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The plunge Brownie point Just deserts |
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Trying times for agriculture
Gilass devta
Modi’s many faces Turban, a matter
of pride and honour Use land acquisition Act
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The plunge THE BSE Sensex’s biggest-ever fall on Monday and another 875-point collapse on Tuesday comes as a rude shock to those who thought India is insulated from the fallout of the sub-prime turbulence and a possible recession in the US. Such was the irrational exuberance that only a few days ago the Sensex had crossed the all-time high of 21,000 and only one company, Reliance Power, had collected a huge Rs 1,15,000 crore of investible funds through its initial public offer. All this time, few took note of the sweeping sell-offs by foreign institutional investors (FIIs) in the Indian market as domestic mutual funds and retail investors absorbed these sales. All this time, stock analysts kept admiring corporate results, which, no doubt, have been robust, and fundamentals of the Indian economy, which, again, remain sound. However, as the FII sales gathered momentum and funds got sucked up through two major IPOs, panic selling emerged. On Monday as India’s Sensex saw a 2,000-point intra-day plunge, the markets in Hong Kong, China, Japan, Indonesia and South Korea bled further. Europe witnessed the largest-ever meltdown since 9/11. Suddenly, the US recession loomed unusually large. President George Bush’s $145 billion fiscal stimulus and the Federal Reserve’s proposed 50-point rate cut, which normally would have triggered a rally, have failed to move up the markets and these are rather seen as acts of desperation. A contributory factor to Monday’s massacre, which wiped off Rs 6.6 lakh crore of investor wealth in India, was the excessive build-up in the futures and options segment. As valuations declined, many failed to pay up for the losses, forcing institutions to liquidate their holdings, thus further aggravating the fall. The worst-sufferers are those who trade with borrowed money. Small traders have suffered heavily. There may be more pain ahead, but some see an opportunity in every crisis and pick up good stocks at cheap prices. Others will take time to nurse their wounds. But there is a lesson for everyone: never take the stock markets for granted no matter how shining the growth story may be.
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Brownie point INDO-BRITISH relations got a major boost with UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown expressing support for India as an emerging global player during his visit to New Delhi. In a memorable speech on Monday, he forcefully advocated a radical reforms programme for the international institutions like the UN, the World Bank and the IMF so that they could allow India, the world’s largest democracy, to play its rightful role in the 21st century. These institutions must reflect today’s reality to be effective in the new global scenario. Mr Brown repeated his country’s wholehearted support for India’s claim for a permanent membership of the Security Council. The British Prime Minister was so appreciative of India’s achievements in different fields that when he talked of strengthening cooperation between the two countries, he described this as a “partnership of equals”. Britain has been one of the supporters of the Indo-US nuclear deal, a point which Mr Brown reiterated in New Delhi. Not only that, he also agreed to promote Indo-British cooperation in the nuclear energy sector. The UK has been waiting for the conclusion of the Indo-US deal to go in for nuclear trade with India. It must be pointed out that Britain has been committed to extending its support for an India-specific safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency and for India’s case at the Nuclear Suppliers Group. Obviously, the UK appreciates India’s conduct as a responsible nuclear-weapon state despite not being a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. India and Britain have been doing well on bilateral trade. Mr Brown appeared to be hopeful of increasing further the two-way trade. His entourage being packed with businessmen was a clear indication of the focus of his visit. He was equally interested in intensifying cooperation between India and the UK in the fight against global terrorism. After all, terrorism has emerged as the biggest threat to peace and economic growth. The two most experienced countries in fighting terrorism can definitely play a major role in the global war against this international scourge.
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Just deserts MUMBAI Additional Sessions Judge U.D. Salvi has sentenced 11 people to life imprisonment for raping Bilkis Bano and killing 14 of her family members six years ago. This was one of the most gruesome incidents of communal violence in Gujarat. The nature, extent and gravity of the crime were such that the accused deserved no leniency. A minor punishment would not have served the ends of justice. The judge had his own reasons in rejecting the prosecution’s plea for death sentence — the maximum punishment prescribed for the offence under the law. However, life imprisonment is no small punishment and it is sure to act as a deterrent. The punishment would not have happened if the Supreme Court had not come to the rescue of Bilkis Bano by transferring the case from Gujarat to Maharashtra. The National Human Rights Commission, the media, NGOs and lawyers have all helped Bilkis Bano in her fight for justice. Bilkis Bano told the media in Delhi on Monday that after raping her and killing her family members, some police officers and doctors tried to destroy evidence. It was the AIIMS forensic doctors’ report confirming that the bones recovered from the site belonged to her slain relatives that led to the conviction of the 11 accused. In all fairness, all those involved in the crime, including police officers and doctors, must be punished. Given its questionable role, it is doubtful whether the Gujarat government would appeal against the acquittal of the seven accused. But then, nothing stops the CBI from seeking a review of their acquittal. Judge Salvi has set seven persons free for lack of evidence. Nonetheless, the prosecution -- if it goes in for an appeal -- can make the best use of Bilkis Bano’s eyewitness account and build up a strong case for their conviction. Bilkis Bano is afraid of returning to Gujarat where she faces a threat to her life. As she came forward to give her testimony against heavy odds and helped the court in nailing down the guilty, the authorities concerned have a duty to provide all possible security to her and her family.
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I will not go down to posterity talking bad grammar. — Benjamin Disraeli
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Trying times for agriculture INDIA is one of the emerging developing economies demonstrating a healthy quarterly growth rate of over 8 per cent per annum in the recent past. Among the three sectors, agriculture and allied activities hold the key to a sustained growth journey in the coming years. Against this backdrop, the main thrust of the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-12) is “Towards Faster and More Inclusive Growth”. The bottom line, however, has been aptly summed up by the Prime Minister that growth alone cannot be the sole goal of planning since global trends in food production and prices will exert escalating “pressure on both availability and prices of basic food items”. The imminent position for agriculture in the faster and inclusive growth paradigm, against this backdrop, has three key elements: agricultural sector growth rate pegged around 4 per cent, farm product export growth at 10 per cent and, consequent to rapid urbanisation, faster pace of change in the food consumption basket. A clear understanding of desirability and feasibility of the first two growth rates are important for their serious implications on the smallholder-driven commodity producing rural agriculture sector. The test, however, lies in correctly identifying the sources of growth in the agricultural and allied production activities. The next step would be to design commensurate investment in production enhancing policy and physical planning. The inclusion concept, therefore, has ambitions for such ground realities associated with trust in the growth rate. The 4 per cent growth rate in agriculture and allied sector activities is aptly disaggregated into demand and supply side interventions in the 11th Plan strategy. However, a simplistic view demonstrates that the production growth rate is determined by the growth rates in the crop area and the yield rates (productivity) in a fashion that biological and natural resources principles determine the boundaries. When the crop production growth rate is given, its validity can be checked using area and yield information. In the event that an independent estimate of yield growth rate is not available, for given values of the crop area growth rate and the output growth rate, the yield growth rate attains determinable significance. Thus, the onus of attaining a 4 per cent growth rate in agriculture and allied production activity certainly falls on obtained or planned values of yield rates. The smallholder agriculture in the country has a comparative advantage centred on the farming community. This advantage is available to the state agencies as well as to all those associated with the agribusiness sector. The challenge, though, will rest with those who effectively translate smallholder-friendly knowhow into similar show-how. The state agencies certainly have a lead in this challenge posed by the approved 11th Plan strategy. The three primary issues with special reference to a state or region could be categorised as follows: Exploring the matrix of agriculture (crop husbandry), livestock and environment (including horticultural and non-timber forest produce); changes in the rural economic environment and identification of various segments of farmers in a state/region who will be impacted. The common thread has been that scientists are attempting to provide specific instances to reconnect science with farmers in the field on the one hand and agriculture department officials on the other. The criticality of budgetary flow of funds into the agriculture sector to specifically address knowledge deficiency in a sustainable manner has been underscored. The primary production activities in the rural areas generally address a micro-level cost-risk-return trinity a la the three R’s of reform propounded by Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen (viz. reach, range and reason). The limitation of the area growth rate during the 11th Plan period is real with the exponential growth in the number of special economic zones (SEZs) for enhancing industrial activities. In the event that agricultural land will go out of cultivation for setting up SEZs, we are left with the productivity question. This is a key element identified as the supply side constraint in the XIth Plan approach. Another related yet critical component is the technological interventions. That technology is non-linear and lends itself to price and income substitutions typically in the smallholder-dominated agriculture once again has attained importance. There is an urgent need to devise a mechanism to get the agricultural scientists to pro-actively consider a region-specific optimisation framework within the cost-risk-return trinity constraints of a specific region. The quality and quantum of land and water are the dominant concerns for all the states. With the deepening of water table, the quality of water is bound to influence crop sequencing and output. Therefore, the diversification agenda for micro-level planning must factor the health of the soil and water quality into the main investment plan. The great disconnect between the scientific fraternity and the farmers in the field will be addressed through extension activities, though agricultural extension has a meagre 4.7 per cent share in the total Central annual plan outlay for 2006-07. Besides, the proposition of attaining a 10 per growth rate in agri-product exports will raise the critical questions on quality and globally valid certification systems. The compliance cost burden in the smallholder farmer-dominated system must be borne by public agencies to provide the required cost advantage. Finally, environmental and net returns trade-offs need to be examined within the diversification discourse. Surely, it needs to be appreciated that the market price is not the sole or best objective “marker” for diversification. The key issue must be to incorporate corrections to environmental aberration in the crop area through policy instruments, particularly in agriculture. Clarity in such areas will greatly aid our efforts at reaching the 4 per cent growth
target. The writer, a professor, has been a member of the Working Group on Agriculture set up by the Planning Commission for the preparation of the Eleventh Five Year Plan.
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Gilass devta
COME festival season and I am often reminded of Panditji. Some might have had a different opinion about him but the thoroughbred Panditji was generally revered in the village. Of moderate height and good physique, Panditji used to sport a big tilak on his forehead. It was a practice for the youth to touch his feet whenever they accosted him. He would reciprocate the charan vandana with an aashirvaad that depended on his mood. Panditji had a tumultuous past. He had a stint in the army after which he did many odd jobs that never satisfied him. With his brothers living away from the village for reasons of job, Panditji was forced to stay with his old mother in their village home. Mother and son devoted much of their time to prayers and traditional methods of worship. Though he was in his mid-forties and was a qualified priest, he rarely accepted responsibilities of solemnising marriages or conducting birthday ceremonies. He would not even recite satyanarayan katha. In fact, he was a man of choices. He had a select group of yajmaans, who paid him well for his services as a priest. He had an excellent command of Sanskrit and his diction was flawless. Few priests could claim such knowledge of the language of gods. That’s why he expected high monetary rewards for his priestly services. Once he visited our family after a long gap. Asked why he had become parsimonious in his visits, he quipped: “These days people like kutta-billi (dogs and cats) more than guests. In fact, the pets are used to frighten away the visitors”. Actually, he was referring to our own dog. In fact, he was good at double-entendres, which he used with telling effect, to make his point. Once during the Navratras, he was specially invited by the managing committee of Shri Chamunda Nandikeshwara temple in distant Dharamshala to perform some special rites. To be invited for this task, was, in fact, a rare honour for any priest. The organisers tried their level best to serve good meals to the scholar-pandits so as to keep them in good humour. For some reason, milk was offered to them only in small quantity. The priests were upset over this. But none dared to raise the matter with the committee. They discussed it among themselves but none was ready to bell the cat. However, Panditji found it difficult to hold his pent-up feelings. One morning, when milk was served to the scholars, he took the small steel tumbler with folded hands and said, “Hey gilass devta, your maya is beyond my perception — when it is your turn to serve water, you attain viraat roop (larger form), but when it is the turn to serve milk, you appear in laghu roop (small form)”. The organisers instantly got the message. From the very next day, the “gilass devta” appeared in viraat roop even when milk was served to the
pandits.
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Modi’s many faces
THE unexpected victory of the Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi in the December 2007 assembly polls seems to have provided an excuse to all self-appointed secularists to brand the people of Gujarat, especially the urban middle class of the state, as the confirmed communalists. In their desire to see Narendra Modi biting the dust, they have overlooked the fact that Narendra Modi won the election without the support of the Sangh Parivar and its known and unknown front shops like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal and the RSS cadre. In fact, by winning the assembly elections on his own, Narendra Modi has emerged as a discomforting dimension to the Sangh Parivar for its internal dynamics. Narendra Modi was not on the list of priorities for the Sangh Parivar. It was known for some time. In fact, no leader emerging from the Other Backward Classes, with his own support base, has been encouraged to stay long enough in a position of authority. Kalyan Singh was always inconvenient for the Sangh Parivar as the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh and was not allowed to function effectively. Uma Bharati was virtually hounded out of the party by denying her the due share in the power structure. Even Narendra Modi was dropped from the BJP’s Parliamentary Board last year after Rajnath Singh reconstituted the Board on confirmation of his election as the party president at Lucknow. The logic for dropping him from the highest decision-making body of the party was facile – ‘No chief minister was member of the Board, so Narendra Modi was replaced.’ A seat in the highest body of the party was never linked to his or her holding the office of the chief minister. Even though Modi had become the chief minister in 2001 October, he had continued on the Board till January 2007. That itself makes the reason given for his omission a dubious one. Rajnath Singh could not have, and would not have, dropped Modi unless it was the desire of, and had the approval of, the Sangh Parivar. It would seem that even the Sangh Parivar had come to a conclusion almost a year earlier that Narendra Modi would not be able to bring the party back to power in December 2007. Hence he could be easily disposed off by denying him a place on the Board. The Sangh Parivar made no effort to broker a peace between Narendra Modi and the VHP supremo Dr. Praveen Togadia, who was publicly abusing Narendra Modi. It was also a well known fact that the RSS decided to remain dormant in the assembly election while VHP workers were openly aligned with the detractors of Modi, even after the dissidents had joined hands with the Congress. Narendra Modi also perhaps did not expect or want support from the Sangh Parivar. In fact he expected animus from the Sangh Parivar during the assembly elections. He had prepared his own army of workers who would remain loyal to him alone as their holding offices depended on his return to power. Narendra Modi had fielded young candidates for the Zilla Panchayat election and had won 19 of 26 Zilla Panchayats in the state. He had also commanded influence during the cooperatives elections and had thus created an independent election machinery of campaigners in the age group below thirty years. They were young and could influence and inspire the young generation, with common social and economic interests. The RSS cadre was of persons above the middle age and would have hardly influenced the young voters in the state. In addition, the charge that he was dictatorial in his attitude became an asset for him as he was projected as a person who could get work done, especially from the bureaucrats. Narendra Modi was also a practical politician. He read properly the messages that emanated from the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh both in 2002 and 2007. The BJP was reduced to a third position in the state in both the assembly elections. Its numbers in the Lok Sabha also came down from a peak of 52 members to merely 11 in May 2004. That Hindutva was no more a miracle mantra for the BJP was apparent. That had made Modi to shift the focus of his agenda from religion-oriented politics to the developmental plank-based politics. He had taken several initiatives to create demonstrative symbols of his performance. His image as non-corruptible person also impressed the middle class as they had not seen any known or unknown power brokers hovering in proximity of the chief minister, as they used to do earlier. He had visited each constituency at least twice and was the most visible politician who was always on the road and amidst people of the state. His development schemes were aimed at improving the lot of OBCs and Dalits. He had concentrated more on women’s welfare and was more particular on the issue of girls’ education. He and his cabinet colleagues remained in the assigned districts at the time of starting of the academic year for the past three years to personally lead girls to schools. It was a demonstrative symbol that was seen by the entire state except the secularists who were sitting outside the state. All this does not make him a better person with a vision but it only says that he was a clever strategist and does know the art of communication and understanding of the crowd mentality. Even in his return forays to the Congress president, he did not resort to the religious fanaticism but used the opportunity to highlight the different aspects of national security. The Congress could not effectively counter his arguments because it misread them as being part of his communal approach. Modi won despite the lack of support from the Sangh Parivar and his own party men and established himself as a mass leader in the BJP. No other second rank leader in the party has achieved that distinction. He would certainly call the shots and the RSS would have to tolerate him because the Sangh Parivar does not have any one else who can hold a candle to Narendra Modi in the party. People of Gujarat have elected a different Narendra Modi who was changing the paradigms of politics by performing the tasks undertaken by him. The entire campaign within Gujarat was based on the issue of performance and development. He had taken the Narmada waters to North Gujarat. It was a demonstrative symbol to convince the people of Gujarat for whom the Narmada River linked development projects is an obsession. It may be unjust but there it is – he has kept his promise. It was not a vote of communal-minded people. It was a vote for performance. But those who evaluate the political developments from outside have obviously not seen the drama that was unfolding over the last two years.
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Turban, a
matter of pride and honour Turban-wearing Sikhs stand out in a crowd, for good or bad, and there are many documented cases, spread over centuries and spanning the globe, when the Sikhs have faced discrimination and worse because of their turbans. Often prominent people would stand up for their rights. When the question of Sikhs wearing turbans and refusing to wear steel helmets came in front of the British parliament, Sir Winston Churchill said it was “a matter of deep regret that consequent to contemporary cynicism, people had been toying with many precious social and religious values, but those who want to retain and maintain them with due respect should receive our appreciation as well as help. The Sikhs need our help for such a cause. We should help them willingly. He who is familiar with Sikh history knows the Sikhs’ relationship with England, the high degree of their achievements, and must help them with full strength. The Sikhs should be exempted from wearing steel helmets because it hurts their religious feelings”. Especially in the final decades of the last century, the Sikhs would take recourse to the legal systems of the nations that they faced discrimination in, and more in time would be granted relief since courts worldwide recognised the fundamental right of the Sikhs to wear an item of their religious attire. This was so in Britain, Canada and the US, to name just three major nations. In France, however, it was the state that discriminated against Sikh school students and banned them for wearing turbans to school, because turbans were seen as “conspicuous religious symbols”. It enacted an all-embracing law against “conspicuous religious symbols” in 2004 and enforced it vigorously. Others affected by the law include Muslim girls wearing headscarves, Jewish boys wearing scull caps and Christians wearing large crosses. The logic behind this decision is to take secularism not as equal respect for all religions, as it is seen in India; or a separation of the church and the state as is practised in most of Europe and the US, but a particularly narrow and strident interpretation that seeks to stamp out religion and religious symbols to preserve secularity. French courts have supported the government in this and now the principle is being extended-the Sikhs are being asked to uncover their heads while being photographed for driving licences. Recently, United Sikhs, an international charitable organisation that has also been fighting for the cause of the turban, reported that its appeal regarding Shingara Mann Singh, 52, a French national who was refused a replacement driver’s licence because he did not take off his turban, was turned down by a top French court. Similarly, appeals by eight French students, who have sought to be allowed to attend school, have met with a similar fate. The forthcoming visit of French President Nicolas Sarkozy has drawn attention to this issue again. The issue of banning turbans in French schools has been raised , protest marches have taken place, and vigils are being planned. It is a historical fact that 80,000 Sikh soldiers fought for France and many lost their lives during the two world wars, fighting major battles in Ypres, La Bassée, NeuveChapelle, Festubert, Loos, Givenchy and Somme. The late Hardit Singh Malik was granted the French Legion of Honour Award in 1952. He had served as a fighter pilot for the French Air Force, and won nine aerial battles in World War I. The turbaned Malik also served as Indian Ambassador to France soon after India became independent. The issue is neither the contributions of the Sikhs to the freedom of France, nor the ties they have with France and the French people. What is at stake here is a fundamental matter of giving people the freedom to profess and practise their faith. The following are excerpts from a statement by the French President Nicolas Sarkozy speaking at the UN General Assembly in New York on September 25, 2007, which is being circulated on the Internet: “Attachment to one’s faith, to one’s language and culture, and to one’s way of life, thought and belief – all this is natural, legitimate and profoundly human…To deny that is to sow the seeds of humiliation. A ‘clash of civilisations’ will not be averted by forcing everyone to think and believe alike; cultural and religious diversity must be accepted everywhere and by all.” Quite so, Mr President.
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Use land acquisition Act THE year 2007 shall be remembered for conflict with farmers on the issue of land acquisition and development. Efforts should be made in the year 2008 to find ways to prevent it. In Punjab, the Regional and Town Planning and Development Act, 1995 was mainly enacted to create a suitable climate for development. The Act makes it possible to do development with very little acquisition. Mr H.S. Mattewal, the Advocate General, Punjab is of the view that in the 1995 Act payment of compensation is not essential. He is right because under this Act farmers can be made a partner or beneficiary in the development. This can be done in many ways such as a land pooling scheme. In it, farmers are not paid compensation in money and instead approximately one-fourth of their land is allotted to them in the developed areas which is developed by them according to the schemes prepared by the authorities under their supervision. This method requires better supervision, efficient planning and implementation. But farmers do not resist as they become partners in progress. Mr R.S. Cheema, the former Advocate General Punjab had high praise for the Punjab Act and while arguing a case in the Supreme Court. In spite of such strong merits of the Punjab Act, The Punjab Urban Planning and Development Authority (PUDA) has not applied the Act fully, both in letter and spirit. The result is that most of the projects either have been stayed by the High Court or the farmers have gone on an agitation. Development work in Punjab is broadly at stand-still. People generally believe that the attitude of the farmers is unreasonable. They get a stay order from the court or agitate to protect their land. In reality, the stay is only granted when acquiring authorities commit grave illegalities and not otherwise. Under the Punjab Act land can be developed with the cooperation and participation of the farmers. Maharashtra is industrialising for the last 30/40 years with the help of farmers. Punjab can also do the same, specially because Punjab has adopted the Maharashtra Act. The present Punjab Act, if fully applied, can also produce required results without any conflict. Act needs better planning with proper notice to affected people to seek their cooperation. This is the small price which State of PUDA should not mind. A development with cooperation will be done in shorter time, less litigation but we need better administration which PUDA is fully competent to provide. Under Punjab Act we can enforce it with the help of Municipalities and Panchayats, by making farmers partners in development. Why should the State or PUDA shirk it? Why are we still sticking to an acquisition Act of 1894, which the East India Company had made to exploit the locals? If the country’s most industrialised states are using new laws for urban development for the last 30 years; why should Punjab not follow Maharashtra or Gujarat? More than twelve years have passed since the new Punjab Act was enacted. Not even once the Government has acted under this Act. We are an agriculturist state. Since the compensation is not adequate, the people resist the acquisition by all legal and extra legal methods. Ultimately, farmers remain poor. If we shirk to apply the modern law then we only have to blame ourself for
poverty. The writer is a Senior Advocate
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PRIDE and honour make a potent potion and the turban evokes these feelings in those Sikhs who wear a turban. People have been wearing turbans since time immemorial and you find individuals wearing turbans in many nations in Asia and Africa. While for some turbans might be an optional, formal, attire, for the Sikhs wearing a turban is a religious imperative.