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Tackling violence Trading
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Guns and forces
Issues and options
Praise as the begging bowl
Iran closer to nuclear weapon?
Delhi Durbar
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Tackling violence THE Centre plans to make a law to deal “effectively” with communal violence. A Bill is being drafted by the Law Ministry based on a Home Ministry paper that explains what constitutes a communal disturbance, whether a Central or state agency would investigate it, in how much time, what punishment the offenders would get and what compensation would accrue to the victims. The Home Ministry expects the draft Bill to be debated countrywide before Parliament passes it. This means the Bill, which fulfils a promise in the UPA’s Common Minimum Programme, may not be introduced in the coming session of Parliament. Although a more balanced comment will be possible only after the Bill comes in the public domain, the thrust seems to be on clearing procedural hurdles in the investigation of communal crimes and ensuring their speedy trial in courts. This should be seen in the backdrop of the post-Godhra communal violence in Gujarat in February, 2002. Law and order being a state subject, the Centre does not want itself to be reduced to a helpless spectator if communal strife erupts and the state efforts to control it appear questionable. Despite the Supreme Court lambasting the Gujarat government’s handling of the situation and shifting the trial of offenders to outside the state, the cases linger and delays seem inevitable. There is no dearth of laws in governing this vast country. Besides, laws alone cannot solve problems. Swift, unbiased state action in arresting and prosecuting offenders is often missing. If state complicity was widely alleged in the mass killings in Gujarat during the BJP government’s rule, the 1984 riots happened during the Congress regime at the Centre. The trial of government-sponsored cases of violence often drags. Witnesses are influenced and won over. Small wonder that justice and relief still elude the victims of 1984 and 2002. More than the lack of laws, it is the lack of political will and also the tendency of the politicians to whip up communal passions for winning elections which are responsible for the present situation. |
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Trading with neighbour DESPITE Pakistan’s reluctance to grant the most-favoured nation (MFN) status to India, trade between the two countries is growing at a fast pace. It trebled to $186.36 million during April-July 2004 from $64.41 million during the same period last year. The total trade between the two neighbours was of the order of $344.29 million in 2003-2004, showing a significant rise if compared with the figure for 2000-2001 —- $250.35 million. This positive development is a result of the atmosphere generated by the efforts to forge friendly relations between India and Pakistan and a consequence of the steps taken towards implementing the proposed South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) agreement. There is scope for a tremendous increase in bilateral trade as the two countries keep moving on the road to peace. Similarities in culture and language, besides the geographical factor, are the obvious advantages. Some time ago they set up a joint study group for removing non-tariff barriers and facilitating the grant of the MFN status to India, which New Delhi gave to Islamabad in 1996. There is no reason why Pakistan should delay this normal facility to India now when even business circles on the other side believe that their country would benefit as much as India in areas like servicing by promoting free trade. The Pakistani apprehensions in the manufacturing sector may also disappear with the passage of time. If this is the situation, one fails to understand why the rulers in Pakistan want trade to be kept hostage to the Kashmir question. Pakistan Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz, who linked the two issues during his New Delhi visit, needs to revise his stand. India and Pakistan should learn from the Chinese, who never allow their political disputes to come in the way of the growth of their economic relations. Moreover, it should not be forgotten that the growth in trade is bound to expand the size of the peace constituency on both sides. This will help the India-Pakistan composite dialogue process to reach its logical conclusion. |
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Guns and forces A CRPF jawan shooting dead seven of his colleagues, including a company commander, at the battalion headquarters in Baramulla is sad and unfortunate. Reports suggest one or a combination of causes may have triggered the jawan's homicidal action. The immediate provocation is said to be a reprimand and punishment. He may also have been under the influence of liquor and his mental state affected not only by this but also certain prescribed drugs he had been taking for some time, presumably to overcome depression. All of these point to an undeniable link between the conditions of his work and the causes of his action. And, this is not the first such incident. In Jammu and Kashmir there were a couple of other such incidents. In June 2003, a CRPF constable went berserk at the battalion headquarters in the indoor stadium in Srinagar and shot dead two of his colleagues. In December, a soldier killed two others at the army camp in Kathua and then shot himself dead. There was also a crisis at Mumbai international airport last year when a CISF jawan killed his superior. To dismiss the present incident as "minor" or an "aberration" would be to ignore the conditions that give rise to such conduct. Often, such action is attributed to frustration in getting leave to join the family. While that might be what causes the over-wrought jawan to actually pull the trigger, there are a number of other factors inherent in the situation. The securitymen in long-drawn conflict zones are always on edge. Their ever-taut nerves in a tense situation of unrelenting combat operations are vulnerable to snapping easily. Stress, depression, anxiety-neurosis and battle fatigue are just some of the effects of being stretched to the limits of their endurance, if not beyond. Therefore, in the interest of not just morale and combat fitness but also the physical and mental health of our men in uniform, every effort should be made to mitigate the tensions of their job. These valiant defenders of our security have the nation's admiration and sympathy. They need to feel comforted and cared for, and no institutional effort to provide this should be spared. |
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Example is the school of mankind, and they will learn at no other.
— Edmund Burke
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Issues and options IT is just over two months ago that Mr Manmohan Singh said something in New York which hung over India for a few weeks like a shining star of hope in the context of Kashmir. Such hopes have taken wing before as well. But given the high credibility he has in India, Mr Manmohan Singh's comments became a cause for new optimism in many an Indian heart. The evaporation of this hope in recent weeks must now give cause for serious second thoughts. It may be that Mr Manmohan Singh's optimism was premature. But it is also possible that it was derailed later by an indiscretion on the part of General Musharraf. If the General had waited for the scheduled resumption of the composite bilateral dialogue, which is now just a few weeks ahead, both leaders would have had more time to mull over the confidences they are known to have exchanged in New York, and also to consult their respective colleagues over how much should be made public, when, by whom and how. For instance, anything said by them jointly would have commanded much wider support in both countries than the indiscrete solo utterance by General Musharraf commanded even in his own country. There was time for all that to happen at the one-to-one meetings which will surely have before or during the composite dialogue meetings in December. A couple of days ago the Pakistan Prime Minister, Mr Shaukat Aziz, expressed some hopes about the outcome of this resumption. But the pitch has been hurt by his own President. This happened only a couple of weeks ago when General Musharraf, speaking with the flourish which has now become characteristic of him, publicly expounded, and repeatedly, something which could not have been even considered outside the privacy of confidential negotiations. That made it unavoidable for Mr Manmohan Singh to clear his position in public when a controversy appeared likely to blow up at a Press conference. But in this game of claim and clarification the optimism sparked by the New York meeting became a casualty. Now the two leaders will have to start all over again , and from further back than square one, assuming they can return at all to the subject of "options" which they opened up in New York. Speaking in New York, immediately after his meeting with General Musharraf, Mr Manmohan Singh had described the meeting as " a significant step …historic in more than one way." He added "President Musharraf mentioned that there are many options… I said we are willing to look at all those options with an open mind" and "the next stage would involve discussing what options were available, and looking into (their) pros and cons". A part of "the next stage" has slipped away with the less than fruitful talks on Kashmir at the meeting in Delhi between Mr Manmohan Singh and Mr Shaukat Aziz. So far it is not known to have yielded anything which can be called "historic". What "options" are going to be unveiled during the remaining part of "the next stage" remains to be seen. But Press reports emanating from New Delhi, which clearly have been inspired by "official sources", have drawn the curtain down on some of them, including the one which was rather thoughtlessly floated in public by General Musharraf, that is dividing Jammu and Kashmir into seven "regions" according to the defining characteristics of the people of each, and putting the "regions" under different political dispensations. What has emerged instead between lines which are traceable to these sources is something as follows regarding the Indian position. There can be no "territorial solutions". That means there will be no redrawing of boundaries and no "second division of the country on religious lines. "Ground realities" will have to be respected. In better circumstances that could have been a veiled offer to discuss the chances of LoC becoming the international border between the two countries. But in the given circumstances the Indian Foreign Secretary has had to clarify that it only means "more affinities" across the LoC, meaning freer travel. In any case, Pakistan has already rejected this as a possible basis for a settlement. Regarding "other issues" too there is some additional chill. Mr Shaukat Aziz said in New Delhi on November 24 that "Progress on other issues will be made in tandem with progress on the Jammu and Kashmir issue." In plainer language this means no issue may move faster than the Kashmir issue can. On the other hand, in confidential talks Pakistan could have asked for or could have been offered the assurance that while each issue may yield agreement at its own pace, all agreements would be implemented only "in tandem", leaving each country free to wrap, as best it may, the less favourable agreements in the gloss of the more favourable ones. But it would be a mistake to dismiss all India-Pakistan interactions in recent months as a waste of time, or initiatives within Kashmir as unproductive . In both respects the situation is much better than it has ever been. One can go nearly ecstatic on the improvement in relations between the peoples of the two countries, on which the viability of all official agreements must rest. They have never been better in the past 50 years or more. And only in a few - and rather short lived - spells, in the early years of Sheikh Abdullah's rule and then his son's, has the internal political situation in the state and its relations with New Delhi been better than now. Therefore, the right question to ask at this stage is how best may it be ensured that this tandem continues to move at least at the present pace and possibly faster. All elements of India's overall strength have played a part in bringing about this improvement. Foreign policy and the domestic and external economic strengths have been used well to neutralise the anti-India biases of some major countries, including some in the predominantly Islamic West Asia. The security forces have been able to blunt jehadi militancy. Internal politics in Kashmir has been kept on an even keel almost throughout recent years. For the first time in nearly two decades elections have been held which have been credible in the eyes of all but the most unfriendly eyes. For the first time a major Indian political party has shared power in the valley. A consensus has been built and sustained among all the major Indian political parties. These are the very policies which, if pursued with more efficiency and sincerity, can help India wait with profit for the mood seen in New York to surface again. |
Praise as the begging bowl WHAT happens when a person is praised at his face in full view of the people? Embarrassment, of course, is there as he finds his cherished desire suddenly divested of the apparel. The secret, that he had held close to his heart, is made public unceremoniously. Still in the inner recesses of his psyche, there is some sort of gratification at having tasted the desired fruit. The praise lavished at a person in a political, social or literally function is certainly akin to self-praise. A long time ago the Principal of a college in his first staff meeting, after his transfer to that institution, proclaimed that he did not like to be praised by anyone. A feeble voice from an obscure corner emerged, “This in itself is self-praise.” The accusing finger searched the offender and he stood up with a quotation from Shakespeare. The Principal did not pursue the matter for fear of offending the great Bard. But in the heart of his hearts, he never pardoned the outspoken lecturer. The desire for fame has been termed as “that last infirmity of a noble mind”. The mind grows weaker with the advancing age and it needs praise to prop up the sagging frame. Outwardly the gesture is of pooh-poohing the flattering words, even of the well-meaning persons. But deep down in the corridors of the mind roams that spirit of self-projection. It is like looking into the mirror at short intervals to find out the imagined prettier aspects of the face, which are generally non-existent. I wonder how I would feel if I vacate my chair for a worthier person and the close circle of my friends starts singing songs of praise for me. This make-believe situation can tickle the fancy of even an inveterate cynic. Indeed it is in a grand royal court scene where words are devoid of meanings and the meanings are lost in search of the words. The end result of this word-play is a foregone conclusion. The jugglery, of course, is fascinating as the performers and the spectators are at the same wavelength of ‘the willing suspension of disbelief’. In the sponsored seminars, praise is showered on the literary figures without any qualms. Almost in the frame of an obedient mind, efforts are made to outdo others in praise. In such a situation it becomes difficult to know who is praising whom. In fact these showers of praise are, like mercy, doubly blessed. They bless the one who gives and also the one who receives. It is the power of music that provides catharsis to the sycophants and gives solace to the hankering heart. The person who is the centre of attraction, in such a session of eulogy, appears to have attained modesty, at least for the time being. Otherwise, praise is like a good sauce that whets the appetite more than it
appeases. |
Iran closer to nuclear weapon?
THE New York Times of 24th November carried a story derived from the unclassified version of the CIA report to the Congress on countries acquiring nuclear and other WMD technology and it reveals that designs provided by Pakistan to Iran included those for weapons components. Till now the information released on the A.Q. Khan -Iran proliferation mentioned only that the former transferred to the latter designs of older centrifuges for enrichment of uranium. This story also mentions that in paid, closed-door speeches, former CIA director George Tenet had claimed that the CIA’s role in tracking A.Q. Khan’s proliferation activities stretched back to 1997 and he had kept it secret even within the government except for Presidents Clinton and Bush. He claimed the CIA operation as one of the greatest success stories. The focus of The New York Times story is that Iran may be closer to acquiring nuclear weapon capability than hitherto thought of. Iran, under pressure from the US and European countries, has agreed to suspend its uranium enrichment programme. It is unwilling to abandon it totally and the issue is still under negotiations between Iran and the European Union countries (France, Germany and Britain). Iran is a member of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and its going in for nuclear weapons would constitute a violation of its obligation under an international treaty. Iran claims that its uranium enrichment is for peaceful purposes. to fuel reactors, but this claim does not command much credibility since Iran is energy rich. The present story of A. Q. Khan supplying weapon components would subject Iran to greater pressure from the US and the European countries. While the focus of attention is on Iran, the US has succeeded in shielding Pakistan from the consequences of A.Q. Khan’s alleged proliferation activities. It is guilty of double standards as it does not expose Pakistan’s role in Iranian proliferation while breathing fire and burrstone on Iran. Pakistan is now believed to have proliferated to four countries - North Korea, Iran, Libya and an Arab country. The last, according to the US, is still not identified and in their view, could be Syria, Egypt, Sudan, Saudi Arabia or Kuwait in that order of probability. This appears to be yet another US attempt to shield the true beneficiary of proliferation, namely Saudi Arabia, since like Pakistan, Riyadh is a close ally of the US. Dr A.Q. Khan, in his confession, said that he was asked by General Zia-ul-Haq himself in 1987 to deal with the Iranian request for nuclear technology. According to him, General Zia also instructed him not to go beyond a point. General Aslam Beg, the Chief of Army Staff from 1988-1991, has also confirmed the transaction. He also told two US Assistant Secretaries of State, Harry Rowan and Harry Sokolski, in 1990 that if the US invoked Pressler amendment and cut off its aid, Pakistan would have no alternative but to sell its nuclear weapon technology. Pakistan’s relations with Iran were not always cordial, especially after the Taliban came to power in Afghanistan. Further, Islamabad could not have overlooked the fact that helping Iran to acquire nuclear weapon technology would alienate the Wahabi Saudi Arabia, its primary benefactor in the 1990s. Wahabis (Sunnis) and Shias hate each other and their mutual animosity goes back twelve centuries. According to earlier published accounts, (now reinforced by the latest story), Pakistani help to Iran appears to have gone much beyond Zia’s cautious limits and include not only centrifuges but also nuclear weapon designs and components. In spite of this, if Saudi Arabia continues to pour in, hundreds of millions of dollars into Pakistan there can be only one logical explanation — Saudi Arabia is the fourth beneficiary of Pakistani proliferation. Pakistan appears to have played an exceedingly clever balance of power game between Saudi Arabia and Iran. In the second half of the 80s, Saudi Arabia acquired C-SS-2 long range missiles from China. Those expensive missiles made no sense for Saudi Arabia unless they had nuclear warheads. That was the time Pakistan was completing its weapon development programme and started acquiring nuclear warheads. It would be logical if the two had agreed that when necessary, the Pakistan nuclear warhead and Saudi missile could be mated. It is noteworthy that in spite of the Pakistan-Iran nuclear relationship starting in 1987, the Iranians have not reached the stage of nuclear warhead manufacture. It appears to be likely that Pakistanis regulated their nuclear technology transfer to Iran at a very slow pace. Of the four beneficiaries of Pakistani nuclear proliferation, Islamabad needed North Korean missiles badly, and, therefore, could not play games with Pyongyong. In the case of Iran and Saudi Arabia, Pakistan was in a position to play one off the other and also regulate the pace of transfer of centrifuge technology. Since Saudis were the primary financiers of Pakistani bomb and even otherwise underwriter of Pakistani financial stability, it would not be surprising if Islamabad had stored a few warheads in Saudi Arabia. Instead of tracking A.Q. Khan’s alleged proliferation activity, being the CIA’s greater success as former CIA Director George Tenet claims, Pakistan’s proliferation is a greater failure of the US intelligence community than 9/11. It is obvious Dr A.Q. Khan could not have carried on proliferation on such a scale without the Pakistan Army’s knowledge. For his own security he was under constant surveillance of the Inter-Services Intelligence. Pakistan acquired enough leverage through its acquisition of nuclear weapons, its
earlier support to the Taliban and al-Qaeda, its proliferation strategy and its careful control over Jehadis to blackmail the US since 9/11. So far it has been remarkably successful, as it was in the earlier decades too. But there is a tendency among the Pakistani military to be taken in by its own cleverness and overreach itself as it happened in 1965, 1971 and 1999 (at Kargil). Time may not be far off when the US patience will run out and then US will have to confront the proliferating Pakistan in the interest of its own security. |
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Delhi Durbar BJP President L.K. Advani, speaking at the just-concluded three-day National Executive Meeting of the BJP at Ranchi, emphasised the need for all leaders to strictly follow party discipline. One of his aides told him that his “closed-door address” was actually reaching mediapersons live through the mobile phone of one of the BJP leaders present inside. Irked by this information, Advani first switched off the microphone and then asked all the leaders present at the meeting to switch off their mobile phones. Subsequently, he restarted his address but only after getting the volume of loudspeakers lowered. This was to ensure that his address would not be heard clearly even if any of the party leader still kept his/her mobile on. An example of discipline — Advani style! BJP leaders at loggerheads Rivalry between BJP General Secretaries Pramod Mahajan and Arun Jaitley is widely known. The party has at times faced
embarrassing moments due to the rivalry between the leaders of the “generation next”. The two got a chance to make up at Ranchi . They were allocated adjacent rooms in Hotel Ashok, but it is not clear whether they used the occasion to make peace. Software on voice India’s emergence as the backoffice hub of large American corporations have resulted in heavy cost reductions in the parent companies, although it has been marked by a major backlash in the runup to the elections of the US President. There are now reports that researchers are working overtime to develop a speech
identification software which would reduce backoffice manpower costs by about 30 per cent in the US. Rail line in limbo? Is the Jammu-Udhampur section of Northern Railway ready for passenger traffic? There were indications that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh would inaugurate the rail section during his recent visit to Jammu and Kashmir. Senior officials suggested that the rail line had not been inaugurated because it had not received the technical
clearance. Railway officials, however, said the line may not have been cleared for inauguration due to security considerations. The 53-km Jammu-Udhampur line, which will go up to Srinagar, has a bridge with piers higher than the Qutub Minar. Sir Richard disappoints The usual flamboyance was missing when Sir Richard Branson, the maveric chief of Virgin Atlantic airlines, addressed the media in The Capital the other day. The last time Sir Richard Branson was in India, he took the city by storm by first looking out of the cockpit window of the special Virgin Atlantic flight to New Delhi waving the Indian and British flags and then arriving at his press conference atop an elephant. Apparently, this time he had decided to make a sober appearance. He is here for a programme of the Loomba Trust of the UK, which supports disadvantaged children in India. Virgin Atlantic is the first corporate sponsor of the Trust. ———— Satish Misra, Gaurav Choudhury, Prashant Sood, Girja Shankar Kaura |
Whatever we are, whatever we have made of our lives, is the result of our thoughts.
—The Buddha The path of Supreme Truth is not easy. One desirous of reaching this goal must believe in and practice humility. One must have complete self-control to achieve the goal. Arrogance, pride and ego are barriers to progress towards it. —The Bhagavadgita The knowledge of Truth brings with it power. But if the power be mixed with arrogance, it slides back into ignorance. Power with humility is the hallmark of the learned one.
He never boasts of his accomplishments or achievements. Instead he tries silently to
help others. —The Mahabharata We can do no great things, only small things with great love. —Mother Teresa |
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