country’s second-strike capability in the event of a nuclear war. But leasing of the Russian Akula-II class submarine, which was scheduled for mid-2008, has been marred by delays – initially because of damage caused by a fire on board the submarine while undergoing sea trials and now because Russia is finding it difficult to find a crew to operate the vessel before it can be certified seaworthy prior to its transference to India. During much of the Cold War, the Soviet Union remained a reliable supplier of defence hardware to India. But following the Soviet Union’s break-up, which coincided with the end of the Cold War, its successor state, Russia, has not always been able to maintain delivery schedules of contracted defence equipment. One glaring case is that of the Admiral Gorshkov aircraft carrier. Not only is the delivery of this sea control platform running considerably behind schedule, but the Russians also succeeded in hiking the price of its refit well after the contract was signed. Russia continues to be an important source of supply of weapon systems even though India has, since the end of the Cold War, diversified its source of weapon systems to other countries, notably Israel, a few West European countries, and to an extent even the United States. But the latest delay in delivery of the Akula-II class submarine only reinforces the need for India to quicken the pace to attain self-reliance, certainly in critical defence technologies which currently remains the exclusive preserve of a few.
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People talking without speaking/People hearing without listening .../‘Fools,’ said I, ‘You do not know/ Silence like a cancer grows.’ — Paul Simon
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Confrontation in Parliament These are not happy times in India and it looks as if it will take quite a while for it to recover from what is certainly a crisis it has allowed itself to slip into. The crisis has brought out not only the way the political system has been mauled during 63 years since Independence, but also it has bruised the conscience of the nation. The Constitution and the political system the founding fathers of the Republic left behind are often blamed by the chatterati. The fault, however, may not be of the Constitution, or the system, or the stars — but of the men who have been fiddling with the values enshrined in the constitutional scheme for their narrow, petty ends across the land. This is evident from the way vital organs of the State — Parliament, the judiciary and the executive — have fallen in public esteem. And no political leader, whatever the political affiliation, is making a serious effort to stop the rot, which is affecting the health of the nation. Parliament, which represents a nation of over a billion people, keen to see a better future in their lifetime, is lying paralysed, almost dysfunctional. The worthy members sitting on both sides of the divide do not know how to resolve the crisis by talks, or a give-and-take approach that is always of help in a democracy. Consensus among political parties is essential in a democratic polity. What we are seeing is, however, a sustained attempt to create an atmosphere of confrontation that can spill over from Parliament to the country. Unchecked, it will have serious consequences for the country and the political system, or whatever is left of it. The resultant tensions will add to the people’s agony. The 2G guilty must be punished, but the JPC is not the only way to get the truth out of the government on the scam. Properly made use of, other ways can also be effective. One of them is that the Public Accounts Committee, which is headed by a senior BJP leader, should be entrusted with the task. A no-confidence motion on the scam can also be moved in the House in the current session. But not to let Parliament discuss it and to force daily adjournments of the House by raising a ruckus cannot be regarded as service to Parliament. It has been seen from experience elsewhere in the world, that the moment a parliament loses public respect as an institution, it loses its legitimacy. The honourable members need to ensure that Parliament continues to enjoy public confidence. Not much can be said about the performance of the executive branch during the last over 60 years. The so-called “Steel Frame” has become corroded to the bones. Senior bureaucrats at the Centre and in the states have developed a cosy relationship with unscrupulous politicians, just to share the cake. Greed is cementing the nexus and breeding corruption. Scores of officers of the babudom — the IAS, the IPS and others services — are facing criminal trials, and there are others who ought to be proceeded against, but the people tend to believe that nothing will happen to anyone. In most states, the administration is distant, callous and unresponsive. And the people do find that the rich and the influential are able to find their way through the corridors and the red tape while others are kept at bay. Over the years, the judiciary’s image has also suffered. Most people who thought that it was their last hope no longer think it could dispense justice to them and in time. This is mainly because of the long delays, high costs, frequent adjournments — which are often managed — and corruption. Justice S P Bharucha once said in a public statement that 20 per cent of the judiciary was corrupt. That was years ago, and you have to take into account the cost of the rise of the index of inflation. None else than the Attorney-General of India, C.M. Vanahavati, pointed out in the Supreme Court the other day how difficult the judiciary would find it to apply the criterion of “impeccable integrity” to judicial appointments. His brief was, of course, to defend the controversial appointment of the Central Vigilance Commissioner. The judiciary is rightly jealous of its independence and the people also have a high stake in it. But it pre-supposes that it is prepared to guard its freedom from encroachment by the executive, Parliament or those with the power to buy justice or influence in several courts in the country. The reports from various high courts and the subordinate judiciary should have caused greater concern at the apex level than it has. The Supreme Court should have been listening to the woes of the common people, who daily have to knock at the kachehri’s doors only to go home disappointed. That some wrong men were allowed to come to the higher judiciary and it has had no way to tackle their greed is amply illustrated by the two cases of Chief Justice P.D. Dinakaran of the Karntaka High Court and Justice Soumitra Sen of the Calcutta High Court sent to Parliament for impeachment because the Supreme Court itself could not weed the rotten apples out. Now we will have to see the irony of a Parliament, itself writhing in a disfunctional state, which is supposed to decide the fate of the two errant high court judges who have been hitting the headlines for wrong reasons. And a section of the media, which has been boldly reporting and commenting from the sidelines and acquiring a sort of moral superiority a watchdog likes to enjoy, is also earning public sneers for the inclination of some well-known names to become facilitators in the games the politicians and big business are used to playing. The people who do not seem to be worried are the illustrious members of the big businesses for whom the current state of the political system is a matter of discussion at cocktail time. Even some of the respected names, who have often bragged about the social responsibility of the business, have been caught in the Niira Radia tapes. They reveal an extra-curricular interest Niira Radia and her illustrious client has taken in the induction into the Union Cabinet last year - of none else than A Raja — the source of much trouble to the government, Parliament, the judiciary and the media. The malaise is much deeper than a JPC will be able to tackle. The moral fibre of the nation has become weak and there is no one around to check its daily
attenuation.
Expose those behind the scams In the standoff between the Congress and the BJP, the two principal political parties in India, Parliament has been reduced to an arena where both are displaying their prowess. It does not matter to them whether the apex body in a democratic system functions or not, their focus is on which party out of the two emerges victorious. This is the worst scenario the elected representatives can place before the nation. The point at issue is corruption but the parties have been stalling the two Houses for the past two weeks (MPs are getting their emoluments without transacting any business). In the process, the issue of corruption has got pushed into the background. The spotlight is on their divergent points of view. The opposition parties in concert have demanded the appointment of a Joint Parliament Committee (JPC) to go into the gamut of controversial telecommunication deals worth Rs1,75,000 crore and the Commonwealth Games’ expenditure escalating to Rs75,000 crore. The ruling Congress is stuck on the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) to confine the discussion to the report by the Comptroller and Audit-General, which has strongly indicted the outgoing Telecommunication Minister, A.Raja. The public is interested only in finding out the persons responsible for the scams and where the money has gone. It does not matter to them whether a JPC or PAC brings out the truth as long as the facts come to light. Because of daily quarrels in Parliament, their faith in the institution is lessening day by day. They are tired of seeing the same spectacle over and over again. Every time a scam tumbles out of the government’s closet, there is a familiar exercise that follows. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), an official agency, is asked to hold an enquiry. The Economic Enforcement Bureau gets “into action”. Union Home Minister and some other senior Cabinet ministers say in a Press interview that the guilty will not be spared. Soon it is business as usual. But the exercise begins again when another scandal rocks the country. In the process, something ominous is happening, probably unwittingly. While dealing with scams, the political parties are whittling down the federal structure of the polity. A case relating to Maharashtra has also been included in the proposed probe by the JPC. State Chief Minister Ashok Chavan had to resign because he allotted a flat to his mother-in-law. How can Parliament take into account the housing project in a state? If Parliament is going beyond its authority and discussing state subjects, the state legislatures may also be tempted to discuss what falls strictly within the purview of Parliament. The fine balance the Constitution has indicated between the two may be damaged irreparably. How will the BJP react if the Congress were to demand the inclusion of the land scandal in Karnataka in a JPC probe? Karnataka Chief Minister B.S.Yeddyurappa has denotified the government land so that it is available for distribution among the persons he prefers. Included among the beneficiaries are his two sons. He sees no wrong in doing so. Unfortunately, the BJP high command has allowed him to stay in office. No doubt, this is an example of double standards. The best thing would have been for Yeddyurappa to resign, pending the inquiry. Ashok Chavan of the Congress resigned straightaway once he was told by his party High Command to quit. But Yeddyurappa did not do so and even challenged central BJP leaders. My information is that the reason why he did not do so was the backing of the RSS, the parent body of the BJP. It is true that there are feuds in the state BJP. But they have been at loggerheads for a long time. The quarrel between the two would have been of little consequence if the RSS had tapped Yeddyurappa’s shoulder and asked him to go. In fact, the prestige that the BJP had built in having the Telecommunication Minister quit has been damaged by its stand on Yeddyurappa. The party is rightly taunted by the Congress, which showed decisiveness in the case of Ashok Chavan. The spat in Parliament or the fallout is the symptom, not the disease. The disease is the hostility of the principal political parties — one is trying to pull down the other, without realising what the people think of them. The people are sick of both. A democratic system cannot work without consensus. For a few years, the minimum equation between the two has gone and it is affecting the polity. The Manmohan Singh government has, no doubt, made Suresh Kalmadi, who headed the Commonwealth Games Organising Committee, resign from the office of Secretary of the Congress Parliamentary Party and Chief Minister Ashok Chavan from his office because of faulty allotment of flats by the Adarsh Housing Society. Yet the system has not changed and no top bureaucrat has been ever touched. The fact is that the entire system is rotten. Whether the Congress government or the BJP has the courage to overhaul it remains to be seen. The bureaucracy is too strong and too united. Once when I asked Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee why his government had made no mark, he said the bureaucracy did not allow them to function. The credit for exposures goes primarily to the media, which followed relentlessly a few leads and brought out much of the information we have today. The government was at first reluctant to admit the scam. Later, when political parties added their voice to the media’s demand for a probe, the government was forced to take action. Undoubtedly, the Congress has a secular face against the BJP’s communal credentials. But corruption has eaten into the Congress support base. I am worried about Dr Manmohan Singh’s reputation. It is up to the Prime Minister how he wants posterity to remember him. The problem with India or, for that matter, the countries in South-East Asia is that the governments either at the Centre or in the states are reeking with corruption. No government file moves until a babu’s palm is greased. Administrative reforms mean little when there is a nexus between the executive and the bureaucracy and when there is no
accountability.
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Grave security challenges and the risk of armed confrontation exist in South Asia. India must have potent politico-diplomatic deterrence, strategic alliances and the military wherewithal to ensure peace as well has ability to check adventurism by assertive neighbours or fight a war on two fronts
India
has had defence relations with the US since the Chinese attack in 1962. It was the US that India looked towards when Chinese troops were racing down towards the plains of Assam and Indian political and military leadership was paralysed. Americans airlifted badly needed weapons, equipment and a few fighter aircraft. Later, they equipped three mountain divisions with war equipment and there was a US military mission in New Delhi for a few years for the purpose. In the foreseeable future China and Pakistan would be India's main adversaries. There are significant differences in the fundamentals of these three societies, their value systems, religious beliefs and tolerance levels of others. India is a democracy and open society while China and Pakistan are comparatively closed societies, where military plays a dominant role. There is also economic competitiveness between China and India, though the Indian prime minister has repeatedly stated that there is enough room in the world for both China and India. In addition, there is a long-standing border dispute between China and India. India has critical reasons to worry about Chinese policies and capabilities. It is China and its friend North Korea that have made Pakistan a nuclear weapons country. It is also a major supplier of military equipment to Pakistan and gives is diplomatic support against Indian interests. It would not be wrong to say that China and Pakistan have an unwritten military alliance against India. China's conventional military is about twice the size of India's and Pakistan has about 70 per cent of military force compared to India. Armed with nuclear weapons and allied with radical Islamist elements, the Pakistani military remains dangerous. China has built the Qingzang rail line to Lahasa and may extend it to Nepal. It has also constructed a number of roads and airfields in Tibet and is building dams on the Brahmputra. Water will play a very important role in international relationships. Beijing has also gained greater influence in Nepal with the emergence of Nepali Maoists as a political force. It is possible China could move its troops into Nepal on some pretext and threaten the Indian heartland through UP, Bihar and West Bengal. Its claim on Arunachal Pradesh can be an excuse for military ingress there. The situation in northeastern India can become precarious if Bangladesh has a pro-Pakistan or pro-China government. A concerted foray by Pakistan and China in Ladakh-Kargil-Uri and even Himachal is a possibility. Militarily, it will be a very difficult for India to counter such an eventuality. In the past, India balanced Beijing and Pakistan through a de facto alliance with the Soviet Union. With Russia no more a super-power, the challenge is to deal with the long-term threat from these two countries. India has embarked on a path of economic growth. It does not want a military confrontation with any nation and desires peace, particularly in its neighborhood. However, as China's economic and military strength is growing, it has become more assertive. The manner in which China dealt with Japan over the release of the captain of a trawler involved in an incident with a Japanese naval ship has bewildered the world. Indian leadership does not have to panic but has to think long-term on how to co-exist with the Dragon. Prudent Indian policy could be: n Engage China, particularly in trade and avoid a military conflict as long as possible. n Develop conventional military and nuclear deterrence so China does not violate Indian borders and keeps away from neighbors and sea-lanes. In addition deter Pakistan against any military adventurism. n Diplomatically ensure that Pakistan does not threaten India in case of hostilities with China. n Work towards engaging a strategic ally having sufficient military and economic muscle to caution China on any adventurism against India. n Carry out effective psychological and information warfare to make it clear to China and Pakistan that though India desires peace, it is taking required steps to build its military muscle and strategic alliances, taking into account their military capabilities and their stance. Till now India is downplaying frequent irritants being thrown up by China. The emphasis is on increasing bilateral trade and there is even a tripartite forum between India, China and Russia. There is also cooperation in areas of common interest like climate change. Indian leadership is cautious that China does not feel threatened by parleys between India, USA and other countries. This policy to engage China should continue but measured diplomatic "tit-for-tat" would be in order if Chinese assertiveness continues. Let the impression that India is a soft state, not persist any longer. India needs peace to develop economically and one of the aims of Chinese and Pakistani policy is to hamper this. India should speed up decision making to build modern infrastructure, robust economy and ensure internal stability. However there are grave security challenges that might lead to armed confrontation with China and Pakistan. India must have potent military deterrence and think of alliances if the situation deteriorates. This is the challenge for Indian diplomacy and military for the next few decades. Indian diplomats need to get over the non-alignment hang over and be more realists, pragmatic and pro active. India therefore should modernise its armed forces considering Chinese military buildup in Tibet, the China's capability of operating in the Indian Ocean along with the Pak Navy and its capabilities in space, including the ability to neutralise satellites. India should also, like China, exploit the full potential for information warfare including cyber warfare. USA is the only country that, with its military and economic aid to Pakistan, can exert influence so Pakistan does not threaten India in case of a conflict with China. This was done so in 1962 and India was able to move some army formations from the west to the east. Improved bilateral relations can help, but Pakistan's obsession with Kashmir and supporting terrorism inhibits this. Not withstanding this, India has to be prepared for a two front war. India is the only one amongst leading countries not having a unified military command, i.e. a Chief of Defence Staff. Operational synergy required to wage a war on two fronts cannot be achieved without a single point military command. In addition, the military must be fully consulted for higher policy formulation. Here comes the crunch line. Indian military brass has to see the writing on the wall that as and when time comes for armed hostilities between China-Pakistan and India, the Indian armed forces will find themselves not appropriately equipped and at a disadvantage militarily, as has been the case since Independence, with one exception in 1971. Present and future political leaders, bureaucracy and more so the military commanders need to learn how to mould the internal and external geopolitical environment and take India to war in the future to ensure victory, and not be hustled into operations like Op Prakaram. However, China is not likely to give us the time that we got in 1971 and will retain the initiative. The US, though declining in stature, is still militarily the strongest, and an economic powerhouse. India and USA have mutual interests not to allow China to dominate this part of the world and the strategic understanding moving towards military cooperation between the two countries has strong logic. President Obama, during his just concluded visit, made it abundantly clear it is in the interests of the US, of Asia and the world at large for India to stand up and make its presence felt. However, having a defence tie up with America needs caution. American bureaucracy and polity still seem to have the fixation of US being the only super-power. They want their bidding to be done by their allies and strategic partners. The US has also in the past deprived its not so intimate allies of spares and critical components if they did not toe their line. India has to, therefore, take in to account such precedence before deciding to deepen military alliance and going in for critical acquisitions like fighter aircraft from USA. But good news is that the US is looking for strategic partners in the Indian Ocean Region and Asia and democratic India is a natural choice. Both countries are moving towards deepening strategic understanding about east Asia. Obama stated in New Delhi that they would review procedures and give India a similar status as given to close allies. How fast we proceed with strategic partnership with the US is a matter for the top leadership in New Delhi, in which the military brass must be intimately involved. The issue must also be debated politically in Parliament. Nonetheless, India should also be prepared to meet some US requirements like providing repair and refueling facilities and overflying rights, as there can be no free lunches. India need not worry about China's reaction considering that it already enjoys similar facilities in Pakistan. Indian polity and military should realise it is very important for Indian military leadership to develop close ties and understanding with their American counterparts. Pakistani top brass is on first name basis with the US military. leaders. Just having exercises at company/ squadron level is not enough. Military leaders of both countries need to discuss military threats and strategy as well. Any strategic partnership has to be as amongst equals. India is not yet ready to engage in any military ventures of significance across its shores except in the immediate neighborhood, in case our critical national interests are involved. India has to be first capable of defending its own borders and shores effectively against credible emerging military threats. However, Indian polity must remember that it would be a very sad day if India has to scurry to America again at some point of time in case there is another war with China, having dragged its feet over providing some military facilities before hand when asked by them and dilly-dallying in forging greater strategic and military ties. A steady increase in strategic understanding and military-to-military contacts with USA will be pragmatic. The writer is a former Signal Officer-in-Chief of the Indian Army
Indo-US military collaboration was re-established in January 1992 during the Narasimha Rao government. A joint Army Executive Steering Committee was set up, which was followed by the Joint Steering Committee of the two navies. Joint naval exercises were conducted in 1992. In 1994, a Joint Steering Committee of the air forces came up. Since then, joint training exercises involving all three services have become a regular affair. These exercises are conducted both, in India as well as the US and cover a wide spectrum of warfare and counter terrorist operations. This decade has seen several military platforms of US origin entering service with the Indian armed forces. Notable among them are the Lockheed C-130J Super Hercules transport aircraft undergoing trials in the US. Six aircraft worth about $1 billion have been purchased. Also on the cards are 10 C-17 Globemaster strategic transport aircraft that are estimated to cost close to $6 billion. The Navy has gone in for up to 12 Boeing P-8 maritime surveillance and anti-submarine aircraft worth over $3 billion, besides six UH-3H Sea King helicopters for $88 million. The Navy also purchased an ex-US Navy amphibious assault ship (USS Trenton, now INS Jalashva). Other deals with the US includes GE-404 engines to power the indigenous Tejas combat aircraft, artillery fire locating radars, Harpoon anti-ship missiles, and light-weight 155mm towed howitzers, small arms, avionics and personal equipment. US firms are also keen to sell the Javalin anti-tank missiles and the Aegis anti-missile system. Two US aerospace giants Lockheed and Boeing are contenders for the 124 medium multi-role aircraft for the IAF. According to reports, deals with the US have created offset obligations amounting to $1 billion for the Indian industry, which accounts for about 42 per cent of all international offset obligations. There has also been some criticism of military cooperation and defence deals with the US in certain official, political scientific and diplomatic circles.
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In 1995, Indo-US Military Cooperation Agreement was signed, under which Indian military personnel could visit the US for training courses, staff exchanges and joint exercises.