 |
|
No diplomacy this Siding with encroachers |
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Court martial again Army must get rid of bad coins THE spate of recent courts martial where various officers and men – colonels, brigadiers and even generals amongst them – have been forced to bite the dust has been distressing. But the saving grace is the simple fact that the Army is steadily weeding out the black sheep by showing no leniency to those in the dock. Strict action will also act as a deterrent.
Myanmar faces instability
Just like United States
Building peace in Nepal English al-Jazeera set to target
global audience Paramedical force needed for disasters
|
No diplomacy this CHINESE Ambassador to India Sun Yuxi did a great disservice to India-China relations when he put his foot in his mouth and claimed, “the whole of Arunachal Pradesh is Chinese territory”. This has forced External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee to retort that the Northeastern state is an integral part of India. It is true that Beijing has made efforts to assuage the feelings of India by playing down its envoy’s comment. But it is difficult to undo the damage already done by the unwarranted statement, which did not show Chinese diplomacy in a good light. At least for the sake of making Chinese President Hu Jintao’s forthcoming visit to India a success, if not for any other reason, the Ambassador should have used a language of restraint. Like the dragon that cannot change its frightening ways, the Chinese, perhaps, cannot change their manners. It would not be out of place to mention that China has border disputes with all its neighbours. Except for the one with Russia, which has been talked over and sealed, enabling the two countries to have cozy diplomatic, military and trade relations, all others are kept festering, perhaps, to cash in on them at an appropriate time. The border problem between India and China is essentially the result of the latter’s fanciful claims. Even so there is a mechanism in place to discuss such issues and sort them out in an atmosphere of peace, tranquillity and cordiality. The people are not privy to the progress the talks have achieved so far, but the very fact that the doors have not been closed for such efforts inspires some confidence. In any case, irritants like border problems should not be allowed to come in the way of strengthening India-China relations. It is in this context that Hu’s visit assumes importance. India and China are increasingly seen as the future economic powerhouses of the world. But when it comes to the volume of trade between the two countries, it is peanuts compared to the size of trade they have with other countries. Sky is the limit for improvement in mutual relations if India and China show greater understanding of each other’s needs and act accordingly. A prerequisite for this is an immediate cessation of any reference to Arunachal Pradesh, which is and will remain an integral part of India. |
|
Siding with encroachers IT seems that the tough stand taken by the Supreme Court in connection with encroachments in Delhi has not made anyone in the Himachal Pradesh Government wiser. At a time when the whole country is waking up to need for controlling the menace of illegal constructions, the State Cabinet has decided to side with the law-breakers by agreeing to regularise unauthorised buildings all over the state on payment of a nominal composition fee. The policy covers the municipal corporation, municipal councils, nagar panchayats and other areas where the Town and Country Planning Act is in force. There are at least two main aims behind this maddening “magnanimity”. One, it will oblige many VIPs, including a large number of ministers and MLAs. Two, it can help garner votes in the forthcoming election to the Shimla Municipal Corporation. But for providing these fringe benefits to certain leaders and the ruling party, the state will have to pay a very heavy price. As it is, many of the cities of the state, especially capital Shimla, have been turned into a concrete jungle thanks to a flurry of unplanned construction. The problem will become all the more acute in the days to come. Those carrying out unauthorised constructions will be encouraged to ply their trade with renewed vigour, with the hope that the government will keep on obliging them in the future too. Those who abide by the law may also think about shedding their coyness and join the lawbreakers’ brigade. Above all, such decisions present the government in a poor light. If it sides with the offenders, the common man loses faith in it. For all one knows, the support that the Congress is hoping to get from those whose unauthorised constructions are legalised may be more than offset by the disenchantment of the law-abiding citizens, who far outnumber the lawbreaking ones. Not only that, the measure may also fall foul of the judiciary. |
|
Court
martial again THE
spate of recent courts martial where various officers and men –
colonels, brigadiers and even generals amongst them – have been
forced to bite the dust has been distressing. But the saving grace is
the simple fact that the Army is steadily weeding out the black sheep
by showing no leniency to those in the dock. Strict action will also
act as a deterrent. A General Court Martial has now found a Commanding Officer of the Gorkha Rifles guilty of charges pertaining to the Siachen “fake killings” case. While not as chilling as the fake encounters elsewhere, where innocent labourers were reportedly killed as terrorists, the Siachen case is bad enough. A major forced his own troops to pose as dead Pakistani soldiers and fired missiles at imaginary enemy positions. The commanding officer in question evidently suppressed this information, besides indulging in activities to raise money for his private ends. There have been cases of mismanagement and corruption in liquor and ration stocks that have bought the Army as an institution into disrepute. Such scandals do little to enhance the morale of the force, and further detract from the services’ ability to attract top flight talent to its ranks. While these incidents are outrageous, there is no cause for despair. The punishment of those concerned will enhance the credibility of the institution as a whole, and of those fine men and women who are making sacrifices all the time in the interests of the nation. At all levels, the upright should now go about ensuring that a cultural change is effected in the Army, where sundry infractions are not just frowned upon but actively discouraged. No one should turn away from a black deed with a shrug but it should instead lead to weeding out the culprits. As one of the finest fighting forces in the world, the Army owes it to itself. Let the good work continue. |
|
Go on failing. Go on. Only next time, try to fail better. — Samuel Beckett
|
Myanmar faces instability
WHILE public and media attention in India remains focused on events in Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka and the forthcoming visit of President Hu Jintao of China, New Delhi seems to be paying scant attention to developments in Myanmar, with whom we share a 1643-kilometre land border, straddling four insurgency- prone northeastern states — Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram. The Khaleda Zia government and the ISI have been promoting religious extremism, demographic change and insurgency in India’s northeast. New Delhi has, however, been able to contain these challenges with some success. This is because the Myanmar government has extended cooperation to India in dealing with insurgent groups being infiltrated into our northeast through Myanmar territory. Institutional mechanisms for trans-border cooperation between India and Myanmar have worked consistently, to see that neither country permits its territory to be used to promote violence and separatism in the other. The western world led by the US and the UK have condemned the Myanmar regime for not immediately restoring democracy. For most Indians, this selective approach to promoting democracy is rather incongruous. Gen Pervez Musharraf has exiled the legally elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr Nawaz Sharif, threatened to arrest Mr Sharif’s predecessor, Ms Benazir Bhutto, if she returns to Pakistan and assumed office in a rigged referendum. He proposes to get himself re-elected by emasculating the main moderate opposition parties and promotes terrorism in Afghanistan and India. The US and the UK, however, describe General Musharraf as a symbol of “enlightened moderation” and a reliable ally in the “war on terrorism”. At the same time, India is told that the military rulers of Myanmar, who help us fight terrorism and separatism, should be shunned and ostracised for denying high office to Aung Ms San Suu Kyi. In the words of President Bush, Myanmar is now “an outpost for tyranny”. After considerable effort, the US and the UK have succeeded in inscribing the issue of Myanmar on the agenda of the UN Security Council, with the aim of imposing sanctions on it. A pertinent question that Indians can ask is that if sanctions are to be imposed on Myanmar for preventing a government led by Ms Aung San Suu Kyi assuming office, why can similar sanctions not be placed on Pakistan led by General Musharraf? There was a wide-ranging discussion on such issues at a conference earlier this month organised by Wilton Park, a British Foreign Office-supported think tank. The views of western diplomats and NGOs were divided. Most participants agreed that sanctions would not work and would only lead to greater suffering for ordinary people in Myanmar, with little effect on its military rulers. There were no Chinese representatives at the conference, but China’s Permanent Representative to the UN made it clear on September 15, 2006, that China was opposed to placing the internal situation in Myanmar on the agenda of the Security Council. Sanctions leading to economic deprivation and instability in Myanmar would result in an influx of refugees into our northeastern states, further destabilising the situation in our northeast. It was in this background that Mr Pranab Mukherjee told the UN General Assembly, “the inclusion of items that have nothing at all to do with peace and security (in the agenda of the UN Security Council) represents an encroachment on the roles mandated to other UN bodies.” Though some ASEAN countries have recently urged the military rulers in Myanmar (referred to as the State Peace and Development Council-SPDC) to proceed towards democratisation expeditiously, ASEAN governments like Indonesia continue their high-level engagement with Myanmar, promote trade and economic relations and extend technical assistance. India’s approach has been largely harmonised with that of ASEAN. The military leadership has been repeatedly urged at high-level discussions to effect a democratic change. As Myanmar constitutes the land bridge to the booming economies of South- East Asia, India has extended assistance in the construction of roads, the development of the Yangon-Mandalay trunk link by rail and in establishing an optical fibre link between Mandalay and Moreh in Manipur. With China moving in aggressively to develop Myanmar’s energy resources, Indian public sector and private oil companies have struck deals for both offshore and onshore oil and gas exploration. Further, when discussions with Myanmar for building an 1800 MW hydro-electric project across the Chindwin river conclude, work will commence on a project that can substantially address the power shortages in our northeastern states. More importantly, it would not be in India’s interests if the Chinese were able to establish a presence along our land and maritime borders with Myanmar. While Western rhetoric on democracy in Myanmar will have little effect, real progress in moves towards democratisation can only be achieved if Myanmar’s Asian neighbours lend full support to efforts by the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative, Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, to effect a measure of political reconciliation between the ruling SPDC and the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Ms Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr Gambari appears to presently enjoy the confidence of Myanmar’s military rulers and has met Ms Aung San Suu Kyi. The SPDC convened a “National Convention” to draft a new constitution for the country in 1992. Substantial progress has been made since then in drafting the major provisions of a constitution in which, like in Pakistan, the military will play a constitutional role in governance. This is similar to provisions in constitutions in force earlier in Indonesia and Thailand. The military rulers agreed in 1994 to permit representatives chosen by Ms Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD to participate in the National Convention. But talks between the NLD and the SPDC proved inconclusive. Mr Gambari appears to be encouraging efforts to make the National Convention more inclusive. No entrenched military government suddenly relinquishes power. The period of transition from military rule to democracy often takes a decade or more. Many of those from within Myanmar whom I spoke to in the UK were quite clear that the effort should be to formalise a constitution that provides for a growing civilian presence within the government. This effort should seek a constitution that is genuinely federal and promotes a process of growing democratisation. Both the SPDC and the NLD will have to show a sense of proportion and realism if this is to be achieved. India should discuss these developments with Myanmar’s ASEAN partners. Political transition in Myanmar can be facilitated by quiet and concerted diplomatic efforts by Myanmar’s neighbours. The stakes are too high for us to allow Myanmar to slide into instability and a resumption of ethnic
insurgencies.
|
Just like United States
IT
is said that death is the greatest leveller. But perhaps politics too is a big leveller. Whether it is in India or abroad, it takes a toll on people who take the high moral ground when it comes to preaching to others but it is strictly gloves off when it comes to preserving their positions of power and pelf. The recent spate of advertisements issued by the Congress and the Akalis as a curtain raiser for the forthcoming assembly poll takes me back to the recently concluded election in the United States of America. The voters there had to choose not only their senator but also congressman, mayor and the governor of the state. And, like in India, it was a no-holds barred contest. Name-calling and mud-slinging is the name of the game as each candidate tries to show down the other. Consider this: a television commercial mentioned the name of one candidate for senatorship and the visual alongside was that of a sheep. The voiceover said that he had not done this and this and that. And, as the narration went on, the image of the sheep transformed itself gradually into that of a wolf. The final pronouncement: beware of him, he is a wolf in sheep’s clothing. Another advertisement showed a sitting candidate making a speech. Came the voiceover — “Can you trust this man?” The candidate was shown making a statement on big car engines. Cut to archival material. He was shown saying just the opposite. The voiceover: “Can you trust a liar?” Yet another instance where the rival candidate could not pinpoint any lying or double-faced behaviour of the opposition’s man. The advertisement was straightforward - he is too liberal for us. He supports gay marriages and abortion! The punch line -American catholic family values are at stake, don’t vote for him. It didn’t stop at family, religious or social issue. A lot of debate was caused because one candidate claimed that Hilary Clinton had got herself a facelift so that she could appear to be more appealing to voters on election day. Another candidate said about his rival on prime time TV that he was un-American as he had voted against a bill raising benefits for ex-servicemen. Yet another in a signed TV promo accused his rival of not minding his own family and lecturing the world on family values. However, what took the cake was the one which alleged that a candidate had not been able to answer any of the vital questions facing the nation. It then showed his election symbol and wryly noted, “No wonder he can’t say anything intelligent. He is the party’s official mascot.” The election symbol:
donkey. |
Building peace in Nepal NO one could have imagined that a final political accord on the two most contentious issues in Nepal’s unique peace process could have been reached so soon and with so little fuss. The recent historic accord between the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Maoists comes in the wake of many previous agreements - the mother of them all, the 12-point letter of understanding of November 23, 2005; the nine-point Parliamentary proclamation dismantling monarchy of 18 May 2006; the 25-point ceasefire code of conduct of May 2; and the 5-point letter to the UN on arms management of 9 August. The new accord will be followed by a comprehensive peace agreement to be signed by the two sides on November 16. The latest agreement focuses on four areas: fate of the monarchy; arms management; interim constitution, legislature and government; and elections to the Constituent Assembly. The fate of the monarchy is to be decided by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly. This has been by far the most contentious issue as the Maoist 10-year people’s war had aimed to convert the Hindu kingdom into a democratic republic. The Maoists were prepared to give in on practically every other issue, had the SPA opted to declare Nepal a republic during the transition. It seems Prime Minister GP Koirala has had his way in retaining ceremonial monarchy till the constituent assembly elections in June next year. The CPN-UML led by Madhav Nepal was keen to let the future of monarchy be settled through referendum. The King has been defanged. The Army is no longer on his side. But Maoists continue to harp on the fears of the King and the Army coming together and use this as a political bargaining chip. Last month the newly formed National Democratic Front urged the people to take up arms to save the King. In a poll done last month with a sample size of 3000 in 35 of Nepal’s 75 districts, 57 per cent favoured the monarchy. This will make the Maoist goal of turning Nepal into a Republic more difficult. The arms issue has been the most difficult to resolve, next to the monarchy. Arms management, a Nepali innovation for decommissioning, did not come easily. Koirala had told Prachanda that the two issues of equating the Maoist Army with the Nepal Army and retention of weapons after the formation of an interim government that would include the Maoists was not negotiable. Prachanda tried to get out of a complete arms surrender by offering to deposit 50 per cent of weapons now and 50 per cent prior to elections and was prepared to forego joining an interim government. For the SPA it was essential to rope the Maoists into an interim government and legislature and for this, separation of arms from combatants was paramount. The Maoist Army, consisting of seven divisions and 35,000 cadres will be confined to seven cantonments which are to be jointly chosen by the Maoists and the UN. The strength of the Maoist Army has been inflated by at least 10 to 15,000 to help them in rehabilitating the reserves also. No one has questioned these figures disclosed by Prachanda more than a month ago. Not surprisingly no figure has been put on the inventory of weapons which is to be first separated, later decommissioned and finally, put beyond use. The arms are to be secured in satellite camps with a single lock but with CCTV, a UN seal and guarded by 200 UN monitors. The key to the locks will be with the Maoists. The single lock system is a very rare occurrence and is a concession to the Maoists. Mr Ian Martin of the UN has played an important role in helping negotiate arms management. The catch, though, is no one has given the number of weapons held by the Maoists but estimates range from 4000 to 6000. Further, no one believes all the weapons will be surrendered. Although the arms issue has been resolved, commanders in the hinterland will resist abandoning them and the Arnold Schwarzenegger image. There is little likelihood of the Maoists returning to the jungles. Prachanda has at least twice said his men will not resume the armed campaign but could take to the streets which they have done frequently to the chagrin of the government. The Nepal Army will make a matching confinement of arms and men but continue to function as the state’s prime security organization. The new Parliament is to be established by November 26. The interim government will be installed by December 1 and will include at least five Maoist ministers in a 23-member council of ministers. The historic political package has set a timetable for an interim constitutional and legislative mechanism which will lead up to the elections to a constituent assembly. The power-sharing agreement recognises the transformation of the Maoists from a guerilla force into a political party and more importantly locks them into a political process which will gradually dismantle their people’s government. The comprehensive peace agreement which is to be signed on November 16 will incorporate a formal ceasefire agreement including statement from the Maoists of ending their armed campaign. It will also secure a commitment from Prachanda’s boys on ending extortion, tax collection, donations, abductions and display of arms in public places. While the devil is always in the implementation of any agreement, Kathmandu has demonstrated the Nepali way to conflict resolution. The Nepali peace process may lack sophistication but is replete in substance. The uniqueness lies in the fact that a framework for a political settlement had been achieved well before the conflict was over and the King defeated. There was no external mediation whatsoever. It is therefore, bound to have a positive impact on peace processes in the region and the Naxal movement in India. Delhi, which has played a key behind the scenes role in facilitating the historic accord, has welcomed it. Without Girijababu’s leadership this accord would have been unthinkable. Prachanda has stooped to conquer and eminently earned his way to the Hindustan Times Leadership Summit on November 17. |
|
English al-Jazeera set to target
global audience LIGHTS, cameras, salaam. In the heart of old London, a stone’s throw from Buckingham Palace, the inhabitants of a state-of-the-art TV studio are getting ready. Today, the Arabic television network al-Jazeera launches one of the most ambitious TV ventures of recent times: an English-language channel, to bring rolling news, from a Middle Eastern perspective, to a global audience of millions. The new channel, al-Jazeera International, already boasts star quality. A host of big names, from Sir David Frost to former BBC and ITV stalwarts Rageh Omaar and Darren Jordon have been poached from rival British broadcasters. Tony Blair, no less, is expected to provide the station’s first major “scoop,” having agreed to an exclusive interview on Friday’s debut edition of Sir David’s new weekly show, Frost Over the World. In the USA, meanwhile, AJI has signalled its intention to do battle with the mighty CNN, after poaching its sought-after Atlanta-based anchorman Riz Khan to front a daily news programme from Washington. The channel certainly has money to back up its ambitious aims. Bankrolled by the Emir of Qatar to the tune of tens of millions of dollars, it launches with a total of 18 bureaux around the world, and no less than five hundred staff of its own. Four studios - in London, Doha, Kuala Lumpur and Washington DC - will allow AJI to “follow the Sun,” broadcasting around the world via satellite TV and the internet, 24 hours a day, seven days a week. “This will be the last great adventure in TV news,” says the station’s Europe Correspondent, Alan Fisher. “It sounds like a terrible cliche, but the world is getting smaller, and there’s a huge untapped market out there that isn’t served by a rolling news station. I’d put that potential audience in tens, if not hundreds of millions.” It’s a bold claim. But al-Jazeera has made a habit of living up to the hype that has surrounded it since the original Arabic station hit the airwaves just ten years ago. That channel was launched on the back of a US$150 million grant from the Emir of Qatar in 1996, after the BBC scrapped its World Service Arabic language station, in response to censorship demands from the Government of Saudi Arabia. The Emir, a comparative liberal by the standards of Middle Eastern leaders, was anxious to make sure that a politically independent TV station could continue to broadcast in the region, and instructed its staff to: “report the news as they see it.” He named al-Jazeera after the Arabic term for “the peninsula” or “island” and saw it grow to international prominence, and in some cases notoriety, following the 9/11 attacks of 2001. Critics soon came out of the woodwork, however. They branded it “bin Laden’s favourite channel,” after al Qa’ida leaders began to use it to bring their occasional broadcasts - some involving captured Western hostages - to a world-wide audience. In addition, it was accused in some quarters of feeding its 50 million regular viewers with a regular diet of anti-American propaganda. As a result, Al-Jazeera has occasionally been targeted during the War Against Terror. Last year, it emerged that Tony Blair had been forced to talk George Bush out of bombing the firm’s Doha headquarters, during a meeting between the two leaders in April 2004. It is, therefore, hardly surprising that the launch of an English language channel will further rile those who have accused the station of being a mouthpiece for terrorists, and claimed (quite wrongly) that it has broadcast beheadings. Those involved say, however, that AJI will continue to follow the news agenda of its parent station. They deny accusations of bias; instead, the station offers a counterbalance to the Western tyranny of other international broadcasters. “It’s an independent production and we have full editorial control,” says editor Charlie Courtauld. “That is very important, because it is undeniable that some people have strong views about al-Jazeera which are generally based on second hand info, because they don’t speak Arabic.” Meanwhile, behind the scenes, ugly rumours have circulated concerning clashes over the editorial direction between its liberal new staff in London, and executives in Qatar who wished to preserve the station’s original brand of Arabic values. As recently as last week, the Independent on Sunday quoted employees at its Knightsbridge bureau describing “plummeting morale” and “real tension between Arabic programme makers and the new International team.”
By arrangement with
|
|
Paramedical force needed for disasters India is a country which is prone to a number of natural disasters. Due to its location and geographical features, many of the states are affected by more than one natural disaster every year. Though each disaster teaches us lessons, our preparedness is not upto international standards. While the defence services have taken the initiative in responding to disasters, it is time we realised that in a vast country like ours, civil preparedness is of the utmost importance. Requisitioning of defence services should be opted for only as a last resort. The newly constituted National Disaster Management Authority under the Disaster Management Act 2005 has been given the responsibility to prepare the civil sector to mitigate the ill effects of disasters. It is important that we should have numerous rescue teams which should reach the scene of the disaster in good time. To the living, the team should be able to provide initial resuscitation in the form of maintenance of airways, breathing and circulation. These rescue teams should be supplemented with well-trained emergency medical technicians who at present are non-existent in our country. Doctors, nurses and paramedics can share this responsibility in the beginning. But on a long term basis, we need to create a force of paramedics who could take care of victims. Ambulance services are inadequate. The vehicles are ill-equipped and manned by untrained drivers. Primary, secondary and tertiary level hospitals may be able to deal with the patient load everyday in normal conditions, but there is no preparedness to deal with mass causalities at any given time. Experience from the recent tsunami suggests that psychologists are required instead of psychiatrists to address the psychological ailments following disasters. They should be able to tackle sleeplessness, troubling memories, irritability, lack of interest, ceaseless thinking about the mishap and the future, and the like. Identification and disposal of dead with dignity is of paramount importance. Collective burning or any other way of mass disposal is not desired because it leaves deep scars on the relatives. Both government and society should facilitate early rehabilitation in terms of shelter, food and job opportunities. Government and NGOs must ensure that the help coming from various agencies are monitored and channelised, depending on genuine requirements. Sheer dumping of relief goods has been proved to be of no use. Authorities must ensure that school education should have concepts of disaster management in its curriculum. When these calamities strike, the communities, irrespective of their profession, status, caste or culture need to react. Therefore, it is important that capacities of communities are built up to observe, understand and prepare themselves for worst impact. It is important to allow transparency of action of the nodal agencies working towards mitigation measures, to encourage communities to get involved. At the time of occurrence of disasters, they will then not just wait for help.
The writer is a core member of the Medical Preparedness and Mass Casualties unit of the National Disaster Management Authority, New Delhi. |
| HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Mailbag | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | Delhi | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |
