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Sunday,
March 31, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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When I tackled riots without firing and no loss of life Madarsa education needs a holistic and pragmatic approach
POTO: our MPs betray democracy yet again |
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Faith of Muslim Kashmiris shaken
Corruption is all-pervasive in society
He took to politicking instead of poetry
PM’s attack on Sonia carried the day
Helping riot victims: SAHMAT shows the way
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When I tackled riots without firing and no loss of life THE police has been accused of inaction due to its partisan attitude in Gujarat riots. Several police officers
reportedly said that they had been told “not to be firm” with the rioters. “No one in the Government had drawn the line, so it kept getting blurred”, said one. It was also expressed that as the violence raged, the State Reserve Police idled in the Police Commissioner’s office for orders, which never came. Communal problem leading to riots is not new in this
country. The police get blamed very often for not handling the situation properly. However, the police is an instrument in the hands of the State. It is for the State Government to use it for optimal effect. I had a first-hand experience of tackling communal riots as SP, Bidar in Karnataka during the 1967 elections. Bidar had a sizeable Muslim population and the relations between the Hindus and Muslims were strained. The total police strength of the district was less than 500 for a population of 10 lakh spread over 800 villages and towns. I was warned that with less than six years of service. I might find it difficult to handle. Bidar was 470 km away from Bangalore and 340 km from my DIG. I realised that it was an advantage as nobody was constantly looking over my shoulders. During the elections, after deploying one constable at each polling booth, I was left with ten policemen. I kept five and gave five to the DC. We decided to patrol on our own on the election day. The sole Jan Sangh candidate, who won, alleged that Muslim men wearing burqas were casting votes for others. The Muslim Congress candidate, a sitting minister, alleged that Muslim women were stripped of their burqas, by the Jan Sangh supporter. This was enough to lead to riots where people armed with petrol bombs, sticks, sickles and swords came out to kill each other. There was no way, except for me to lob teargas shells on the mob. People started pelting stones. Arson followed when shops and houses were set on fire. I saw people of two communities surging towards each other menacingly. I along with my driver and guard, started lobbing teargas shells into the unruly crowd. There was no sign of the violence and arson abating. I sent a phone message to the IG, about the violence and asked for reinforcement. I realised that by the time any force came from Bangalore, the whole town would have been burnt. I sought help from the Station Commander of the Indian Air Force. Soon the IAF started patrolling the city. At our request, they also sent up their trainer aircraft to sensitive areas. This enabled us to assess with pinpoint accuracy the trouble spots and the troublemakers. We were able to bring the situation under control without any loss of life or even firing in a few hours. The city had a polling of 65 per cent. When the IG rang up, I told the wireless operator to return him a message that a hostile crowd had surrounded me and as soon as I could get out, I would speak to him. Those were the days when we did not have STD. After bringing the situation under control, I rang up the IG who was happy with the way I had tackled the situation. The DC-cum-DM signed the requisition for the IAF to keep the record straight. He did not create any fuss. During serious rioting, top officers like IG or DIGs should visit the place. Bidar was far away from Bangalore. When the DIG got my message, he rang me up on the first day. Since I was busy with quelling the riot, I could not speak to him. Next day when my meeting with the citizens was on, he rang up. He started berating me that I had not dealt with the situation tactfully. The real cause was the bumpy road journey. The road was full of potholes and it will take two days for one to reach Bidar from Bangalore. When I found that he did not understand the gravity of the situation, I said: “I cannot hear you”. He said that he could hear me clearly. I maintained that I could not hear him and would call him up later. I did not want to appear to be rude to the DIG in the meeting. I put down the phone and told my staff that if the DIG called up again, they could tell him that I had gone for the city rounds and would call him up later. When the DIG came to Bidar two days later, he was bitter. I told him that I was busy in a public meeting when he was pulling me up. I had no other option but to drop the receiver as he was in no mood to accept my version. After going around and seeing how I had tackled the critical situation, he paid me rich compliments. The National Police Commission headed by the late Dharmvira (1977-81) studied the problem of communal riots. It observed that in many cases of troubled cities, the police and the magistracy, just withdrew when anti-social groups indulged in violent crimes. It said: “There is a tendency amongst the officers to avoid taking responsibility in dealing with the situation... It is unfortunate that after such riots, it is only those officers, who had taken some action, in dealing with the situation are accused of all sorts of allegations and they have to face harassment in the inquiries that follow...To deal with the situations as they arise, it is essential that officers act on their own in their best judgement and not seek instructions from higher quarters where none are necessary”. Over 225 commissions of inquiries have stressed the need for effective and prompt control and contradiction of rumours which add fuel to the riots. The contradiction of rumours should be done in a manner which will generate confidence of the people in the administration for correcting the situation. The law abiding and peaceful citizens will cooperate with the officials if the necessary climate is created. There is no particular method to deal with any communal problem. But firm action is the surest signal to the rioters that no vandalism would go unpunished. Videography will help in identifying the rioters. The government should not look over the shoulders of the police officers or sending signals to them to take a partisan attitude. The bottomline is that all political parties should arrive at a consensus, that vote bank politics will not be the guiding factor either in controlling or inflaming communal riots. Unless this is given up, we can’t wipe out communal riots. The writer is former Director, CBI. |
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Madarsa education needs a holistic and pragmatic approach THE institution of madarsas has come under scrutiny. Undoubtedly, some of them have been indulging in anti-national activities and turning out jehadis. I first came to know of it during my posting in Jammu and Kashmir as the Inspector General of Border Security Force, Jammu, in 1988. Here madarsas had become indoctrination centres for producing saboteurs. In late eighties and early nineties, there was a rapid growth of madarsas all over J&K. Madarsa was located in a small room adjacent to the mosque where children were taught Arabic and the recitation of Quran. Jamait-e-Islami provided all the financial and other infrastructural support. These madarsas produced the front rank activists of Jamait-e-Islami who, if not becoming the jehadis themselves, were the overground workers of the Pak-sponsored terrorist outfits and were used for planting explosive devices like IEDs in the valley which caused maximum casualties to the security forces. A large majority of the Hizbul Mujahideens were the products of these madarsas. My officers and I were of the firm view that the only course open to us was effective action against the madarsa-educated overground workers of Jamait -e-Islami. However, we must understand the historical perspective of the evolution of madarsa education in India. The Prophet Mohammed emphasised the acquisition of knowledge and made it compulsory for all men and women. Two pillars of Muslim education are Quran and Sunna. The objective is “to understand the relation of man with God as revealed in the Holy Quran.” Islamic preachers followed the Muslim conquests and the spread of
Islam. Mosques came up for religious observances and holding of congregational prayers. These mosques also served as Maktabs and madarsas. The Imam of a mosque in addition to his duties to lead the prayers also taught Arabic and recitation of Quran to boys and girls. The madarsas also ensured vigorous adherence to the Islamic tenets. This tradition has continued unhindered over the years. There was a big growth in the madarsas during the gradual expansion and consolidation of British rule and the professed aim was to protect and safeguard Islam from the perceived onslaught of Christianity. The main subjects taught at these madarsas were Tafsir (interpretations of the Holy Quran), Hadis (tradition or a saying or reported action of Prophet Mohammed that is not found in the Quran but is accepted as a source of Islamic jurisprudence), Fiqh (Islamic law and jurisprudence), Maqulat (works of philosophy and logic). Madarsa education depicted the culture of Muslims and the totality of Islamic learning. It provided the Islamist ambience to the poor families who were new adherents to the faith and were not fully absorbed in their new religion and its practices. After Partition, the Muslims in India felt that they must maintain their separate identity as the largest minority community of the country and this they could do by opening more schools of traditional learning. The Muslims of Uttar Pradesh established a Deeni Talimi Council (DTC), which served as a nodal point for organising and opening Deeni madarsas throughout UP. The aim of DTC was to create some bulwark against what was perceived as “Hindutva” education being imparted in various government schools. It was a great success with the number of “madarsas going up to more than 12,000 in early sixties”. Moreover, few Muslim parents could afford English education for the children and therefore preferred them to become learned in Islam which gave them a place of honour among the faithfuls. After Independence, many of the maktabs and madarsas have been brought under the direct supervision of the Madarsa Education Board constituted by the state governments. But they are rather few. The fact is that any maulvi can start maktab/madarsa in the mosque. He really does not need any infrastructural support and it is as ordained by Prophet Mohammed. Approximately, 45 per cent Muslims of lower middle class and further down are content to send their children to madarsas and muktabs because they spend just a few hours studying Urdu/Arabic and the recitation of Quran and the remaining period is devoted to the traditional occupation of their family. S. Abul Hassan Ali Nadwi, Rector of Dar-ul-Ulum Nadawat-ul-Ulama, Lucknow, has been of the view that “There is no need to change the existing madarsas. The ambit of religious affairs is very wide. It requires hundreds of maulvis and preachers for propagating the order of Islamic faith to the illiterate rural masses. Similarly, the imamat of mosques and fatwa are affairs which can be handled by person taught in the madarsa system of education”. Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf, in his January 12 broadcast to his nation, has ordered crackdown on madarsas. We are yet to see the results. We must also remember that Pakistan is a theocratic state where Shariat is the law of the land and Shariat courts have been set up to implement it. Generally in the Muslim-dominated countries, madarsas are irrelevant as the Muslim religion is all-pervasive there and is included in the curriculum of primary and senior schools. However, even there, die-hard Muslims are totally against the Western system of education as according to them, the West symbolised by America is morally depraved, and that return to an ideal Islamic society as it existed in the time of Prophet is thus imperative which could be achieved only through Islamic education. In India, the Muslim community rightly or wrongly perceives threat to their religion from the Hindutva forces. The more the Centre interferes, the more hardened will be their attitude resulting in the clandestine madarsa activity. Of course, we cannot overlook the anti-national activities of some undesirable madarsas. Of late, there has been an unprecedented growth of madarsas in J&K, Himachal Pradesh, all along the Indo-Pak border of Rajasthan, Indo-Bangladesh and Indo-Nepal borders. There is also no doubt that it is as per the Pakistani ISI strategy. The question is how it should be tackled without offending the religious sensibilities of our Muslim brothers? Some madarsas are needed for training Ulemas and the maulvis as also for higher studies in theology. Now basic education up to the age of 14 years has been made a fundamental right of every child. It should be enforced. Muslim community leaders must come forward to create general awareness among Muslims about the dangers of overwhelmingly sectarian education. There is also need for the registration of the madarsas and monitoring of their funds. Samuel Hutington, in his book “Clash of civilisations and the remaking of the world order”, has stated that there has been an Islamic resurgence. The resurgence is “mainstream not extremist, pervasive not isolated”. The Muslim community should approach the issue of madarsa education in a holistic manner so as to make it assimilative and transparent. The anti-national elements must be weeded out and total cooperation provided to the government agencies in identifying such disruptive forces. The writer is a former Director-General of Police, Punjab. |
POTO: our MPs betray democracy yet again THE Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance Bill (POTO) has been passed in the joint session of Parliament on March 26 and very soon POTO will become the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA), after the President gives his formal assent. By approving POTO, India’s elected representatives have betrayed democracy a second time since Independence. Last time this happened was on June 26, 1975 when the Union Cabinet in a pre-dawn meeting endorsed Mrs Indira Gandhi's ordinance proclaiming Emergency, which was later, signed by a pliable President. It was only a small band of Cabinet Ministers who betrayed India's democracy then. However, this time around, the vast majority of the directly elected members of Lok Sabha betrayed democracy, whereas most of the indirectly elected members of Rajya Sabha stood by it and rejected POTO. It is ironical because the impact of Emergency as well as POTO are essentially the same — denying freedom, security and civil liberties to India's common citizens in the name of a super-hyped national security reducing them to “insecure citizens within secure borders” as described by military analyst Lt-Gen V.R. Raghavan (retd). Besides this betrayal, it is deplorable that a piece of draconian legislation on a subject of such vital importance to the whole nation such as terrorism has wormed its way into the statute books because the government wants to play the numbers game in Parliament as against the mandate of the people in the recent mini-general elections to Uttar Pradesh, Uttaranchal, Punjab and Manipur Assemblies. The electorate in these states had categorically rejected the BJP and its allies whose main agenda was terrorism and POTO. Under the circumstances and particularly due to widespread fears of the possibility that such a law will be misused, it was only appropriate that any new terrorism law should have been endorsed through political consensus and not by merely marshalling — in the wake of a defeat in the Upper House — the required parliamentary numbers. Even earlier, POTO was thrust on an unconvinced nation. Something as important as a general law on terrorism, particularly one with significant implications for freedom and basic human rights such as the right to life, personal liberty and privacy, should not have been issued summarily by means of an ordinance in the first place. Following the government's inability to pass the Bill in the Lok Sabha, it resorted to the same Emergency provision to promulgate POTO once again with some minor amendments. In other words, POTO, which has now been resurrected in the joint session of Parliament, had a troubled and procedurally questionable history, which reflects the government's disinclination to forge a political consensus around a new terrorism law. Given this background, while a joint session may have marshalled the required numbers, it has completely failed to muster what is really required in the present circumstances — trust, credibility and good faith. The fact is that POTA has the potential of being misused as was witnessed in Gujarat, when cases were booked under POTO against a particular section of the community and the professed claims of the Centre proved hollow. But for the intervention of the National Human Ruights Organisation and protest from political parties, the Gujarat Government would not have agreed to withdraw the charges under POTO. POTO is draconian, anti-democratic and unnecessary. It gives unfettered powers to the police who today virtually function as tools of ruling politicians. Freedom loving people are unanimous that a weak and corrupt criminal justice system, if armed with draconian laws, is likely to end up victimising the socially and politically-marginalised or those who are perceived as a threat to those with power to influence the criminal justice system. The government's oft-repeated contention is that POTO is meant to fight terrorism more effectively. According to government spokesman: “Terrorism has after all acquired catastrophic dimension. Considering the seriousness of the situation created by the terrorists and also considering their ability to shock humanity, harsher laws to deal with them is more than justified. When extraordinary situations have been created by terrorists, extraordinary laws are needed to deal with them”. Nothing could be farther from truth. The extraordinary situation referred to is created solely because of the nexus between criminals who indulge in organised crime and political leadership who benefit from it. This nexus has been clearly established many times, the most recent one being the Gujarat holocaust that claimed hundreds of innocent lives. Terrorism is described as “usage of methods of extreme fear for governing or for coercing government or community”. It is immaterial as to who uses these methods — individuals, organisations or governments. From the way the police and politicians are functioning these days, POTO itself could become a ‘method of extreme fear’. Enacting such a law may make the government feel good as it can claim it has done something to deal with the very real menace of terrorism. However, without radically reforming politics and civil services to provide good governance and overhauling the system of criminal justice involving the police, prosecution and judiciary to render speedy and equitable justice, enacting a law that takes away the liberties of the people is purposeless. Laws such as
POTO can only help give legal cover to the police for blatant acts of terrorism against innocent people. This will seriously jeopardise whatever freedom is left for the people of this impoverished land for whom the only pride is its fabric of democracy. It is tragic that by voting for POTO, parliamentarians who are the creatures of democracy have severely damaged this fine fabric. Do these worthies truly represent the people? One wonders. The writer is a former IAS officer. |
Faith of Muslim Kashmiris shaken THE terrible dismay that events over the past month in Gujarat, Ayodhya and in Parliament have caused in Kashmir cannot be underestimated. Kashmiris are among the most politically alive people anywhere, tuning into the news with a passion akin to zeal and discussing each nuance of every development in the minutest detail. The current mood can be gauged from the anguished statement earlier this week of Abdul Rashid Kabuli. He represented the National Conference in the Lok Sabha twice in the 1980s. In the mid-1990s, he became vice-president of the BJP’s state unit. Perhaps more overtly than any other Kashmiri political leader’s, Kabuli’s thinking has progressed from being secessionist, when it was not the fashion, to being
committed — even in the face of militancy — to India. He has remained steadfast in that commitment through the various uncertainties of the past few years. However, the events of the past month made him address the prime minister in a public statement, threatening to resign from his party if it did not rein in its more virulently anti-Muslim elements. Clearly, the genocidal attacks against Gujarat’s Muslims has shaken the faith of even those few Muslim Kashmiris who were committed to being Indian citizens and leading their people towards accepting the status quo. As shocking for Kashmiris was the outrageous claim of BJP MP Vinay Katiyar a few weeks ago that the relic in the Hazratbal shrine is not of the Prophet but of a Hindu sage. When riots had erupted in East Pakistan earlier, Nehru and Shastri checked the uprising. Even before POTO was passed, its draconian provisions were used to arrest Hurriyat leader Yasin Malik, allegedly for receiving US$ 100,000 from abroad. His arrest at this juncture surprised many, for it is an open secret here that the Government of India has known for years that various Hurriyat Conference leaders receive clandestine foreign funds — and, indeed, from India’s Intelligence Bureau too. Hitherto, the government always turned a Nelson’s eye to these fund flows. There is therefore a widespread expectation, reinforced by the drama at Ayodhya and the horrors in Gujarat, that the BJP-led government in New Delhi will now remove whatever shreds of a velvet glove it has hitherto used. Malik may not have much of an organisation today but, as president of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front, he symbolises a vastly popular sentiment in the valley. The arrest has therefore spurred two kinds of suspicion here. One theory is that the National Conference government in the state took this dramatic step in order to tarnish the image of the one Hurriyat leader whose lifestyle has not overtly shown signs of increased wealth. The other theory holds that the central government is trying subtly to make a martyr of Malik among the people so that the Hurriyat, or some front thereof, might be better placed to win the state assembly elections that are due after the monsoon. It is true that a number of Hurriyat leaders had in recent weeks been toying with the idea of participating in elections in some way. Following the global war against terrorism and Pakistan, many of them like the best way to establish popular support and then negotiate a better political, or even geopolitical, deal for Kashmir. However, if the current trend of open and violent anti-Muslim bias from the BJP and its associates continues, such moves will have very little credibility among ordinary Kashmiris. With what face can they seek to enter mainstream Indian politics at a time when even the BJP’s Kabuli is feeling suffocated there? |
Corruption is all-pervasive in society THIS has reference to Mr Ram Verma's article “Prabhat Kumar's exit marks systemic putrefaction” (Sunday Tribune, February 17). The article is indeed thought-provoking and attracts our attention to the all-pervading corrupt practices in our society. Mr Varma deserves appreciation in that usually people are reluctant to express against “biradhari”, but he has taken this unusual stand. Perhaps there is one mistake. If my memory is correct, Mr D.C. Pavate was the Governor of Punjab and not of Haryana. Mr Pavate was also an upright person as Mr Ram Varma and his predecessor are. After his stay in Punjab, he settled in his home-state Karnataka and wrote a book entitled “My days in Punjab” wherein he has bashed all the politicians of Punjab as most selfish, except Mr Satpal Dang. One category of this corrupt breed that Mr Varma has left out in his write-up is the so-called “medical specialists” who make out cases for importing/procurement of costly medical equipment which, in turn, bring them kickbacks from the international suppliers or their Indian agencies. The machines after being imported/procured just lie unutilised for years and ultimately are labelled “worthless junk”. It will not be out of place to mention here an incident that I witnessed. I had the opportunity to know a Vice-Chancellor of Punjab University rather closely. He was earlier Head of the Department of Commerce (subsequently University Business School — the UBS is undoubtedly his contribution to the university). It so happened that on one of his personal letters, a 50-paise service stamp was affixed. Fortunately, he noticed this before it was mailed. He lost his temper and shouted “you should not do such mistakes....This is my personal letter. How dare you affix government postage on it?” The mistake was immediately corrected. ARVIND, Chandigarh II There can be no two opinions about the views expressed in the piece. “The mankind was always lured by money and now it is lusting for it”. It should be an eye-opener and worth pondering over by bureaucrats and modern-day politicians. Dr Pavate was never Governor of Haryana. He was Governor of Punjab from November 18, 1967 to May 20, 1973. I was his PS during this period. Dr Pavate was a great educationist. He was
upright, honest and extremely intelligent. J. R. CHOPRA, Chandigarh
No justification Mr S.S.Dhanoa’s article “The government should foot the bill for IAS officers’ parties” (Sunday Tribune, March 3) gives an insight into the misuse of the taxpayers' money, money collected from poor farmers (by tehsildars in the name of the Red Cross) while getting their land registered and coercion to thrust the bills of hospitality on the subordinate officers. All this breeds corruption. The money for such hospitality comes from the people who are already fed up with the corrupt system of governance. Mr Dhanoa has almost accepted that such a corrupt practice was going on in his tenure as Chief Secretary during the President's rule in Punjab. This is still prevalent. Asking the government to foot the bills of IAS officers’ parties is again too much. Yes, there is some truth in the argument that some allowance to socialise should be given to top government officers, irrespective of the service they belong to. However, such social parties should be limited to meeting occasions and not drinking and eating occasions where the bill of canopy, decoration and liquor can be mind-boggling. The government should not be asked to bear the cost of luxurious socialising of any officer. CHINOO
KINGRA, New Delhi
Informative piece Lt Gen Harwant Singh's article "Sekhon's exist raises many disturbing questions" (Sunday Tribune), is quite informative. The irony of the whole situation is that every institution has been politicised and if some quarters are left they are being wrapped in this system. Sekhon's episode, in the larger scenario is not new as highlighted by the writer himself the first being in 1962 under the nose of our first Prime Minister Nehru (Lt-Gen B.M. Kaul's case). The politicisation of our defence services is most unfortunate where only merit should be considered for promotion and any behind-the-curtain act or "favour' will cost heavily. the leaking of Sekhon's letter should be probed because as the writer has apprehended it can lead to more disastrous events, if not checked. The person who has leaked out this letter would be having some personal interest and he can go to any extent to put national security at stake. The culprit behind the leakage should be punished and an example set in the defence forces. Discrimination in the promotion of defence personnel has also been highlighted. This is also a source of heart-burn. Merit must occupy the top slot in the defence services and no compromise be made nor any 'undue favour' should be done. No doubt, it was Sekhon's lack of farsightedness that he sought favour 'in writing'. Had he adopted some other means (such as telephone, or personally meeting some high-ups like the one Mr Badal whom he wrote, unfortunately), Mr Sekhon must have achieved the goal and nobody could have had an inkling of the 'passage'. Mr Badal so far has not broken his silence on this episode. He is also expected to clear the mess
After all, he is also a party to this unfortunate episode. Last but not the least, I would like to compliment the elite of the village Issewal — the native place of Sekhon who honoured him for his meritorious services. I read elsewhere that Sekhon was decorated for his meritorious service more than 17 times. Had the villagers not honoured this brave soldier of the Indian Air Force, he might have collapsed with the way he has been shown the door. UJAGAR
SINGH, Chandigarh |
He took to politicking instead of poetry For almost two decades Surjeet has filled the power vaccum and known for his eel like smoothness in filling the void, some call him a power broker. His critics say he is a leader with fingers in many pies and legs in many camps. Perhaps, for his manipulative skill that the CPI-M thought he is ideally suited in the fast changing political scenario in which new alignments may have to be forged and new equations hammered out. The octogenarian leader was, after all, a king maker in 1996. The militancy in Punjab brought him close to Indira Gandhi and later, Rajiv Gandhi; both the prime ministers gave ear to him. He kept his liaison with the Congress leaders throughout the regime of P.V. Narasimha Rao and later played an important role in bringing I.K. Gujral as the prime minister. He was known to be in touch with Sitaram Kesri when the Congress leader pulled the rug from under the feet of H.D.Deve Gowda and toppled his government. One wonders if Surjeet had a role when Marxists committed “the historic blunder” by blocking Jyoti Basu as a compromise candidate to head a coalition of smaller parties at the Centre. He held the view that the largest opposition party (the Congress) should take part in a coalition as there was no other way to establish a stable government. It must be said to his credit that he brought about the change in Marxists’ stance — “if the BJP is cholera, the Congress is plague” — and enabled the CPI-M to win allies and getting Lok Sabha seats in the states where the party had little roots and following. Though the Octogenarian Marxist may have been a king maker and may play an important role in the coming months in the present power structure, he has himself disdained power. Surjeet and the BJP leaders despise each other; both consider each other as enemy number one. Immediately after taking over as CPI-M general secretary for the fourth term, he asserted that his first task would be to counter and prevent the BJP from gaining strength. His another task would be to build and consolidate the
People's Front. The BJP leaders, on their part, call him “a passionate protagonist of destructive politics” whose party subscribes to an ideology which has shown scant concern for India’s sovereignty and culture. Few outside Punjab may be knowing that in one phase of his long life, he wanted to become a poet and took to writing under the pen name “Surjeet”. His pen name remained but he could not become a poet and, instead of writing poetry, took to full-time politicking. Born in sleepy, little town of Bandala in Jalandhar district, he could not continue his education beyond matriculation. He was still in school when he began association with the national movement. In 1930, he joined the “Naujawan Bharat Sabha” which was founded by young revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh and Bhagwati Charan. After the execution of Bhagat Singh and his friends Rajguru and Sukhdev, young Harkishan participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement. Even though he was a minor at that time, he was imprisoned for a period of four years for his seditious activities. A new chapter began in Surjeet’s life after release from the jail. He joined the Communist Party of India. In 1936, he became a co-founder of the Kisan Sabha in Punjab. He not only fought for India’s independence but also carried on with equal zeal the social and economic reform programmes, starting a journal — “Dukhi Duniya” — from Jalandhar. The British regime had kept a close eye on his activities and, in order to escape the oppression, he shifted to Saharanpur where he brought out the paper — “Chingari”. Come the Second World War and along with all important Communist leaders Surjeet too was rounded up and detained in Rajasthan. He was released with other of his comrades only in 1993. With India attaining independence, he plunged headlong in political activities. |
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PM’s attack on Sonia carried the day PRIME
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee is not given to outbursts or losing his cool even in the most trying circumstances. But Congress president Sonia Gandhi’s exposition of her party’s view on the Prevention of Terrorism Bill during the joint sitting of Parliament last Tuesday sent the temperature soaring in the PMO and the ranks of the BJP. Sonia’s frontal attack against Vajpayee questioning his capacity to govern the world’s largest democracy went unnoticed initially till a busybody keeping a close tab on the tickers (wire services) noticed the acerbic observations. That set the ball rolling. Wanting to be doubly sure of what the Congress chief had said, the Prime Minister called for the prepared text of her speech. It was after carefully reading the lines which amounted to attacking him personally that Vajpayee decided to intervene in the discussion to counter Sonia rather than having Union Home Minister L.K. Advani defend him. The Prime Minister told his aides he had no option but to forcefully rebut Sonia as in his opinion it was a calculated and direct affront to his leadership. What pained Vajpayee was that nobody had questioned his bonafides in his entire political career spanning more than five decades. All hell broke loose when Vajpayee spoke angrily but tellingly that when he entered politics and the portals of Parliament, Sonia was blissfully thousands of miles away in a foreign land. For a while the entire Congress benches remained stupefied knowing not what hit them before charging to protect their leader. Alas, that was rather late as Vajpayee’s cut and thrust carried the day much to the agony and helplessness of the Congress benches.
FLURRY OF ACTIVITY There was a flurry of activity among television journalists during the PM’s intervention. Mr Vajpayee began by dissecting quotes from Sonia’s speech and minced no words in questioning her experience in public life. Vajpayee wondered why such exceptional interest was being taken in him. He reminded her that he was not the PM due to the Congress’ benevolence but despite its opposition. As Sonia looked ashen-faced and restless and turned back to consult her party colleagues, a section of journalists in the electronic media jumped to the conclusion that she was actually in tears. There was no stopping this hearsy though one of them went to the extent of actually trying to get a glimpse of the otherwise stoic face of Italian origin. Senior political leaders feel that the unpleasantness Sonia faced in the Central Hall might prompt her to seek the services of better ghost-writers whose scripts do not pale into insignificance with Vajpayee’s spontaneity.
GOEL IN DEMAND After weeks of hibernation and keeping a low profile, Vijay Goel seems to have regained his moorings in the PMO where he is the Minister of State. Soon after taking over as MoS, he was divested of his other charge, MoS (Planning Commission). As it is, the “chhota” minister is facing stiff opposition from Delhi BJP seniors like Sahib Singh Verma and Madan Lal Khurana who are still sulking for not getting ministerial berths. The turnaround in Goel’s political fortune came about a month back when the Ayodhya crisis was peaking up. Vajpayee relied upon his Man Friday for shuttling between the leaders of the two communities, arranging their meetings with the PM and such chores. He was quite visible during Vajpayee’s crucial meeting with the Muslim leaders earlier this month at Panchvati, the famous multi-purpose conference hall-cum-auditorium at the PM’s residence. At the historic joint session of Parliament, Goel was conspicuously shown on Doordarshan, which telecast the entire 10-hour-long event live, ushering in the PM for his intervention in the debate on POTO. After Sonia Gandhi’s acerbic speech, in which she had chastised the PM like never before, Goel was seen rushing out leading to speculation of the government responding to Sonia’s offensive. The very next day, Goel was again in the limelight when the PM had summoned Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi at Panchvati. At this rate, Goel is fast eclipsing his political gurus, Sahib Singh and Khurana.
AMAR SINGH’S SHOW Everyone was a little startled when former prime minister Chandra Shekhar stood up in Parliament during the joint session urging Deputy Speaker P M Sayeed to decide the time of voting. And
curiosity rose further as immediately after Chandra Shekhar, Mulayam Singh Yadav also made the same demand and even insisted that if voting was not possible the same evening, it should be held the next day. Since five more speakers were still to participate in the debate, everyone was surprised as to why the two leaders were so insistent on voting being held as early as possible. The two Socialist leaders, a little bird tells us, were keen that Samajwadi Party deputy supremo Amar Singh’s twin daughters’ birthday party should not get delayed as the guests were already waiting for the hosts to arrive in a five-star hotel.
PRESTIGE ISSUE A view being touted in the NDA government and especially in the BJP circles is that if any bill is approved by the Lok Sabha, then it should be seen as reflecting the will of the people. This is particularly so as the Lok Sabha is the House of the People. Implied therein is the argument that if the same bill falls through in the Rajya Sabha which is the Council of States then it does not have the same significance. This talk started after POTO was adopted in the Lok Sabha and got defeated in the Rajya Sabha. If that was the case then, where was the need for the government to approach the President for a joint session for its passage? With national consensus proving elusive, it is amply clear that getting POTO passed had become a prestige issue for the Vajpayee government both within and outside India. Incidentally, the Bush administration is among the first to felicitate the Vajpayee government after its passage. Contributed by TRR, Satish Mishra, Rajeev Sharma and Tripti Nath.
Helping riot victims: SAHMAT shows the way IN my column last fortnight, I had mentioned about the blatant insensitivity shown by stalwarts like Pandit Ravi Shankar, Amjad Ali Khan and Muzaffar Ali who held well-publicised concerts here but didn’t part with the ticketed booty for those getting trampled in Gujarat. Thankfully, sensitive elements are still alive. This weekend, SAHMAT not only held an art exhibition and a special concert by Shubha Mudgal to raise funds for the riot victims in Gujarat but also screened a documentary made by young filmmaker Gopal Menon on the ongoing carnage. SAHMAT had the courage to show this footage that has the potential to expose those in power. So moving and gory were the shots that most in the audience were shell-shocked and I could spot several parents telling their children of the communal frenzy around and how it’s bound to ruin the country, how saner elements would stand sidetracked and trampled upon by the political mafia. Each one in the audience looked affected. Gopal Menon was himself looking so glum and depressed. He said, “You could say I have been affected by whatever I have seen in Ahmedabad. I moved about four days in Ahmedabad and kept shooting...the unedited version of this film is about 30 hours...” If any of those in power care to think about the very future of this country, then they must have this film screened at schools, colleges, clubs, theatres, homes and offices so that the people at large know what is in store or is actually happening to human beings around. They should know the games being played by the right wing divisive forces saddled in those seats of power. In fact, I have with me a very detailed report jointly compiled by Vishnu Nagar, Prasanjit Bose, Vijoo Krishnan and Jawaharlal Nehru University’s Dr Kamal Mitra Chenoy who were in Ahmedabad in the second week of March on a fact-finding mission. This is what they have to say: “At the outset, it is important to underline the fact that the events in Ahmedabad do not fit into any conceivable definition of a communal riot. All evidence suggests that what happened there was a completely one-sided and targeted carnage of innocent Muslims, something much closer to a pogrom or an ethnic cleansing...it also clearly indicates collusion and not merely indulgence of the state machinery and the ruling political establishment...the communal violence in Gujarat has shocked the world, United Nations Human Rights Commissioner Mary Robinson has also voiced her deep concern...” Like all tyrants, Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi is a coward. He was here last week and stayed holed up in Gujarat Bhavan at Chanakyapuri, refusing to meet any of those protesting against the violence in that state. I am told he had briefed his immediate staff that he wouldn’t entertain telephone calls from anyone except those from the PMO or the Home Ministry. Though several organisations and bodies kept protesting and demanding his ouster, he did not yield. He didn’t even bother to comment on the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s obnoxious circular letter doing the rounds of that state, asking for economic boycott of the minority communities. This sort of blatant communal behavior of this Chief Minister seems dangerous; it pinpoints his bigger political gameplan. SO MUCH FOOD! On the occasion of the 57th anniversary of the foundation of the League of Arab States, the council of Arab ambassadors in New Delhi hosted a splendid reception at the sprawling lawns of the embassy of Sultanate of Oman. Stalls of food from the Arab countries dotted the lawns and Arab envoys and their families in their traditional attire mingled with the guests. I have never really seen so much food at one go and though there was little difference between the cuisines of different countries, what I particularly liked was the fare dished out by the embassy of Morocco. It could also be because of the fact that one of the embassy’s senior diplomats was at the counter to explain the relevance of each dish and the combination he advised me to try turned out to be sumptuous...many were present that evening. Several from the Ministry of External Affairs, many media personalities, security authority Major Maroof Raza, furniture expert Mukhtar Singh (remember he made furniture for Iraq President Saddam Hussein). Prominent absentees seemed Union ministers. |
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IN the perfidious world of power politics, Harkishen Singh Surjeet is a phenomenon. His 86 long years, of which 70 were spent in the hurly-burly of politics, and now his re-election to the powerful post of the general secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) for the fourth time is a record setter indeed. Age appears to have frozen in case of this white turbaned “Sardarji” from Jalandhar as he leaves behind in the race for the key party slot young and upcoming leaders like Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yachuri. Having ruled West Bengal for six consecutive terms, Jyoti Basu, two years older to Surjeet, is yet another marvel. Generation, it appears, rarely changes for Indian Marxists and it is almost on the same pattern as in Communist countries. Look at the longevity of Communist leaders from Stalin to Gorbachev and Mao Zedong to Jiang Zemin.