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Tuesday,
May 8, 2001, Chandigarh, India  
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For a few
votes more! Save the
girl child Badla’s
diehard supporters |
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Governance
quality in Haryana
Milking
the consumer
Women do
two-thirds of world’s work
P. Raman
Between
two neighbours
Head
Constable convicted
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For a few votes more! THE Prime Minister has made a highly significant announcement about his government's readiness to issue work permits to Bangladeshi migrants suspected to be foreigners at an election rally in Silchar (Assam). The venue says it all! The declaration is obviously aimed at garnering a few votes in the Assam and West Bengal Assembly elections, where his party is fighting a losing battle. Bangladeshis have swarmed both these border states to such a large extent that their very demographic profile has been altered. That many of the migrants have even managed to get voting rights is also no secret. The announcement can bring some of these votes into the BJP kitty, as also the endorsement of the Muslim lobby. But the price that the country may have to pay for these narrow political gains might be frightfully high. For one thing, the work permits will provide a veneer of legitimacy to the illegal immigrants. Just as some of them are flaunting their ration cards to prove that they are Indians, the work permits might be utilised to demand permanent residency. Second, there are hardly any jobs available for unskilled and semi-skilled Bangladeshis who trek their way into India in a clandestine manner for purely economic reasons. In fact, there is an acute shortage of means of livelihood. If Bangladeshis start competing for the few manual jobs that are available, the plight of the Indians would be worse. There might even be a wave of protests from the bona fide Indians. Assam has witnessed violent agitations for decades on exactly this count. The AGP, with which the BJP now has a poll alliance, rode to power on that plank. That it changed tack after that and started nursing Bangladeshi refugees for political gains is another matter. It is not clear if these permits will be issued only in border areas. But once a start is made, it is but natural that the precedent will be quoted by those staying in places like Delhi to demand similar facilities. Is the government ready to provide such permits to more than 16 lakh Bangladeshis who illegally stay in the national Capital? More than 10,000 newcomers stream in every month. There is a very real possibility that the lure of the work permits might prompt even more Bangladeshis to come to India. Among them could be many saboteurs and ISI agents as well. The measures at the border to stop such an influx are a joke. These are actually a perennial source of income for certain corrupt officials and their agents. One hopes the government will take into account the ground realities before committing itself. |
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Save the girl child THE Supreme Court has dealt a powerful blow to the obnoxious practice of killing the girl child in the womb. It has asked the Union and state governments to be more strict in enforcing the provisions of the law banning sex determination tests and selection procedures. The sharp drop in the male-female ratio, as revealed by the latest census figures, has understandably set off the alarm bell. If corrective measures are not taken immediately, the creeping imbalance in the sex ratio will without doubt cause serious sociological problems. The Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques [Regulation and Prevention of Misuse] Act was introduced for arresting the drop in the female population across the country. However, no worthwhile attempt has been made by any state or union territory to take deterrent action against quacks and unscrupulous trained doctors involved in the lucrative racket of female foeticide. However, even the highest court in the land cannot go beyond directing the agencies concerned to be more alert in enforcing the provisions of the law against sex determination tests. Significantly, the apex court lent its voice to the campaign against female foeticide while responding to a PIL filed by the Centre For Enquiry into Health and Allied Themes [CEHAT]. The judiciary has done its duty. Now it is the turn of other voluntary agencies to take up the challenge of putting the fear of the law and God in the owners of the illegal sex determination clinics as also those who submit themselves for having the female child aborted. Recently the priests of Akal Takht displayed rare courage and vision by issuing a directive, identical in substance to the one issued by the apex court, to the sangat to shun the practice of female foeticide. The judiciary can play only a limited role as far as the implementation of the law against sex determination tests is concerned. The larger battle has to be waged by a responsive clergy, since the practice violates the basic tenets of all faiths, and committed non-voluntary organisations. It goes without saying that a movement which enjoys the support of the religious heads and voluntary organisations would be more effective than the periodic directions from the judiciary in compelling the enforcing agencies to play a proactive role in putting an end to the despicable practice of killing the girl child in the womb. |
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Badla’s diehard supporters IT can happen only in India – resorting to cheap tricks to stall an important decision. It is thus an insider’s job and hence there is no accountability, as it happened to SEBI on Friday last. First somebody leaked the news that the uniquely Indian trading system of badla would remain in force for some more time. The sensex shot up in late trading. But the more curious turn came later. Two nominated members of the SEBI board were absent at a crucial meeting to vote on a key committee’s report. One is the government nominee, adviser to the Finance Ministry Rakesh Mohan, and the other represents the public and is Mr Kumar Mangalam Birla. What is the inference? Either the government and the top industrial class are indifferent to reforms which would hopefully stall a future crisis like the one that rocked the market recently or they are opposing the changes by keeping themselves out. Even the government? Only a day earlier Finance Minister Sinha met SEBI chief D.R.Mehta and announced that he would support all measures of the market regulator. Why then this turnaround? One charitable interpretation is that the Ministry wants more time to assess the fallout of banishing badla. If so, it should have formally informed SEBI and not embarrassed it by just skipping the meeting. Anyway the next meeting is on May 14 and since the new system is to come into force from July 2, there will be very little time to effect a smooth switch-over. Badla is a variant of futures and options practised all over the world. Here it is also termed as carry-forward or the more esoteric ALBM and BLESS. It is an excellent safety valve for those who want to trade but do not have huge cash. They enter into a contract and on the settlement day simply request the deal to be put under badla. But they pay a small amount to keep the transaction alive – in the Ludhiana exchange it is now 15 paise for every Rs 100 every week or 7.8 per cent every year. While it ensures brisk sale and purchase of shares, it also allows the sharp-minded to take up positions and keep paying badla until he stands to make a killing. It is this potential misuse that has invited its end. In its place SEBI will allow futures and option which, as the name implies, is for a longer period than the less than week-long badla. Curiously in the USA there are separate markets for regular transactions and futures trading. SEBI’s move created panic and brought down the sensex. It could have avoided it by introducing the new method and also allowing badla to continue simultaneously. That is what it did when opting for demat form of shares. Why cannot it learn from its own success? |
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Governance
quality in Haryana IN the democratic set-up of a civilised society, individuals delegate their right to rule over themselves to their representatives through vote for systematic governance. India has adopted the Westminster style of democracy where the executive is responsible to the legislature. The essence of this system lies in the nature of the relationship between the people and the ruling elite. In this system the executive is to actualise the needs and aspirations of the people expressed and controlled through legislatures. This system can be said to be working smoothly only if the people continue to have faith in it. In our country people are losing faith in this system and a discussion is on to look for an alternative to the present system of governance. As a result, the Central Government has constituted a Constitution Review Commission. The political leadership in the country, instead of searching one’s souls if there is any left, has started finding fault with the system or the Constitution. Perhaps, the system apart, the human failure explains most failures in our life. This is because we have shunned value-based politics and adopted it as a lucrative profession. Now our polity is democratic in form and dynastic in content. The system developed in Haryana provides a glaring example where everything is done in most unabashed and uninhibited manner. In the parliamentary form of government the functioning of the legislature is most important. In Haryana, the functioning of the state assembly has been impaired over the years. The basic functions of the assembly are to make laws, to debate and pass the budget, to discuss at length people’s problems and how to find their solutions and to exercise control over the executive. But on all these counts, the present working of the assembly has not been upto the mark. Incidentally, the people of Haryana have chosen to be ruled alternatively by the three families in a musical-chair fashion. The model of governance in Haryana has been aptly described by Mr D.R. Chowdhry in a recent article in The Tribune as “Direct Home Rule (DHR), a rule by a few members of a family where the state is treated as a fiefdom and the state capital becomes a mere extension of one’s farmhouse or a branch of one’s trading concern”. They are mutually promoting their dynastic succession and that too without any sense of shame or guilt. They invariably play the game of misinformation and disinformation and elections are fought like a match-fixing exercise. They arouse false hopes and dreams are marketed and the people of the state are taken for a ride. In this scenario the people, instead of choosing their representatives, elect their nominees on their party ticket. As a result, the elected representatives owe their success not to their electorate but to the leaders who nominated them. In this scheme of things, whoever happens to be the Chief Minister — as the Leader of the House, instead of discharging his responsibilities as the guardian of the legitimate rights of the Opposition as well as of the government as propounded by the founding fathers of the Constitution — rather hijacks the House for his self-interests. The Speaker, the Leader of the House and the Leader of the Opposition are the three main pillars on whose sincerity and commitment the functioning of the Legislative Assembly rests. But, unfortunately, the role of the assembly in governance has, and always, been tried to be bypassed and assembly sessions have been reduced to just rituals and held only to fulfil the constitutional obligations. Even the primary function of the Assembly — to legislate — has been relegated to just a formality. The constitutional requirement of giving 15 days notice for the introduction of a Bill is rarely adhered to, and the Speaker exercises his discretion invariably to waive off this condition. The copies of the Bills are normally distributed to the members “the previous
evening" and then introduced and passed without serious deliberations. In 1994, two voluminous Bills, the Haryana Panchayati Raj Bill and the Haryana Municipalities Bill, were distributed just 12 hours before they were introduced and passed without facilitating any discussion. It was not possible for the members to even read the Bills what to talk of studying them. As a result, more than a dozen amendments have to be made in the last six years of their operation. Babus draft the Bills and the assembly only puts its stamp on them. Legislative Bills are treated like electricity Bills. Parliament and legislative assemblies transact a great deal of business through committees. These committees are appointed to deal with specific items of business requiring expert or detailed considerations. The system of assembly committees is particularly useful in dealing with the matters which are, on account of their special or technical nature, better considered in detail by a small number of members rather than the House itself. Moreover, the system saves time of the House for discussion on important matters. But in Haryana, the working of these assembly committees is also a formality and does not fulfil the purpose. There are 11 assembly committees on various subjects. Of these, the committees on Public Accounts, Estimates, Public Undertakings and Scheduled Castes are elected bodies and the members of the rest of the committees are nominated by the Speaker. But since 1989 the democratic character of these elected committees has also been changed through the practice of authorising the Speaker to nominate their members by adopting resolutions in the House every year. This practice was adopted and continued just to avoid the experienced and senior members to save the bureaucracy from accountability. As a result, the departments are run at the whims of the bureaucrats in the absence of proper scrutiny of their working. Due to ignorance and non-expertise the members rarely participate in the deliberations in the committee meetings. As per the rules of procedure, the reports of these committees are presented every year in the House but these are never discussed. Serious issues concerning the problems of the public such as education, health, gender issues, farmers’ problems and law and order are rarely deliberated in the assembly. There is hardly any debate on the functioning of government departments as the demands are put and passed without facilitating any debate. Sittings of the assembly have gradually been curtailed. Bare minimum sittings are held just to fulfil the constitutional requirements. The Leader of the House and the Leader of the Opposition lack sensibilities in fulfilling their constitutional responsibilities. Much of the assembly’s time is wasted in trading personal charges and counter-charges. They are made to rule in rotation, and the welfare of the public is not their concern. Life has become miserable for the masses in the state as there is complete mess in education. Health services are in doldrums. The state is heading for water famine and farmers are forced to commit suicide. Unemployment among educated youth is driving them to crimes and the sex ratio has deteriorated to the lowest in the country, but we in the assembly have no sensibilities to even deliberate on these issues, what to talk of finding solutions. In this scenario the Speaker has a role as once observed by Jawaharlal Nehru: “The Speaker represents the House. He represents the dignity of the House, the freedom of the House, and because he represents the nation, in a particular way, the Speaker becomes the symbol of the nation’s freedom and liberty. Therefore, it is right that it should be an honoured position and should be occupied always by men of outstanding ability and impartiality.” But in the Haryana Assembly, people are of the opinion that the role of the Speaker has not been as inspiring and impartial as expected. Even the sermon from the Vedas inscribed on the pillars of the assembly, “Either one must not enter this Hall or He must speak there with all the righteousness, for one who doesn’t speak or one who speaks falsely does himself in the equal sin involved”, has not been heeded. The ruling people in Haryana have a vested interest in not transforming and changing this ugly situation as it confers power and pelf on them. There is a saying, “if the cattle break into the field, one can drive them away. But if the fence itself begins to eat the crop, what can be done?” So, the people will have to remove this crop-eating fence and will themselves have to act as the fence. The ruling elite treats the people as herds of sheep whom, with the help of a few goats (workers), it drives away at the time of elections. The people in Haryana have very limited options to choose at the hustings. As scientists are suggesting the diversification of the cropping system to get rid of the rice-wheat rotation which has played havoc in the region, people will have to diversify their thinking. All political outfits in the state are family concerns of their leaders whose sole agenda is to capture power for use of their clan by deceiving the public. After the formation of the government all powers are concentrated in the family members of the Chief Minister, and the legislators and ministers have to act as humble petitioners to get small favours. The writer is an MLA and former Parliamentary Affairs Minister, Haryana. |
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Milking
the consumer THE Haryana Dairy Development Corporation (HDDC) has announced a steep increase in milk prices, which has led to an angry outburst of protest which I feel is unjustified, irrational and quite out of proportion. Why not let the corporation state its side of the case for a milk price hike? I have been talking to one of its senior officers. “I’m thoroughly disillusioned,” he said, “the Indian consumer is a pampered brat who expects everything at subsidised prices without realising that double-digit, cost-push inflation is eating into the vitals of a public service like milk supply.” “Do you know that in recent months, the rental for a square metre of space in Chandigarh has gone up by a whopping 500 per cent?” “I beg your pardon, I didn’t quite get that,” I said, “you mean the cost of dry rations and green fodder for exotic, high-yielding and cross-bred milch cattle?” “Oh, for heaven’s sake don’t talk arrant nonsense!” said the HDDC official irritably, “who’s talking of milch cows? I’m talking about office rent. Do you know that the HDDC has to shell out as much as Rs 2 lakh per month as rent for its offices in Chandigarh and unless the consumer is willing to shoulder a fair proportion of this burden, how can we discharge our obligation to supply cheap and wholesome milk at reasonable prices?” “You’ve a point there,” I conceded. “Then take airconditioners.....” “For milk collection and chilling plants set up in interior villages?” I interjected. “Oh, for god’s sake, don’t be ridiculous,” said the HDDC official, “I’m talking about airconditioners for our senior officers. Would it surprise you if I tell you that the basic cost of a 5-tonne room airconditioner has gone up by an unconscionable Rs 25,000 following the recent budget.” “It’s terrible the way inflation is eroding your operating margins,” I said sympathetically, “I’d hate to be in your shoes.” “As you know,” said the HDDC official, “we’re on the verge of launching phase III of Operation Flood with World Bank assistance and our senior officers have to fly out to Washington three times a week for discussions with bank officials on whether our cows should be milked from all the four udders or just two will do. International airlines have arbitrarily and unilaterally put up their fares by a whopping 250 per cent and hiking milk prices is the only option available to us to meet our higher travel costs.” “I think you’ve made out a strong and convincing case for increasing milk prices,” I said, “but let’s be grateful for small mercies. At least, you haven’t put up the price of milk of human kindness.” “Don’t be too sure,” cautioned the HDDC official, “come the lean season and we’re going to increase the price of a half litre satchet of milk of human kindness with 0.5 per cent fat content by Rs 5.” |
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Women do two-thirds of world’s work WOMEN
and girls accomplish two-thirds of the world’s work. They produce half of the world’s food and do most of the processing. Yet, the share of women’s in the world’s income amounts to only 5 per cent; and women’s annual unwaged labour amounts to a staggering $ 11 trillion. “This is not about the war of the sexes. It’s simply about justice,” says a campaigner. Men, too, are participating in the campaign for equal wages. Largely because they realise that women’s lower wages are benchmarking their own earnings. “As long as women work too much for too little, their pay and conditions become the standards for all workers.”
WFS Death by Arsenic Arsenic poisoning has been wreaking havoc in the villages of West Bengal for the last two decades. The culprit is drinking water from the tubewells provided by the public health department. About 42 million people in the state are at risk. Alarmingly, the number of affected districts has gone up rather than down — from six in the mid-1990s to nine at present. Ironically, when villages suffer from this malaise, traditional water bodies like ponds and “jheels” (lakes) which are not affected by arsenic poisoning lie neglected and submerged in water hyacinths, the water too murky even for washing clothes.
WFS New hi-tech bra machine for M&S A high-tech bra fitting machine has been developed so women get the right size bras. A survey of Marks & Spencer’s found 90 per cent wear the wrong size bra. They have launched the new device to make sure women get the right size cups. The bra sensor is being launched into 300 M&S stores throughout England. It takes four measurements and tests the pressure the bra applies to the skin. The machine is the brainchild of Ian Scott, technology chief for M&S lingerie. He said: “The sensor doesn’t replace the tape measure, but it is very accurate back-up.” The average British bust measures up to 36C but the most popular bra size is still 34B. Variety is spice of British sex life An online survey has found that the traditional views of the British as repressed lovers too timid to try anything new in the bedroom are outdated. The research, commissioned by NetDoctor.co.uk, shows that some Britons have been indulging in internet sex, spanking, bondage and cross-dressing in efforts to spice up their sex lives. The survey of 850 adults found that 25% of men and 15% of women claimed to have had internet sex, while 13% of men and 5% of women admitted to having a fetish. About 60% of both sexes admitted to having private fantasies they had not shared with their partner, while 18% of women said they enjoyed bondage — compared with 16% of men — and 16% of females questioned liked spanking, compared with 13% of men. Asked if they had dressed up for sex in underwear or outer wear of the opposite gender 8% of both sexes said they had. But some of the adults questioned still had hang-ups about their appearances, with almost twice as many women as men (80% compared with 43%) saying they found parts of their body attractive.
Ananova |
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Coping with post-poll convulsions WITH
the Assembly elections just two days away, speculations are already rife over the likely outcome and the possible implications on the national politics. The main ruling party at the Centre is not more than a marginal force in the five states. Barring Kerala and Assam, the Congress is contesting as a minor ally. Despite all this, the elections in the five States will have their impact at the Centre. The immediate fallout will be on the state-level parties some of which are bound to undergo gruelling convulsions. How will this come about will depend on the results in the respective states. This can also lead to a rather ironical situation. If the NDA allies and their friends in the States suffer a severe setback, that will further strengthen the Vajpayee Government’s position. This is going to be the cruel paradox of the contemporary politics of unabashed opportunism which got fossilised since 1996. A jolted Karunanidhi, Mamata Banerjee or P.K. Mahanta will now be left with no option but to seek more collective protection from the Centre. Take Mamata’s case. Ever since her ‘‘Mahajot’’ idea collapsed last year due to the opposition from the Congress, she has been in a cruel dilemma. Her alliance with the NDA gave her the power to use the Indian Railways to win over West Bengal voters. But in West Bengal’s predominantly Left politics, association with the NDA also hurt her badly on two counts. First, she has to be the defensive about the crippling effect of the Left campaign against the adverse effects of her coalition’s reform measures. She tried to neutralise this by throwing occasional tantrums at Vajpayee. In the process she did block some crucial reform programmes. The second pertains to the large minority votes in West Bengal which the parent Congress still retained. If she had dumped the BJP alliance for the first, her alliance with the Congress was purely to bag the minority votes. Now in case she scrapes through the elections, she will continue to sing the secularism song which will also become necessary to cobble up a coalition with the Congress. The Congress, of course, will have to put up with all the whims and caprices of a winner and suffer frequent humiliation at her hands. With her ardently pro-saffron aides out on the other side, she may be induced to move closer to the Congress however arduous and temporary it may prove to be. But the lure of power with the backing of the Congress will continue to keep her off the Vajpayee party. Even for this, the Congress will have to give her a more-than-equal status within the party. On the other hand, if she loses at the hustings, she will turn more reckless and difficult. If this happens, the Congress or its minority voters, would be of no use to her. At least for the next five years. This is bound to drive her back into the NDA fold. Incidentally, the PMO is quite sure of such a scenario in West Bengal. Ajit Panja, who got upset at the loss of ministership after Mamata Banerjee’s decision to quit the NDA, had pleaded with the BJP to put him back in the chair. He had sought the BJP’s help to put together more than one-third of the Trinamool MPs to make it a ‘‘split’’. After quick calculations, Vajpayee advised Panja to wait until the elections. The BJP was guided by two factors. First, since it was cocksure that the Trinamool could not make it this time in West Bengal, it hoped that a frustrated Mamata herself will come back to the NDA. Engineering a split before the elections would only turn her bitter. Possibly, she herself has anticipated this. Otherwise an impulsive person like her could not have resisted the temptation of punishing them for disobedience. For the BJP, even if she manages to win, it will still have the option of adding Panja and company to its kitty. For this reason, the central BJP leaders have been sparing Mamata from direct attacks. Vajpayee also has other wile calculations. The three RJD MPs who have deserted Laloo Prasad Yadav will have to be provided with some accommodation. The BJP operators are also confident of engineering a ‘‘split’’ of two MPs from Ajit Singh party. Thus the Rao thesis of ‘‘split-n-add’’ can bring at least eight MPs — more than enough to make up the loss caused by the exit of Mamata and PMK. Like Rao, Vajpayee will use the long-delayed ministerial reshuffle to lure the defectors and put up for himself a much better safety net. Tamil Nadu also presents a similar electoral-loss-political-gain syndrome for the BJP. In the normal course, if its ally loses, as is widely anticipated, it should have disheartened the BJP. But with over three dozen parties, most of them pedalling their own opportunistic politics, it will remain a melting pot even after a clear electoral verdict. Vajpayee’s operators already boast of their ability to win back a victorious Jayalalitha. All that it has to do is to help her getting over her legal problems. All her tantrums were linked with this. At that time, a big moralist section in the BJP had resented such compromises. It is no more so. But the practical dilemma is that it is the DMK, and not AIADMK, which has the numerical strength in the Lok Sabha. Had Jayalalitha been in a position to get more MPs than a jolted DMK, in this era of rank opportunism the BJP might not have rejected any such option. But the results will also open up many tempting options. The PMK can switch loyalty any time. It is not yet clear what sort of twists and turns can ‘‘Stalinism’’ bring forth within the DMK. On this will depend the fate of Murasoli Maran. In case the DMK makes a better show, it will be seen as success of Stalin’s strategy. This can hurt Maran and force Vaiko into Amma’s hands. |
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Between
two neighbours BY sheer coincidence, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Begum Khaleda Zia, was on a state visit to India during the latest setback in our relations with Pakistan. The public anger over the arrest and physical torture of Rajesh Mittal, an officer carrying the rank of Counsellor at our High Commission in Islamabad, was at its peak, and many people in our country had again started wondering whether India and Pakistan can ever be friends however hard they seem to try to end mutual distrust and hostility. Had India made the same effort to build bridges with Bangladesh, would it not have proved to be a more fruitful exercise. This thought let me to take a quick retrospective look at the history of India-Bangladesh relations since the birth of the latter two decades ago. Why have the two countries remained on less than warm friendly terms despite our own contribution to the liberation of our eastern neighbour from Pakistan? Was it Bangladesh’s quest for an Islamic identity that distanced it from India, or was it the advent of military rule that produced coolness and suspicion on our side? Or did we, for our part, fail to make the right helpful gestures to our neighbour, which was still struggling to stand on its own unsure feet? At the end of a meeting with the visiting Prime Minister at Rashtrapati Bhavan (to which a selected group of Indian journalists had been invited by the new High Commissioner of Bangladesh) I asked a senior member of the Begum’s entourage what had gone wrong over the years between our two countries to stop us from getting closer to each other. The person I spoke to was pleasant, courteous and rather evasive in his response, but he finally came out with a brief reply: “You see, much more was expected from India than we received.” Asked whether the dispute over the Ganga water was one of the major factors, he said that this was certainly one of the important reasons. Most of the other are no great secrets either. The assassination of Mujibur Rahman in 1975 was a great shock to India, as was the violent end of Gen Zia-ur-Rahman six years later and the coup by Gen H.M. Ershad, now cooling his heels in prison. The adoption of Islam as the state religion was an unpleasant reminder of the havoc a similar choice by Pakistan had been causing in that land of the faithful. There were also clear signals that the post-Mujib rulers of Bangladesh did not wish to appear as India’s “creatures” or for ever thankful, in word and deed, for benefits received in the past. Islamic pressures from within the country itself and from across the seas, too, had their impact on the thinking of Bangladesh politicians and common people in the Muslim community. Perhaps the short answer to our mutual failure, so far, to get closer to each other lies in the reluctance of Bangladesh to appear to be a conspicuous junior partner in the relationship between two unequal neighbours and our own quiet decision that in the then existing political and social environment in that country we did not have much to lose by keeping our distance. Pakistan was by comparison the more important neighbour, partly because of its vast potential for mischief. India, therefore, concentrated on efforts to mend her fences with Pakistan despite repeated disappointments. In relative terms we could ignore Bangladesh, but we could not afford to pretend that Pakistan did not exist. Against this unhappy background, Begum Khaleda Zia’s recent visit was a very welcome initiative on both sides to build a more cordial relationship. The visit has not solved the problems of Ganga water, the Tin Bigha patch and illegal immigration into India, nor have Indian suspicions of support by Bangladesh to insurgents in the north-east of our country been allayed. But at least a good beginning has been made to work together to find solutions. Such well-meaning efforts are akin to an inconclusive serial on Doordarshan which holds out the promise of an undetermined number of “episodes”. The serial with Pakistan has been interrupted for the time being, but I have not lost hope that it will be resumed one day after the unpleasant memory of the Mittal incident has faded. But apart from whatever satisfaction we may derive from the contents of the joint communique published at the end of Begum Khaleda Zia’s visit, her presence in India gave to millions of Doordarshan viewers the opportunity of taking a look at the person who heads the government in Bangladesh. Watching her carefully from a distance of a few feet at Rashtrapati Bhavan for nearly an hour the other day, I admired the lady’s guts in first fighting a very strenuous election and then courageously facing the task of running a country beset with the agonising problems of poverty and illiteracy under a democratic set-up while her political enemies and the malcontents in the armed forces keep watch to see where she trips. Not yet past middle age, Begum Zia is still a handsome woman, graceful but rather withdrawn; partly because she is a bit uncertain about her knowledge of the English language. At her meeting with journalists at Rashtrapati Bhavan, for instance, she had with her a printed introductory speech which was given in advance to those present, but she spoke in Bangla and an interpreter translated her remarks into English. The question and answer session was similarly handled, although a senior member of the Indian journalists’ group, who hails from West Bengal, seemed delighted to speak to the Begum in her own language. He also came dressed in an elegant dhoti and a long kurta, further emphasising the cultural links that continue to bind the two Bengals. These links need to be strengthened and promoted rather than discouraged. |
Head Constable convicted
One Tikam Chand of Haiderabad, Sindh, on his way to Haridwar was arrested by the police on the suspicion that he was taking away a minor girl with him for selling her. The girl was his daughter-in-law. In the course of investigation the head constable who was deputed for the purpose was alleged to have extorted Rs 200 from Tikam Chand. Tikam Chand lodged a complaint against the said Head Constable. L. Bodh Raj, M.A, M.L.C, and Lala Ranjit Rai. Pleaders appeared for the complainant. While the case was pending, the accused, it was alleged, tried to satisfy the complainant by returning him Rs 200 and paying Rs 50 as his costs. Under the pressure that was brought to bear upon the complainant he agreed to withdraw from the case. The permission for the withdrawal of the case was not granted by the trying magistrate. |
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SPIRITUAL NUGGETS My wandering mind why art thou falling into snares? The true God dwells in the heart, Why fallest thou in the snares of death? The fisherman has thrown the net And has caught the fish. Which with weeping eyes parts from water. The world of delusion and passion seems sweet. But in the end its illusions disappear. Drive fear from the mind, Fix thy attention on God and be His devotee O wandering jiva, remember God And be saved. Nanak speaks the Truth. ***** Only the creator is changeless. The multitude comes and goes. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Asa M. 1 ***** There is no pleasure in acquiring much wealth. There is no peace in enjoying dances. There is no pleasure in wandering in many countries. True pleasure is found in singing the praises of God. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Bhairon M.5 ***** Every moment like water from a broken jar, Life is trickling away. Awake, arise and remember God Why singest thou not the praise of God, O ignorant fool? In pursuit of false things. thou hast forgotten death. Nothing is lost yet, sing the praises of the Lord. Remembering him you may yet attain salvation. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Tilang M.9 |
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