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Reflecting on the decline of the
dominant model of ‘patrimonial federalism,’ Saez observes
that the "hyper accentuation of the centralist character of
the Congress" eroded the ability of the state-level leaders
to "effectively articulate regional sentiments and
aspirations within the party," thus weakening the party in
the process. Moreover, the breakdown of the social coalition so
assiduously built up over the first three decades of Indian
independence meant that the Congress despite remaining in power,
both at the Centre and in most of the states in the subsequent
years, no longer remained the natural party of governance. The
greater participation and empowerment of hitherto excluded
groups, along with the emergence of the neo-rich intermediate
peasant castes, paved the way for the regionalisation of party
politics; growth of new social constituencies; and the changing
terms of political discourse—a process aptly called ‘Indianisation
of India.’
The rise and
growth of regional parties paved the way for the formation of a
federal governmental commission, called the Sarkaria Commission
in June 1983 to investigate the state of Centre-State relations.
The commission in its report submitted in 1987 recommended an
informal convention of consulting the state governments whenever
the Parliament intended to enact on a subject in the concurrent
list. It also recommended that the Governor appointee should be
an eminent person from outside the state. The commission also
sought to curb the political abuse of Article 356. Ironically,
only two out of 247 recommendations have so far been actually
implemented i.e. the Constitution of the Inter-State Council (ISC)
itself and the other being the introduction of local
self-governing bodies vide the 73rd and 74th Constitutional
amendments.
Saez holds that
the failure of inter-governmental bodies like the ISC should be
explained in terms of the NEP. While effecting a series of
incremental fiscal reforms the emphasis since then has been on
increasing Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) by resorting to the
neo-liberal policies of privatisation, deregulation and
decontrol. In the process, as the different states vie against
each other for FDI, the original model of co-operative
federalism based on the idea of inter-governmental cooperation
has increasingly given way to inter-jurisdictional competition.
Drawing upon the
data from energy, banking and telecommunications sectors, Saez
shows how the states like Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, with
developed infrastructures and ‘good’ governance, have become
magnets for all forms of investment, whereas BIMARU states have
lost out as not only did they fail to attract any investment but
also suffered due to dwindling central grants. What is needed,
according to Saez, is to constitute the inter-jurisdictional
institutions "to attract foreign investment into a number
of regions" by promoting certain sectors like
telecommunications, oil production and consumer non-durable.
Moreover the states should be given more financial power to
collect corporate, land usage and sales taxes.
The book, which
covers wide spectrum of literature and data relating to the
study of evolving nature of party systems, federalism and
economic reforms in India, can be useful to the students of
Indian political economy and constitutional law.
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