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Sunday,
July 13, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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American melting pot is more myth Indian Muslims, victims of vote bank politics ON RECORD |
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Children’s right to be adopted
Zaheera’s trauma in the Best Bakery case
Give them the fishing rod, not fish
One place where you can let your thoughts flow out
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American melting pot is more myth than reality There has been alarming rise in the incidents of hate-crimes in the US post 9/11. Over 250 Sikhs have been attacked and, more recently, an Indian student named Saurabh Bhalerao was gruesomely injured in New Bedford, Massachussets. He was mistaken to be a Muslim even as he pleaded about his Hindu identity. What, however, makes it more serious is the US government’s response in the wake of 9/11 attack which, till then, had believed ‘terrorism’ to be a menace which existed only in some distant lands like Kashmir and the Middle East. They have not only indulged in selective discriminations in its visa policies and electronic-monitoring of the ‘Naturalised Americans’; wherever and whenever a person whose name, if even remotely sounded anything Arabic, were hounded and harassed. Of course, all this in the name of security compulsions. One is instantly reminded of how some time back Kamal Hasan was stranded for hours at one of the airports in the US just because his name carried the prefix ‘Hasan’. There are reports of students, especially Muslims, being denied visa from the subcontinent. And now in another bizarre display of cultural insensitivity to ‘others’, the US State Department’s Bureau of Public Affairs, one hears, have prepared a video film called ‘a war without border’ which apparently shows Sikhs as terrorists and copies of the video have been distributed to 5,000 school teachers all over the US. Enraged at its far-reaching implications for the community as it might create a permanent hostility, many Sikh organisations have already registered their protest to the US authorities. There is an old saying that it is in the crisis that one’s character is truly tested. And if 9/11 attack was one such testing occasion, there can be no doubt that the US has failed miserably in the test. Its dominant image of a true “ethnic melting pot” lay decomposed and debunked to the utter embarrassment for those who had celebrated the demise of Soviet Russia as triumph of liberal democracy and had pinned their hopes on ‘market’ as a formidable, yet benign and emancipatory institution which will complete the unfinished agenda of modernisation by establishing a just society based on fair play and equality. Post 9/11 attack while the whole world shared the grief and anguish of the US, many expected it to be a turning point in the US policy towards social engineering which had hitherto been excessively techno-centric undermining the ‘human element’. As a matter of the fact, the US believed so strongly in the role of law enforcing agencies or policing as social adhesives that it forgot to realise the implications of underinvestment in what James Coleman would call ‘social capital’ i.e. the ability of people to work together for common purpose in groups and organisations. As a result, American society has witnessed the rise in violent crimes and court litigations; the breakdown of family structures; the decline of intermediate social structures like
neighbourhoods, churches, unions etc. The decline of sociability in the US or loss of ‘trust’ as Francis Fukuyama, the much celebrated proponent of ‘End of history’ thesis, would term it is evident in the fact that the US pays significantly more than other industrialised countries for police protection and keeps more than one per cent of its population in prison. As Fukuyama would argue in his book “Trust”, law, contract and economic rationality provide necessary but not sufficient basis for both the stability and prosperity of post-industrial society; they must as well be leavened with reciprocity, moral obligations, duty towards community and trust, which are based on habit rather than rational calculations. American society will have to do away with its “US Universal” attitude and the task of citizen building will have to be based on inter-ethnic confidence building measures. In the meantime, however, a compulsory lesson on ‘cultural pluralism’ and a reading of John Beattie’s ‘Other cultures’ to the ‘Original Americans’ would not be a bad idea. The writer teaches sociology in Government College, Sector 46, Chandigarh |
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Indian Muslims, victims of vote bank politics Recently, a new twist has come into this thinking: those who professed to be championing the cause of the minorities are being dubbed as pseudo-secularist, pandering to vote bank politics. Those who oppose pro-minority politics, mobilise the majority community on a strident anti-minority campaign, saying if the majority community is not united, minorities would grab political power, bringing back the medieval rule in the country. This has resulted in the creation of two imagined communities, with their own constituencies, feeding upon the fear psychosis of each other. The middle ground seems to be narrowing everyday. Caught in this cross-fire of competitive politics are the Muslims, the single largest minority community in the country. They constitute 12 per cent of the population officially, but hold only 6.6 per cent of public sector jobs. They hold less than 6 per cent of jobs in the private sector. They have limited access to power structure both at the Centre and the States. They are underrepresented in the country's administrative system, the coveted bureaucracy. In the police force, they are less than 5 per cent, and in the Central services they are less than 3 per cent. In business and commercial activity, they are almost at the bottom of the ladder. The number of anti-social elements and criminals have been multiplying from among their folds. Muslims’ real problem hinges on the basic human and citizenship rights. They face the problem of illiteracy, unemployment, communal pressure and right to live with dignity and honour. It is in this realm of backwardness and fear of life and property that emerges a pan-Indian identity of the Muslims in the country. They need special assistance and state patronage to match national expectations. Unfortunately, there is no one to address their woes. Their hesitation to participate in the process of nation-building is considered as symptom of separatism. Fearing majority backlash, no political party would like to espouse their cause. This has made Muslims the proverbial cat, beset with the problem as to who will tie the bell round its neck. It is said that the problems of Muslims are linked with Partition with which the present generation is in no way associated. India accepted Partition as a fait accompli. It ensured minorities’ complete equality for citizenship, including fundamental human rights, a full sense of security in respect of life, culture, property and personal honour through constitutional guarantee. This approach of the Indian Government towards its minorities continues to remain the bedrock of Indian secularism. However, it is common to hear the lament of the dilution of the “secular consensus”. The erosion of secularism began with Indira Gandhi. Electoral politics came in the way and linkages between politics and religion came to dominate her political agenda. At every stage she compromised secularism for political gains. It was Indira Gandhi who cultivated communalist nationalism in this country. Mr L.K. Advani and company provided icing on the cake by emerging at the right point of time and reap the political harvest. Since early nineties, any assurances to pay heed to the sensibilities of the minorities is considered as sacrilegious, pandering to communal grouping. This despite the fact that minorities are the colourful mosaics in the towering monument of India and developing them would help India. The job of some of the Muslim leaders is confined to mobilise their community's vote bank. Their utility ends, once the ballots are being cast. This is having a deleterious impact on the minority psyche as their problems remain where they were 55 years ago. The political leadership is still not sensitised. Following the footsteps of the British masters who perfected the art of playing one against the other, our politicians too are playing the same game to capture power. It is time political parties realised the dangers of divisive politics and took the minorities alongside to lead the nation with the rest of the countrymen. Neglecting them would be weakening the edifice of the country and purging them would create problems of unimaginable magnitude. The choice is limited indeed. —
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ON RECORD
Excerpts: Q. Did you anticipate AIMPLB rejection of the formula? A. We were never hopeful because we know their mentality. Q. There was lot of euphoria and hope about the possibility of a forward movement. A. Shankaracharya Jayendra Saraswati is undoubtedly a revered seer for the Hindus, but what about the Muslims? They (AIMPLB) have taken a stand that once a mosque is constructed anywhere it cannot be removed at all. Even if the mosque is removed that land cannot be used for any other purpose as it belonged to Allah. They conveniently forget that in several Muslim countries mosques have been shifted or even demolished for social purposes. So, Islam does not prohibit removal of a mosque. Q. What about the AIMPLB charge of the Sangh Parivar outfits "pressurising" the Shankaracharya? A. Where is the question of putting pressure, when we did not know the contents of Seer’s letter or formula? Q. How would you justify VHP leader Ashok Singhal’s meeting with the seer a week ahead of the AIMPLB meet? A. The meeting does not mean that we knew about the contents of the first letter. Q. Do you think that the seer’s reverence got a severe beating? A. I will not put it that way. Even Shankaracharya was not very hopeful. Q. The rejection of the formula has brought the Ayodhya issue back to square one. But is there still a negotiated settlement to the problem? A. The solution is there only when there is a change in the mindset of Muslims. Nearly 30,000 temples were destroyed during the Mughal rule and we have not claimed them. We chose only three most important temples — Kashi, Mathura and Ayodhya. We are ready to forget the rest. What better bargain there can be, what more magnanimity can there be on the part of the Hindus?. Q. If the Muslims agree to give up Ayodhya, will you leave Kashi and Mathura from your agenda? A. How can we do that? All the three places are important for the Hindus. Q. Kashi and Mathura are protected by Parliament Act. A. Laws can always be changed. Even the Supreme Court judgment in the Shah Bano case was changed with a new legislation. If the Congress had passed the resolution to favour Muslims at that time the legislation pertaining to Kashi and Mathura can always be amended. There was also a Supreme Court judgment concerning some grave yards in Varanasi. When the government anticipated law and order problem, the Supreme Court put its judgment in abeyance. Q. Do you realise the compulsions of the BJP, especially its lack of majority in Parliament? A. Let the BJP give it a try. Then they can go to the people and say that they tried and because of non-cooperation from such and such parties, we could not push the legislation on Ayodhya through. Q. Many top BJP leaders feel that legislation should be the last resort. A. They do not have numbers in Parliament at present, but let them prove to the Hindu voters that they did try to get the temple. Q. VHP leaders like Ashok Singhal and Praveen Togadia have been severely attacking BJP leadership, especially Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his deputy L.K. Advani. What will the VHP achieve by weakening the BJP? A. That is not the point. BJP stood for Ram temple, they even passed a resolution in Palanpur. Advaniji also took out a Rath Yatra. So, this was the commitment shown by the BJP. It should come out of the Government if they cannot move forward in the NDA coalition. Q. The VHP leaders’ demand for Mr Vajpayee’s resignation suggests that the VHP wants to see Advani as Prime Minister. A. We have never asked for the replacement of Mr Vajpayee. What we have been saying is that Advaniji who took up this issue is now silent. Is it because of the Prime Minister or some other reason ? Q. Would you prefer Mr Advani as Prime Minister? A. We would prefer anyone who would help us in the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya. Kashi and Mathura are equally important. Q. The VHP has been seen as an organisation trying to brow-beat the Muslims. A. No. The Muslims have been asking for evidence on whether or not there existed a temple under the Babri mosque. What about Kashi? A simple look at it is enough an evidence. Why not start with Kashi? I am saying this because the Muslims have been saying that they will hand over Ayodhya if the Hindus prove that temple existed under the mosque. Let them prove their sincerity by first giving Kashi. Q. Do you still believe that a court verdict could be one of the best solutions? A. No. No one knows how much time it will take for the courts to give verdict. Even if the High Court gives judgment, the aggrieved party could go to the Supreme Court. Moreover, in a case pertaining to Holy Quran, the Kolkata High Court had said that a court ruling is not possible in a matter of faith. Q. Some of the intellectuals have been suggesting construction of a mosque by the side of the temple. A. What is the need of a masjid there? Simply to satisfy the whims and egos of certain parties. There are already so many masjids in Ayodhya, many of those are already neglected and people do not go there. Q. If the BJP fails to take up your demand for legislation, will the VHP see to it that the BJP is defeated in the 2004 Lok Sabha elections? A. We will ensure that if a candidate irrespective of his party label does not support the Hindu cause, then voters in his constituency do not vote for him. Q. Once Togadia even said that the VHP could float a separate party? A. No.
We have not taken any such decision.
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Children’s right to be adopted THE proposal to introduce a Bill in Parliament to allow Christians to adopt children is long overdue. For as per the present legal provisions of the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956, only those belonging to the Hindu community can adopt, whereas Christians are merely given guardianship rights as per the Guardianship and Wards Act (GAWA), which is grossly inadequate in assuring a secure legal relationship to both, the guardian and the ward. Although the status of a guardian can in no way hinder the bond of love that is formed between the guardian and the ward, it creates numerous legal and social hindrances. For instance, in the event of death of the guardian, the guardianship reverts back, rather than transferring to the next of kin of the guardian, causing tremendous emotional upheaval. Further, the guardianship may also be revoked in certain other instances as laid down under Section 39 of the Act. The insecurity is compounded as property rights of the guardian can only pass through a will in favour of the ward which is often challenged in the court of law by a close kin of the guardian. Further, the ward has no right to the guardian’s name and, therefore, his or her birth certificate cannot bear the guardian’s name either, which, apart from being discriminatory, leads to many obvious hurdles, such as making school admissions difficult. Also, when the ward attains adulthood, both the guardian and the ward are free from any obligation, that is to say that there is no legal relationship after the child attains adulthood. Therefore, the guardians cannot avail themselves of any benefits as parents under the various government schemes in the ward’s name. These inadequacies of the GAWA can deprive the ward of his/her right to a healthy development. Studies by numerous sociologists have revealed that ‘children who have not had the benefit of a secure family are intellectually stunted, poor achievers with limited language and physical growth. The emotional deprivation, grief and memories of rejection result in lack of confidence in their own abilities, low self-esteem, leaving them unable to cope with situations and suffering from inappropriate sociological growth’. In a landmark judgement of the Supreme Court in 1984, Justice P.N. Bhagwati stressed that, “No child can grow to his or her full stature, outside the framework of a family.” He further noted, “Every child has a right to love, and be loved and to grow up in an atmosphere of love and affection, of moral and material security and this is possible only if the child is brought up in a family. But if for any reason it is not possible for the biological parents or other near relatives to look after the child or the child is abandoned, the next best alternative would be to find adoptive parents for the child so that the child can grow up under the loving care and attention of the adoptive parents.” Moreover, as a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, wherein it is enjoined that everyone has a right to a family and also in accordance with the Directive Principals of the Constitution, the Government must endeavour to ensure that children are allowed to develop in a healthy manner. Keeping in mind that India has the second largest child population in the world and over 32 million destitute children and that the Christian community has been a significant contributor to child welfare and developmental work, the right of Christians to adopt would greatly impact the wellbeing of children across the country. It is imperative, therefore, that the government recognise the right of the child to be adopted as noted in numerous Supreme Court
judgments and the repeated appeals by the Christian community and act at the earliest. The writer is Secretary, Christian Legal Association, New Delhi |
Zaheera’s trauma in the Best Bakery case Zaheera and Sehrunissa were key witnesses in what has come to be known as the Best Bakery Case and drawn world-wide attention but they turned hostile, apparently, under irresistible pressure leading to the acquittal of all 21 accused. Two women have now retracted their statements that resulted in the collapse of the case and assert they had no option but to lie, having feared that if they spoke the truth they too would be hacked to death. "Kaanpte, Kaanpte jhooth bola tha court mein" ( Trembling with fear, we lied in the court), says Sehrunissa. The story of Zaheera after the Best Bakery holocaust is macabre indeed having all the elements of a thriller movie. Her first problem was a safe and secure residence. She could not have lived in the locality whose residents had allegedly burnt down her house and slaughtered her relatives; no male member of the family had survived. She was given shelter in the house of a small-time trader, a man with compassion, having a large family of his own to support. He became virtually her local guardian and kept secret the identity of the young girl. Zaheera, in the meanwhile, wanted to dispose off her gutted house, measuring 20,000 square feet and valued at Rs. 4 lakh. Local property dealers, in a bid to push down the price of the property to force a distress sale, floated the rumour and, it was reported in a local daily, that the gutted bakery was haunted by a ghost. No takers of the property came forward. A local rehabilitation committee undertaking rehabilitation work was constructing flats for riot victims and the initial payment was Rs. 50,000. Zaheera had no money but was subsequently helped by well-wishers to raise the amount. Zaheera demonstrated extraorindary courage while fighting one adversity after another but her real trauma began after she moved out of her benefactor's house to depose before the court along with her mother. Reports say that she had earlier identified all the 21 accused with their correct names and senior police officers were impressed by her boldness. Why did then she turned hostile and lied? It is believed that she and her mother were subjected to intense pressure — political and otherwise — to make false statement. “Khauf, Khauf” (fear) forced Zaheera to change her mind, say NGOs, who are now trying for the reopening of the case. Evidently, fear of death can force anyone to do anything. Her mother has reportedly said that some relatives of the accused were holding out the threat that their necks would be slit if they gave any adverse evidence. Many other stories are also afloat but they lack of confirmation and authentic version is not forthcoming. One of them says a Muslim leader put pressure on Zaheera and even came to pick her up in the car to drive her to the court. He allegedly threatened her (“We will burn you alive also”) if you gave evidence against accused. The gruesome case in the judicial history has now taken a startling turn with Zaheera and her mother having said that they had lied in the court under nerve breaking pressure and the NGOs seeking to reopen the case appealing for re-trail by a court outside Gujarat. The risk to the lives of both the ladies have become more grave than ever before and they need foolproof security. The Best Bakery case has acquired international ramification with Amnesty International taking note of the statements of Zaheera and Mehrunissa. The National Human Rights Commission too has stepped in. The Amnesty has been mobilising its world-wide membership to call upon the Government of India to take immediate action to ensure the safety and protection of witnesses in the Best Bakery and other cases. It has urged the government to order an independent and impartial investigation into the allegations of witnesses that they received threats to withdraw their testimony and take prompt action against those found to have threatened witnesses. The Amnesty says: “Once these steps are taken, it should be possible to carry out a re-trail of the Best Bakery case and commence other trails”. The world body has even reprimanded the government for dismissing international expressions of concern at communal violence in Gujarat last year as “interference”, arguing that India's criminal justice system and other institutions, including the NHRC, would be able to adequately address the situation in Gujarat. Those statements today appear hollow, the Amnesty said, adding unless effective measures were taken by the authorities to ensure the impartiality of the investigation and prosecution processes, justice would not be assured. |
Give them the fishing rod, not fish The visit came at the fag end of a seminar on “Media Information Technology (IT) and Grassroots Development”, organised by the Press Institute of India in collaboration with Deccan Herald and the Fredrich Ebert Stiftung. It was short on rhetoric and long on what was being done on the ground in using IT imaginatively for leapfrogging decades of rural stagnation. Localised initiatives at the grassroots level by young IT enthusiasts such as the Mahiti Project of the Azimji Premji Foundation, the Bhoomi Project of the Simputer Foundation and Proof by the Akshaya Foundation were succinctly described by those actually involved in it. In broad terms, such IT initiatives in rural development were of two kinds. One was to use the new technology to destroy at one stroke long standing abuses such as falsification of village records. Karnataka has taken the lead in this by completely computerising land records. The spread effect of this untamperable information base is incalculable. Any one can access this digital storehouse and the extensive fraud practised so far by the powerful and litigious in the village was rendered impossible at one stroke. Like the computerisation of Railway reservation, this step has made impossible the most potent source of corruption in the countryside. But important as it is, this kind of beneficial fallout of IT is a case of “Top to Bottom”, one-shot application of a new tool with no involvement of the villagers themselves except as beneficiaries. It left the villagers at the receiving end of the new technology rather than directly empower them by themselves acquiring of new skills. What would be of greater and enduring value would be to enable them to themselves acquire a command over the new technology in ever so modest a way so that they use the new tools themselves in a variety of contexts. A good and inspiring example of the latter was Nortibai, the 55-year-old matronly Rajasthani lady, who spoke about her long struggle in upward mobility and her many successes. Of course, it was innate strength of character that was at the root of her achievements, for computer literacy came to her late in life, thanks to Bunker Roy. But she has since used it with great panache and has reached a point when she teaches computer operations to physically challenged girls and is in charge of the Bunker Roy’s water mapping project. Is Nortibai a flash in the pan, a one shot miracle of an exceptionally strong willed woman finding at the right moment the right person who enabled her to make the transition to IT at the grassroots level? But the seminar provided enough other instances of moderately successful local initiatives that were rich in lessons and gave ground for hope. After decades of fumbling efforts, successful and unsuccessful, to empower the under privileged in the countryside by idealistically-inspired legal and other structural changes, such as reforms in land relations imposed from above, here we have a new tool for empowerment by knowledge and skills. These efforts are heuristic in nature, being cases of learning by doing. Some lessons are clear enough. First, it is by replication and aggregation of carefully designed, focused, local experiments in digitalisation, on however modest a scale, that will transform the quality of lives of the poor in the countryside. Deng’s famous dictum, “Give them, not fish but a fishing rod” should be the basis of the spread of IT at the grassroots. Grandiose centralised government schemes, at digitalisation by fiat will only give rise to familiar evils of leakages and corruption. Governments could help by indirect help as the Karnataka Government is doing in the Mahiti project. But their presence must be invisible. Second, operationally, basic literacy must precede computer literacy. It is because literacy is not just skill but power. It is because literacy and numeracy are two important prerequisites of rural empowerment. A man who could read and write is a different man from the one cannot do either. At the very least, he would know what he is signing away in a document unlike when he puts his thumb impression. So one of the first tasks of IT at the grassroots is to enable the people to read and write. It is a matter for some satisfaction that this is already being done. Though no reference was made to it, at the seminar, the Tatas are doing it in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. An ad put out by them — of all places in the London Economist! — claims: “40 hours is all that it takes to teach an adult to read.” The ad goes on: “The computer-based functional literacy programme launched by the Tatas in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu is a path-breaking approach that helps adults learn to read. A unique computer-aided methodology using audiovisuals, it empowers people to read their local newspaper cover to cover, in just 40 hours of learning time, enriching their lives with the power of information. Making people better informed and more aware. That is leveraging technology for a better life.” This is the kind of experiment that makes IT a revolutionary tool in a democracy. Though over the years, the spread of elementary education has increased the percentage of literacy in the country, “60 million children in the age group of 6 to 14 are out of school”. These need to be inveigled by IT into literacy and other skill. The Mahiti Center too is an imaginative initiative at the stage after basic literacy, of making learning a pleasure instead of a burden as in conventional schools. The bright eyed children using animatedly ten or so computers donated the foundation were a revealing sight. The foundation has provided a guide who steers them around the new toys and, one was told, the government was impressed enough to pitch in with help of its own. Of interest is the fact that it is not all free, for nothing given wholly free is ever appreciated. The scheme has been well thought out, with inputs from pedagogy and IT and is continuously monitored for new lessons. The Foundation is replicating the experiment elsewhere too and there is no doubt that at some point it will acquire a critical mass that will explore into a knowledge revolution and rural empowerment.
— Grassroots Feature Network |
One place where you can let your thoughts flow out THE first person to welcome Pakistan's new High Commissioner Aziz Ahmed Khan and his spouse Ayesha was Khushwant Singh. Two days before the High Commissioner presented his credentials to the President, he came to the Sujan Singh Park home of Khushwant Singh. ach time a new High Commissioner from the neighboring country gets posted here, the first thing he does is to call on Khushwant Singh. The same when he gets his posting orders — a goodbye call on him. Last Tuesday, it was a small get-together followed by dinner which was complete with a cake with ‘welcome back’ iced on it. (Khan was posted here once before in 1985-87). The couple came punctually. In fact, minutes before the rest of the guests could troop in and stayed on for quite some time. Though the deadline at Khushwant's never really stretches further than 8.30 pm, that particular evening, it went far beyond. Khans spoke but both seemed cautious with words. I did ask Ayesha whether she was apprehensive about her husband’s posting. She shook her head quite emphatically, from left to right and said “no, not at all. We were looking forward…we ‘ve such happy memories of this city…when we were last posted here, we stayed at Shantiniketan, our two sons went to the Modern School (Vasant Vihar) and we had made some good friends.” When she quipped that her forefathers came from Gujarat, Bengal and Kashmir, it struck one how the ongoing political games had pushed people into narrow geographical segments. That evening, two persons who spoke from their heart were Outlook Editor Vinod Mehta and writer activist Syeda Hameed. But then, at Khushwant’s, it’s impossible not to speak from your heart — one place where you can let your thoughts flow out without being misunderstood. His home is what can be described as a writer's place in the truest sense. You meet people cutting across cross-sections, where each would be equipped with his or her viewpoint and yet the flow goes on uninterrupted Mrs Mathew As news comes of the passing away of Mrs K.M. Mathew, it brings in memories of the two occasions when I had met her here. Each time I came back equipped with cookery books written by her. She wrote one after another on the cuisine of her home state, Kerala. She also wrote a book on hairstyles and two travelogues. She was also the Editor of Vanitha, the largest circulated women’s magazine. It’s not just her books and writings which made her special. She was modest and there was that graciousness about her. Each time she tried to spend more than the appointed time and it’s her simplicity which was admirable. Sun and rain When summer was at its peak, I used to tell friends that it would be difficult to commute because of the intense heat, but now with the monsoon rains, it’s getting impossible to commute. You and your vehicle could be stranded in deep waters for an hour or two, with brake failure. The entire system seems to be failing and yet, there seems to be no hue and cry. |
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Each moment of unawareness carries its own punishment, and each moment of awareness carries its own reward. — Osho, The Rajneesh Bible, Vol. I He, the giver gives; It is the taker who says: “Enough, no more”. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Jap M.1.3 The world is blind and the God alone sees. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Asa M.1.2:4 Eyes and heart are the brokers of sin. — Hebrew proverb He who has committed a sin twice considers it no longer a sin. — The Talmud Light your lamp first at home and afterwards at the mosque. — Hindustani proverb Man’s arithmetic is small; Heaven deals in large figures. — Chinese proverb
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A
HIGH
POINT of American modernisation has been its claim of being a true ethnic-melting pot. It boasted to subsume and assimilate all the ethnic, religious and racial identities into one homogeneous collectivity called ‘US citizen’. The near uncontested hegemony of America has thrived as much on its robust economic foundation as on its much-vaunted image of an open, liberal and non-discriminating society. All this, however, was to change after post 9/11.
MOST political parties remain aloof to the problems of the minorities, especially the Muslims. It is only when elections are round the corner that political parties recognise their importance.
AFTER
the rejection of the Shankaracharya formula on Ayodhya by the All-India
Muslim
Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) on July 6, the situation is back to square
one. The VHP, which did everything to put pressure on the Kanchi seer
not to strike any deal which hurt the sentiments of the Hindus, has
intensified its campaign for the temple after the rejection of his
formula by the AIMPLB. In an exclusive interview to The Tribune, VHP’s
International President Vishnu Hari Dalmia minced no words in
demanding the BJP to either take initiative to bring a legislation in
Parliament to resolve the Ayodhya issue, irrespective of its strength
in Parliament, or come out of the NDA alliance and seek a fresh
mandate. 
IMAGINE the trauma of an 18-year-old girl having witnessed 14 persons burnt alive or hacked to death in the premises of the Best Bakery in Hamuman Tekri area of Baroda; nine of them were her close relatives. Zaheera Sheikh, daughter of the bakery owner, in her teens, and her mother, Sehrunissa, miraculously managed to survive; it was sheer luck or call it an act of the God. As the entire building housing the bakery was gutted, daughter and mother ran towards the terrace and were witness to the gory episode. In the words of Zaheera, “there were shouts of kill them, kill them, burn their houses. The mob was hurling petrol bombs at us...my 'mama' (maternal uncle), my sister and my mama's children were burnt alive. My Chacha's (uncle) entire family and a sister were consumed by leaping flames”. 
IT
was a drive of some 30-odd kilometres from Bangalore to the village. A row of small white-washed brick houses in front of which women were sunning and chatting among themselves even while busy with winnowing and mending clothes. We were taken upstairs to a hall with dozen or so PCs and about 20 wide-eyed girls and boys. It was as Azimji Premji Foundation’s initiative in taking information technology to the village. An hour spent there was an eyeopener.