The introductory chapter shows how
the Italian unity was achieved by 1861 despite heavy odds
against it due to internal conflicts and external pressures.
Bellamy waxes lyrical over the unification of Italy but laments
how the gains achieved by patriotic sacrifices were subsequently
lost due to poor leadership. In the post-unification era Italy
presented a piteous spectacle. In 1861, 75 per cent of the
people were illiterate; 1/9 per cent had the right to vote and
of that 57 per cent exercised it in the elections. Only 8 per
thousand could speak the national language. The political party
system was ineffective, ridden by corruption. The industrial and
landlord zone of the northern Italy contrasted sharply with the
declining conditions of the peasants in the South.Politically
the peasants were in the pockets of the landlords. Italy was
unified politically, but there was hardly any actual social
cohesion. In other words, there was Italy unified, but there
were no Italians in the authentic sense.
In each chapter
Bellamy provides a brief biographical sketch of the political
thinker, a discussion of his ideology and its relationship with
the type of political action proposed for the social, political
and economic amelioration of the Italian society.
The question what
went wrong with the Italian society and state and how to stem
the rot that had set in had agitated the minds of the political
theorists whom Bellamy has taken up for discussion. According to
the author, ideas of Pareto on the nature of the Italian state
and society took a tortuous turn. Originally attracted by
Marxism, Pareto adopted the Elitist theory, and veered towards
Fascism. Emphasising that economic factors were incapable of
explaining human behaviour, Pareto regarded education, adult
franchise and individual liberty as panacea for the advancement
of society. In his analysis of the Italian society, his approach
was non-rationalist. He looked on Mussolini as a statesman of
the first order, who was capable of resolving the Italian social
and political problems by his vision, will power and cunning.
A convinced and
confirmed Marxist, Antonio Labriola inveighed against crude
Marxism. He regarded Marxism as a scientific method of analysis
and a practical philosophy whose cardinal principles were a
close study of class interests and a given mode of production
for understanding social and economic realities. Mosca can
easily be regarded as the father of Elitist theory. Following
Guiccardini in his emphasis of meritocracy, Mosca’s ideal was
the gentry, the political class, free and independent like the
English country gentlemen, composed of an inherently superior
upper middle class, that was capable of ruling over the majority
by a judicious use of authority.He was cynical about democracy
and its inherent abuses.
Gentile, Mussolini’s
EducationMinister, the author of Reforma Gentile, was a
philosopher of Fascism.He justified the Fascist seizure of power
which he thought was the only way for the preservation of human
freedom and autonomous creative morality in the existing
situation. He wanted all human activity to be organised within
the Fascist corporate state which represented the fundamental
unity of man as articulated in all its diversities. The social
aspect of his thought became a part of apoligia for the organic
state of Fascism.
As a technical
historian and political philosopher, Croce wrote on political
history and aesthetics. His work tends to be somewhat obscure
due to metaphysical incrustations. Rejecting Marxism and
Fascism, he developed a highly sophisticated nature of humanist
philosophy by using empathy as a means for understanding the
complexity of human behaviour. According to him, our conception
of reality is a product of the history of thought, and our
present state of mind is to be understood in terms of past
events; he wrote:"It is our experience that transforms the
present."
In his writings
Croce projected the elitist exaltation of limitless creative
activity in which an autonomous individual plays a vital role
and wrestles with the manifold problems of human existence. He
also developed a notion of the history of liberty in which he
gave too philosophical and providential a viewpoint.His
philosophy can be described as the "philosophy of
spirit". He identifies philosophy with the historical
development of concepts. His entire approach can be described as
idealist, a Hegelian echo.
No Italian
political thinker except Machiavelli had such a profound
influence on Indian historical and political thought as Antonio
Gramsci who had worked zealously for setting up the Communist
Party. Because of his political activities he was arrested in
1926 and sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment. In a solitary
confinement he filled 33 exercise books with 2,948 pages that
propounded a humanistic philosophy stressing the need for
transformed self-consciousness or "battle of ideas" in
society before Revolution would occur. Thus he dismissed the
historical fatalism and materialism of orthodox Marxism.
Gramsci accepted
the Marxist notion of the objective conditions of production and
material goods but denied that there existed objective laws of
historical development. According to him ideas are not external
to reality or separate from its purpose and needs. He thought
the Marxism base-superstructure concept too simplistic. He gave
importance to cultural factors in resolving the problem posed by
the historical process. He was firmly convinced that while
economy was the motor of history, in itself it could not produce
any radical political change. He pointed out that institutions
and belief systems have their own internal dynamics without
being connected with economic development. According to him,
facts do not speak for themselves, but only make sense within a
theory that provides certain criteria for their selection and
significance. Thus Gramsci emphasised the independent role
played by politics and culture in upholding the authority of the
State and in organising popular resistance to it. Gramsci
recognised the vitality of human will and consciousness in
moulding the course of history.
Dellas Volpe
pleaded for the democratisation of society along with the
gradual socialisation of economy via workers and state control
of the means of production. This was the only way to reconcile
the complexity of Communism with the so-called liberal freedom.
Babbio’s model was neither liberal or socio-democratic nor the
revolutionary Leninist, but a fusion of both. In other words,
democracy must be responsible in form and social in action.
Dellas and Bobbio represented the post-World War political
trends in Italian thought.
This book will be
extremely valuable to students, scholars and professionals in
Italy, in particular, and to those who are interested in
political theory, sociology and history, in general.
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