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Another step forward Child called Budhia |
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On the fast track Bangalore in a metro mood THE Union Government has given the green signal to the metro rail project in Bangalore. This comes close on the heels of the Union Cabinet’s clearance of the new national urban transport policy that gives priority to public transport over private transport and seeks to conserve precious fuel, ease traffic congestion and check air and noise pollution.
The Saltoro Range
Tryst with a Man of Destiny
Private firms eyeing
defence sector Of Ajit Garh and
Tarn Taran Indo-Thai economic
ties to get a boost
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Another step forward AFTER a lull, there is some forward movement on the India-Pakistan diplomatic front. At the end of two days of official-level talks, the two countries have decided to take some more confidence-building measures (CBM). Introduction of a bus service between Poonch and Rawalakot and goods service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad has been agreed upon. It is now more than a year since bus service across the Line of Control was introduced. The fortnightly service may not have set the Jhelum on fire but it has disproved those who believed that it would be a catastrophic move. Though passports are not needed for availing of this service, the formalities are so cumbersome that it dissuades many from undertaking the journey. Consequently, the number of passengers has been decreasing with each trip. The compulsion of having to stay in the other country for a fortnight to catch a return bus also acts as a deterrent. It is against this backdrop that it was felt that what was required was not so much a bus service as facilities for the divided families to meet as often as possible. The decision to set up two meeting points along the LoC where such families can meet on designated days needs to be welcomed. During last year’s earthquake, which devastated parts of Kashmir, the need for a goods service between the two sides was acutely felt. Since road facilities exist and the security agencies also know the risks and logistics involved, it makes sense to allow traffic of goods on the Srinagar-Muzaffarbad route. After all, trade relations are more abiding than most other bilateral ties. While all these confidence-building measures are welcome, it is significant that there has been no letup on the terrorism front. The recent killing of 22 Hindus in Doda district to wreak revenge for the spectacular turnout of voters in the just-concluded byelections in the state shows that the terrorist machine continues to remain well-oiled. This is not possible without the support the terrorists get from across the border, which may or may not be with the connivance of Islamabad. But the latter cannot escape blame for the fact that those training and funding them have Pakistani addresses and this amounts to not honouring President Musharraf’s promise to come down heavily on the terrorist organisations operating from Pakistan. Every terrorist strike in J and K shakes confidence, not builds it.
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Child called Budhia THIS
should rank as the most well-documented case of child abuse. The way hundreds of TV cameras whirred and people jostled to pat Budhiya, all of four and a half years, as he ran 65 km from Puri to Bhubaneswar and all but collapsed, one could not help recalling sordid tales of slaves being fed to lions in Roman ampitheatres, only to please the spectators. The boy could have died in trying to enter record books. And to think that the event was sponsored by the CRPF! The impoverished boy has exceptional talent and stamina no doubt. But this is no way to nurture his zest for doing better. What it means to run 65 km in seven hours in Orissa’s heat can be fully understood by someone who has a child of that age. For a boy of that age, even running 5 km is a torture. How gruelling the challenge of covering 65 km is can be gauged from the fact that even the CRPF jawans accompanying him did so only in stages. The fatherless boy comes from an extremely poor family, so much so that when he was one year old, his mother sold him for Rs 800. He was rescued by a judo coach who has been sponsoring him ever since. But while trying to flaunt and hone his talent, such “well-wishers” seem to be playing with his life. He is being made to do far too much, too soon. His patrons deserve to be punished for such cruelty and exploitation. All this is happening despite the fact that paediatricians are almost unanimous that the exceptional strain can hamper his growth for life. Not only that, this can also lead to heart and kidney failure. When he collapsed 5 km before completing the 70-km run on Tuesday, he was in horrible shape. Hope the authorities and the society will not allow such “tamashas” in future.
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On the fast track THE
Union Government has given the green signal to the metro rail project in Bangalore. This comes close on the heels of the Union Cabinet’s clearance of the new national urban transport policy that gives priority to public transport over private transport and seeks to conserve precious fuel, ease traffic congestion and check air and noise pollution. Bangalore, which is called the IT capital of India, is in dire need of a metro because the city has been expanding over the years. Simultaneously, there has been an exponential increase in the vehicular population. However, the problem with Bangalore is that its roads are too narrow to accommodate the traffic bursting at the seams. Widening of the roads is out of question because of the haphazard growth of buildings on all sides. In the absence of an effective policy for metropolitan planning and development, there has been no check on the rise of huge concrete structures. Significantly, the Bangalore project would be on the pattern of the Delhi Metro. It will provide integration with the regular railway system and with inter-state, intra-state and metropolitan bus services. Delhi-ites are already experiencing the pleasure of travelling by the metro which is reputed for its world-class technology in the form of engines, airconditioned coaches, stations and the track. The Centre has also cleared metro rail projects for Hyderabad and Mumbai to encourage integrated land use and decongest the roads. In fact, it wants to streamline transport planning in all cities so that travel distances are minimised and access to livelihoods, education and social needs are improved. Under the new urban transport policy, each city with a population of 40 lakh or more can go in for a mass transit system. They would be allowed to adopt a technology that would best suit the city’s requirements in a 30-year timeframe. Modern transport systems like buses on dedicated corridors, elevated sky bus and monorail system could be introduced in these cities. The whole focus is on alleviating the sufferings of the daily commuters.
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There are fathers who do not love their children; there is no grandfather who does not adore his grandson. — Victor Hugo
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The Saltoro Range THERE has been significant progress in recent months in expanding cooperation and reducing tensions between India and Pakistan, despite continuing incidents of ISI- sponsored terrorism. The composite dialogue process, back channel and other contacts have led to an unprecedented increase in people-to-people contacts. Common ground is even being found in efforts to resolve the Kashmir issue, through greater interaction and dialogue, recognising the reality that “borders cannot be redrawn”. It would, however, be a Himalayan blunder if we are lulled into a sense of complacency and jeopardise national security, by presuming that the military establishment in Pakistan has become so benign that it would give up its efforts to “bleed India,” or seek parity with India, because of a sudden change of heart. Remarks by National Security Adviser M.K. Narayanan and calculated leaks to the Press suggest that the government is considering a precipitate withdrawal of forces from the Siachen region as part of a deal for “demilitarisation” of the entire Siachen region. Such withdrawal would ignore the factors that led to distinguished Prime Ministers like Mr Rajiv Gandhi, Mr Narasimha Rao and Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee exercising caution and circumspection in approving proposals for demilitarisation in the region. The Siachen region lies on the Indian side of the Line of Control in J&K. This territory has been defended by our Army, displaying immense courage, with unparalleled readiness for sacrifice and hardship for over two decades. Military commanders of India and Pakistan met in Karachi in 1949 and agreed on the precise location of the cease fire line (CFL) in Jammu and Kashmir. The CFL was demarcated up to a point in the Kargil sector near the Shyok river defined as NJ 9842. The commanders agreed that beyond NJ 9842 the CFL would lie “thence north to the glaciers.” The CFL was, therefore, to move northwards along the Saltoro Range , to the west of the Siachen glacier beyond NJ 9842. The CFL that was replaced by the Line of Control (LoC) was strangely never formally delineated beyond point NJ 9842. It was only after Pakistan tried to establish control over this area and sought to extend the LoC eastwards, to link up with China at the Karakoram Pass that Prime Minister Indira Gandhi approved plans for the Army to take firm control of the passes on the Saltoro Range in 1984. Despite the difficult conditions and losses of life, the army has held these positions for the past 22 years in the face of relentless Pakistani attacks that ended only when the cease- fire across the entire LoC came into effect in November 2003. Pakistan eventually recognised that it could not overrun the Indian military positions in the Saltoro Range. Several rounds of negotiations have been held with Pakistan to end tensions in the Siachen sector. The talks failed primarily because Pakistan refused to authenticate the actual ground positions line (AGPL) presently held by the two countries. The seventh round of discussions on the Siachen issue in 1998 enabled the Indian side to make it clear for the first time that the main issue was not the Siachen glacier that was well within areas under Indian control, but Pakistani attempts to dislodge Indian forces from the Saltoro Range, which was on the Line of Control, overlooking Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. The government reached the conclusion in 1998 that given Pakistan’s assistance to crossborder terrorism and its propensity to seize Kashmir by coercive force, the only issues to be discussed on tensions along the Saltoro Range were (1) A comprehensive ceasefire along the AGPL (2) A bilateral mechanism to ensure the ceasefire was respected and (3) Authentication of existing ground positions. The then Defence Secretary Ajit Kumar declined to consider the issue of pulling back Indian forces from the strategic heights of the Saltoro range. Both Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Prime Minister Narasimha Rao eventually concluded that by supporting crossborder terrorism Pakistan had violated the provisions of the Simla Agreement. Pakistan could, therefore, not be trusted to keep its word on respecting the sanctity of a zone of demilitarisation in the Siachen region. No one with even a rudimentary knowledge of the propensities of the Pakistani military would have backed any scheme for demilitarisation that placed India at a strategic disadvantage. And the Kargil conflict engineered by General Musharraf only confirms that what Pakistan Army could not take by resort to war from India in the past, will be sought to be acquired by subterfuge, stealth and low-intensity conflict, There are now indications that New Delhi is having negotiations with Pakistan that will involve a pullback of Indian forces from the strategic heights of the Saltoro Range and the establishment of an extensive demilitarised zone. There is also talk of a “peace park” in the demilitarised area. The government appears to be even willing to pull back without Pakistan formally and irrevocably agreeing to specify the location of the Actual Ground Position Line along the Saltoro Range, both in the text of a main agreement and in appended maps. Such “compromises” are said to be necessary to bail out an embattled General Musharraf, who acknowledges that his personal popularity in Pakistan is waning. It would be virtually impossible, after any such withdrawal, to retake these areas, if the Pakistan army chooses to intrude and capture the heights in the Saltoro Range, as it did in Kargil. Is it prudent or wise to trust a dispensation that harbours and assists those who beheaded an Indian engineer in Afghanistan and refuses to honour its commitment of January 6, 2004, to end support for terrorism on its soil, on an issue involving India’s territorial integrity? The Saltoro issue needs widespread Parliamentary and public debate. It should not be dealt with behind a veil of secrecy. There should be no question of any pullback from positions of strategic advantage in the Saltoro Range, unless Pakistan agrees to authenticate existing ground positions and foolproof mechanisms are devised to ensure verification and prevention of a Kargil type intrusion in the future. As Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee stated: “If we vacate the posts and they occupy them tomorrow, how do we establish before the international community that this was what we had”? In any case, the pullback from the Saltoro Range should take place only when agreement on a framework for a final settlement of Jammu and Kashmir is reached and inked. Pakistan’s then Foreign Secretary Shahryar Khan had, after all, proclaimed in November 1993 that the Kashmir and Siachen disputes were linked and could not be discussed and negotiated
separately.
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Tryst with a Man of Destiny HIS
visits to the city have sent me down the memory lane. I recall so vividly an encounter I had with him way back in 1964. I had passed out of the college after completing Master’s in Economics. Those were the heady days of my youth. I was looking forward to life’s journey with hope and confidence. My ambition was to be a teacher in Panjab University. I offered myself as a candidate for the post of a Research Assistant. I received the letter of appointment directing me to report to Dr Manmohan Singh, then a Professor in the Department of Economics. Having also applied for civil services examination I was not sure if Dr Singh would permit me to take the examination. A colleague of his took me to Dr Singh’s residence and explained my predicament. He complimented me for having topped in the university. He promised to assign me a good topic for research, send me abroad and get me appointed as lecturer soon. But he made it clear that I had to make a choice between academics or administration. He advised me not to use the university as a stepping-stone to the IAS. He mentioned he had no regrets having himself opted for academics. How fair, firm, forthright and considerate I thought he was! I sat for the exams and luckily got through. Years rolled by and I forgot all about my tryst with this Man of Destiny. I went my way chartering the course of life in public administration in Punjab and later with the Union Government and never looked back. I joined the Central Government on deputation in 1992, Dr Singh was then the Finance Minister. Though I did not get an opportunity of working with him, I occasionally saw him in the corridors of power. What strikes one most about him is that he is so polite and unassuming and perfectly at ease with himself, both in and out of office. Now I recall his having rightly said that he had no regrets in choosing academics as a career. He has been catapulted to the centrestage of policy formulation and political leadership on the strength of his academic brilliance. I think, what perhaps he meant was that whatever one chooses to do in life, one should do it well — pursue it with heart and soul. I wonder little would he have known then that one day he would embellish the august office of Prime Minister. Obviously, Men of Destiny have no regrets and they distinguish themselves in all walks of life. My only regret is that I was not destined to pursue research under his
guidance.
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Private firms eyeing
defence sector THE Indian defence budget is estimated to cross $20 billion by 2008, and 26 per cent FDI inclination towards gradual indigenisation of defence supplies. Thus, it is clear why companies have rushed in to grab the opportunity of outsourced materials and services that could comprise $ 6-7 billion. The defence sector’s glasnost comes with increasing realisation in South Block that the standard of Indian industry in defence products matches international qualities. Companies like Tata, L&T, Mahindra and Mahindra are working closely with the Defence Research and Development Organisation on some big ticket projects, and are doing “a great job”, says K.P. Singh, Secretary (Defence Production), Ministry of Defence. And corporate biggies aren’t letting the opportunity slip by. The Tata group is planning to double its revenues from the defence sector from Rs. 1,100 crore expected in the current financial year to Rs. 2,200 crore by the end of 2008-09. Mahindra & Mahindra is looking at increasing its revenue from the defence sector from Rs 100 to over Rs. 140 crore. And Ashok Leyland recently bagged an order worth Rs. 230 crore to supply 872 indigenously designed water bowzers to the Indian Army. Defence analyst and Director, Centre for Airpower Studies, Air Commodore Jasjit Singh supports these moves by private players. “With obsolescence setting in and heavy dependence on imports, modernisation and indigenisation are bound to occur,” he says. The Tata group, which services the defence sector through nine companies (Tata Motors, Tata Power, Nelco, Tata Consultancy Services, Tata BP Solar, Tata infotech, Tata Advanced Materials, and VSNL), is ready to invest up to Rs 1,000 crore by 2008-09 in manpower, research and development. Mahindra & Mahindra have supplied 200 bullet proof vehicles to the defence sector; it should be able to sell another 300 in 2006-07. R. Seshasayee, MD of Ashok Leyland, says though defence supplies, as a percentage of its total turnover, will continue to remain in the 8-12 per cent range, they plan to enter the export market by servicing the demand of the armed forces in foreign countries. Again, Larsen & Toubro is banking on the “potential for increasing defence related business”. It has already obtained letters of intent for licenses covering a very wide range of defence equipment for all the three services. Cisco Systems India, currently deploying web area networks, intends to concentrate on high-end multi-protocol platform and optical solutions. “We intend to position our portfolio of solutions for tactical battlefield communication systems,” says Karan Bajwa, vice president, government & defence, Cisco. And for Alcatel, a third of its revenue comes from non-operators, of which a significant chunk is the defence sector. “We are negotiating a radio backbone for border areas and will bid for EPABX and microwave requirements,” says Ravi Sharma, MD and president, South Asia, Alcatel. If mid-rung companies are looking at investing R&D and money in defence supplies, 26 per cent of which has opened for FDI, an offset policy might well be the catalyst that could pull its trigger. Offset is a mechanism to compensate outflow of foreign exchange on account of large purchases through local sourcing or reinvestment. Under the policy, any acquisition in excess of Rs 300 crore will require a buyback of at least 30 per cent goods, components and services from India — whether a defence PSU, ordnance factory or private player. “It will give Indian industry a chance to export, as also plough back the technology from its foreign partners,” says a senior official in the Ministry of Defence. Upcoming private players like TSL Defence Technologies, currently executing projects valued at over Rs 40 crore, have bids filed for over Rs 100 crore in areas of simulation and simulator accessories, among other military systems and programmes. “We are looking at sub-systems of electronic warfare and airborne radars,” says Samar Bhargava, Senior Manager, TSL. However, not everyone is convinced defence supplies are on the fast track, something K.P. Singh, Secretary (Defence Production), Ministry of Defence, is quick to defend. “Companies should understand any new initiative in the defence sector takes longer,” he says. “Any new system has to pass rigorous tests on various parameters.” Still, should the ministry have to choose between a foreign company and an Indian company, preference would be give to the Indian company? “Already, 60 per cent of defence components are being supplied by the private sector,” he says. For instance, Bangalore-based Alfa Design Technologies (involved in night vision devises, simulators, radar systems and electronic warfare) has already tapped the 26 per cent FDI route. “More private sector participation will get in better technology and modern management techniques in the system, and an atmosphere of competitiveness would be created,” says N.S. Sisodia, Director, Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis. “Defence will become one of the more vibrant sectors with substantial private sector involvement,” says S. Sen, Deputy Director General, CII. For now the no-commitment trials and non-availability of long-term procurement plans might hurt, but Brigadier Khutub Hai, Chief Executive, Mahindra Defence Systems, is clear: “Nowhere in the world are defence deals fast track. The positive development is that things have been formalised and clearly outlined.” Already, the push for further reforms is finding voice. “Even though 26 per cent FDI is much better than zero, FDI should rise further,” suggests Air Commodore Jasjit Singh. The private sector is waiting to exhale.
**** The writer is Professor of International Strategies, ICFAI Business School, Chandigarh
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Of Ajit Garh and
Tarn Taran WHEN Punjab was again divided in 1966, I was DC, Ambala. I proposed the creation of Ropar district in new Punjab. This was accepted. A decade later, Chief Minister Zail Singh changed the name to Roop Nagar. I could not see the rationale. Mohali township was started by Lakshman Singh Gill. Gyani Ji was persuaded to change it to Sahib Zada Ajit Singh Nagar to commemorate Guru Gobind Singh’s eldest warrior son. The name was too long and never used. It is always written as SAS Nagar (Mohali). Sadly, even Punjab Government orders use this name. I suggested that Mohali’s name should be Ajit Garh which fits with Gobindgarh and Chandigarh. It is short and pithy. I pointed out that the billion-dollar publicity cricket brings, sadly goes to Mohali and Ajit is forgotten. Gyani Ji offered to write in favour of my suggestion, but I said I will write and try. Over the years, I wrote repeatedly to succeeding Chief Ministers of Punjab, including my current friend. Nothing happened. Now a new district has been created. I would one again suggest to the Government and people of Punjab to consider my idea and perpetuate Sahib Zada’s memory. Now about Tarn Taran. In the choice and shape of the new districts, something interesting has happened. After Pratap Singh Kairon passed away in 1965, political power has remained south of the Sutlej, irrespective of the party in command. Many new districts have been created all in one region. We have Faridkot, Muktsar, Mansa, Fatehgarh, Nawanshahr, SAS Nagar and may be some more. The size and boundaries defy understanding and logic. Some districts have a population of only a few lakh. However, Amritsar with 30 lakh or more population, continues to remain unchanged. In 1987, I suggested to Governor Ray the creation Muktsar and Tarn Taran as new districts, to meet Sikh sentiments and better management. This did not happen. Later Muktsar emerged, but Tarn Taran remains ignored. Tarn Taran has a central place in the Sikh Faith. Guru Arjan Dev compiled the Granth Sahib here. Can we imagine a Golden Temple without the Granth Sahib? Give Tarn Taran its due and declare it a district with sub-divisions at Patti and Goindwal. It will have a balance of population, reduce the pressure on the DC, Amritsar and enhance the development of this neglected border area. When I was Development Commissioner, Punjab, I started a new Mandi Board scheme of Vikas Bhavans in all sub-divisions of the state. The first one, a four-story office block, was built in the Tarn Taran Mandi. I visualised it as the future Tarn Taran DC’s office. It still awaits its first occupant. **** The writer is a Member of Parliament
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Indo-Thai economic
ties to get a boost THE economic and political ties between India and Thailand is likely to gain strength as the political uncertainty in Thailand is receding after Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s resignation early last month. The business community in India, which heavily invested in Thailand, after the free trade agreement (FTA) in 2003 was worried over the protests demanding Prime Minister’s resignation over alleged corruption and abuse of power. The FTA between the two countries has paved way for the success of India’s Look East Policy leading to annual bilateral trade to around $ 2 billion between the two countries. “After reaping early harvest of FTA, both the governments are now geared up to double bilateral trade to $ 4 billion in next two years as more and more Thai and Indian companies are looking for joint ventures and business opportunities,” says Chirasak Thanesnant, Thailand Ambassador in India. Cumulative Indian investment in Thailand from 1991 to date is close to about $1 billion. At present, there are 26 joint venture projects producing chemicals, steel wires and rods, fibre, drugs and pharmaceutical. The major Indian groups in Thailand include Aditya Birla Group, Ranbaxy Laboratories, Tatas, Lupin Laboratories, Indo-Rama and Usha Martin. After signing the
Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) with Singapore, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is reportedly taking personal interest in making FTA with Thailand a success as part of India’s strategy to strengthen economic and political ties with the ASEAN countries. Despite reservations expressed by certain quarters in industrial circles, the government is certain that FTA with Thailand, under which the list of commodities is expected to go up to 5,000 from a initial list of 82 items, will help the small and medium enterprises here to improve their competitiveness. India has much to learn, believe business community, from Thailand especially in tourism and infrastructure sector. The country has made much progress in exporting light manufacturing goods like auto components electric and plastic equipment, food processing products. It is showing keen interest in Indian pharmaceutical, IT and auto sector. Despite a small size, its global trade was worth about $212 billion in 2004-05, almost comparable to India. In fact, its early economic reforms, strong push to exports coupled with increased consumption and investment spending have helped push GDP growth up to 6 per cent in recent years. After Malaysia and Singapore, Thailand is the third largest investor in India from the ASEAN region. “Enthused by the opening of FDI in construction and food processing sectors, many Thai companies are expected to invest in these sectors,” feels Pramon Sutivong, Chairman, Board of Trade of Thailand and Thai Chamber of Commerce. He is currently on a visit to India with a large contingent of business delegates looking for business opportunities in food processing, petrochemical, steel, auto and IT sectors. With a population of about 6.5 crore and per capita income of $ 2540 which is about five times that of India, Thailand is today one of the best performers in East Asia. Over the recent decades, the ties between India and Thailand have improved as both countries are facing threat of terrorism. After tying knots of FTA, both countries are expected to join hands at other forums like Indian Ocean Rim, BIMSTEC and Ganga-Mekong project. An international highway from India to Thailand via Myanmar over the next few years is likely to open new routes of cooperation between the people of two countries which have a history of common culture and friendship.
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From the pages of This 12-anna business
The Sind Government wanted Rs 10 per voter for prevention of injustice of the electorates. And the Punjab Government wants annas 12 per voter for it. There is undoubtedly a marked difference between Rs 10 and annas 12. But the principle underlying the levies is the same. The 12-anna Punjab business has as bad an odour about it as the 10-rupee Sind business had. In a country where the average income per head per month is just a few annas and the masses are practically starving, it is obviously unreasonable to make the exercise of vote contingent on the payment of even so small an amount as 12 annas. If voters in 1935 were not required to pay such penalties, as a result of the introduction of “democracy” in the country, why should they be penalised in 1945?
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The privilege of marriage presupposes temperamental and other affinity. —Mahatma Gandhi Contemplating the Word of God, brings release from the bondage. —Guru Nanak If God shows mercy, man contemplates him. — Guru Nanak
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