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Sunday, May 4, 2003
Books

American imperial posturing
Shelley Walia

Theatre of War
by Lewis Lapham. The New Press, London. Pages 202. $22.00

OPINIONS that do not favour the state do not get aired and the voices of dissent make no appearance in the mainstream media. But Lewis Lapham, the editor of Harper's Magazine and the author of Theatre of War, is an exception like Noam Chomsky, Edward Said, and a handful of other radical thinkers who have had the courage to question the drive and feasibility, as well as the colonial posturing, of the US Administration's boundless campaign against the world's 'evildoers'.

He points out at the outset: "Six month's ago we were looking at a man so obviously in the service of the plutocracy that he could have been mistaken for a lawn jockey in the parking lot of a Huston golf club." And now after the victory and his slogan of a new "military humanism" he has suddenly turned into a statesman compared by his admirers to Abraham Lincoln. But the man on the street also knows it is all a game of self-preservation with pretensions of acting virtuously. Lapham humorously sees Bush "threatening a White House television camera with a promise to punish all the world's evildoers" not as a military commander but as a salesman for "an off-road vehicle or a lite beer."

 


A post-war Iraq conceived in the freedom from tyranny and fear is Bush's and his sidekick Blair's dream and promise. Only time will tell if Iraq does evolve into a democratic society free of Saddam and the imperialist west. As regards the attacks on the Twin Towers, there should be no doubt of their inevitability. They "were to be expected and should have come as no surprise," argues Lapham. And behind it there is only one cause: the vainglorious dream of power that wholly and solely underpins the American foreign policy, a dream that is synonymous with the Arab jihadis. Writing against the grain, Lapham asks a vital question: For what reason do we possess the largest store of weapons known to the history of mankind if not to kill as many people as we declare to be our enemies? Why then should our enemies not kill us?

The war on terrorism is an imaginary war, with no tangible targets; the enemy is unknown. However, the war is perfectly consistent with the practice of previous US administrations. A major part of the last century has been the history of "holy crusades," a never-ending war that began with President Roosevelt's take over of the Panama Canal Zone in November 1903 and then in April 1914 President Wilson sending his army into Mexico to dethrone a ruler that was a thorn in his foreign policy. No legality of such actions was taken into consideration and the only justification of such bloody invasions was the larger good of humanity and the future of our civilisation. Bush too is a past master at using such rationalism in support of the war.

The so-called "messianic agenda" of his administration is on the anvil for implementation in Libya, North Korea, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, and the Philippine archipelago. It was Germany, Italy and Japan that were the evil antagonists during the Second World War, followed by the Cold War, which became as integral to the American system as 'General Motors and Iowa corn'. American goodness of heart and innocence remained an everlasting refrain with the political leaders who made it their sacred cause to fight evil, ignoring all the time their own hand in appalling genocides around the world. This holier-than-though attitude rings false till today as much as it has over its long imperialist history which can be "understood as a rake's progress`85exhibiting itself in the character of a profligate heir to what was once an immense fortune" or, shall we call it, an "inherited estate."

Western civilisation thus in the post-war era became synonymous with US civilisation, especially when most of Europe lay in disarray: Germany in ruins, France in a state of disintegration, "both as a nation and the embodiment of an idea," and Britain so fed up of its imperial pretensions that it voted Churchill out of power a few weeks after the war. Its politics of commercial enterprise did not leave out military expeditions in the Caribbean or Latin American countries. And still people around the world regarded the American as an amiable and good-natured individual incapable of harming the interests of the people of other nations.

Her military triumphalism has come to be regarded by its people as an act of providence. Her politics a light-hearted entertainment and all the world a theatre in "which to tell the story of America's enlightened munificence, to stage a revival of liberty in Southeast Asia, improve the character of Guatemala. Do something significant for Turkey, effect a change of attitude in the Balkans."

This flippancy was clear from Kennedy's entourage of actresses, authors, movie directors and Bush's frequent sojourns at Camp David fooling around with his poodles, waving at the crowd as if he was a Hollywood celebrity. Why not undertake a war in Iraq and nonchalantly take a jaunty walk with his pets in the lawns of the White House with a snigger on his face? How many die on the stage does not effect his style or composure.

If the museum in Iraq is ransacked, an irreparable harm to one of the oldest art collections in human history, the Marines look on. But when it comes to the Ministry of Oil, not a record is allowed to be touched; so much so, this is the only building that escapes unscathed in Baghdad, giving a clear message as to the sole purpose of the war. The reason for being in Vietnam was a lie. So too is the reason for being in Iraq. Teaching the world a lesson in democracy is eyewash.