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| Sunday, February
25, 2001, Chandigarh, India   
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‘Judyben’ helps in weaving threads of life Hot and
cold winds blow over South Block Protect
domestic producers, but not at the consumers’ cost |
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another spectacle Prem Kumar WE are fond of spectacles and at times can be very imaginative and original in thinking of new ones to add to the already long list of them. And then, this one was a grand spectacle indeed. Ships and planes, submarines and helicopters, bands and parades and, above them all VVIPs. What more do you want to make it a spectacular and memorable occasion? As if the people retain memory of spectacular events alone and forget their moments of misery and suffering.
Picador
prize for Tibetan writer
Sukhbir
aspiring to fill Cabinet vacancy
The
“official” voice of the Congress Party
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‘Judyben’ helps in weaving threads of life FLASHBACK
to 1970. A young American exchange student of fine arts from Wisconsin arrives in India to study advanced batik techniques, but draws a blank. Soon, she chances upon a mirrored piece of embroidery in Baroda. Enchanted, she travels to Kutch in Gujarat to find out more about its artisans and their craft. “That’s what I’ve been pursuing for the last 30 years,” says anthropologist Judy Frater, picking up the strands of the story. The author of ‘Threads of Identity’, a seminal study of Rabari embroidery, today she’s woven her life into those of the artisans of Kutch. In 1993, she helped to set up the Kala Raksha Trust to revitalise their crafts through artisans’ cooperatives. Today, the trust has 350 women with a turnover of Rs 25 lakh. At the Asia Pacific Regional Embroidery Forum at Hyderabad in January, organised by the Crafts Council of India, Frater engages scholars, students and artisans alike with her presentation on “Rabari embroidery: Chronicle of tradition and identity in a changing world.” Through it, she demonstrates how stitch, colour, pattern and motif can help to “trace 10 centuries of Rabari adaptation, a history otherwise largely unwritten”. With two Master’s degrees based on her Rabari research, Frater unspools the skeins that first took her into the lives of the largely nomadic camel-herders: “I studied Rabari embroideries as a way of knowing about their lives. When you want to talk to people, it’s best to choose something familiar, comfortable and concrete.” In 1990, a Fulbright grant brought Frater back to India. This time, she opted to research the Suf embroidery of Kutch, done by the Maru Meghwal community, traditionally low-caste leather workers, who had relocated from Sind. “Since they were refugees from Pakistan, they had had a definite break in their tradition,” Frater notes. “They are making a conscious effort to hang onto something of their identity and tradition. They said to me: ‘Why are you studying us? Why don’t you help us?’ So I thought: why do we study in the first place if it’s not to help preserve? If we’re studying a tradition and meantime see it dying, what’s the use of it?” Frater observes, “You can’t think about crafts without people.” That links her intrinsically with Lachhuben, 40, and Hariyaben, 35, both a part of Kala Raksha, who speaks of ‘Judyben’ with affection. Amidst wraparound skirts and bead-studded jackets at the Kala Raksha bazaar at Hyderabad, Frater and her rustic friends delight in each other’s company. How can the gap between the academic perceptions of embroidery and the crafts practitioners be bridged? “One has to educate the public to appreciate these traditions, which should lead to fair payment,” explains Frater. “Then, designers need to be educated about traditional patterns, so that they don’t feel arrogant or treat artisans like labourers. Thirdly, artisans need to learn the worth of their craft.” Frater, who’s done a three-year stint as associate curator of the reputed Textile Museum in Washington, D.C. is the curator of a museum of embroidery at Sumraser Sheikh, 25 km from Bhuj. What makes this museum special? “We have engaged the women in creating the museum and documenting the textiles,” explains Frater. “I wish I had the resources in Washington that I have here, where you can get very accurate, detailed information from the artisans themselves. You’re not guessing.” Besides contributing to the design inputs, the artisans escort visitors around the museum, recreating their lives. And they often turn to its library to explore different worlds. A committee made up members from the community prices each article marketed collectively. Kala Raksha has also brought about unusual social interaction among its diverse communities — including the Rabaris, the Maru Meghwal, and the Garasia Jats, who are Muslim pastoralists. Fashion, notes Frater with a laugh, has made inroads into village India. “These young girls love it,” she says. “They’re constantly coming up with creative ideas. Now, everyone’s using sequins. Lachhuben was saying, ‘Oh my God! Look at what she’s doing to the veil, encrusting it with so much embroidery! We had very simple ones’.” Revealing the depth of her rural engagement, Frater shares an anecdote, “Recently, in Mumbai, Lachhuben’s daughter, 18-year-old daughter Monghi, wore one of our new jackets. Maybe it was one that she had done herself. She very proudly paraded around, giggling. She looked wonderful! When they put it on, they know how it feels. It’s one way to get in touch with the market.” Stemming from caring about her friends in rural Kutch, Frater suggests a revolutionary idea, “What I would like to have is a National Institute of Design for artisans. There’s much more potential in training these traditional artists to become designers than in training designers to understand the craft. But it won’t work because there’s no money in it, and so many social barriers.” How does Frater feel about her integration into the world of Kutch embroidery? “Since Kala Raksha, I have more of a give-and-take relationship,” admits Frater. “I have such a valuable position now because I’m on the inside. I feel I can be a voice for the artisans,” she adds. Today, Lachhuben and hundreds of other women embroiderers in Kutch recognise that they have a friend in Judy Frater — a friend who identifies with every thread of their tradition.
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Hot and cold winds blow over South Block THE Vajpayee Government seems suddenly under assault from two directions that common sense does not find easy to relate to each other. It is intriguing that the assault should come almost simultaneously from the two sides. There is, on one side, the turmoil in Jammu and Kashmir and popular agitation against the security forces after the alleged custodial killing of Jaleel Ahmed Shah, and its high-cost aftermath. On the other side there is the Washington administration’s unexpected objection to Russia’s shipping nuclear fuel to India for its Tarapur power reactors — which the US itself helped build in the 1960s, subsequently violating its solemn commitment to supply fuel for it. The turmoil in the Valley is the result of action by the security forces against protesting crowds after the alleged custodial killing on February 15, in Haigam, of a young man, Jaleel Ahmed Shah, by the Special Operations Group of the Kashmir police. The police claim he was a member of Harkat-ul-Jehad-e-Islami and died in an encounter. The protestors say he was a member of the Jammu-Kashmir Liberation Front, and had donated blood recently for the Gujarat earthquake victims. The killing of Shah resulted in unexpectedly large numbers collecting to protest. Angry and stone-throwing crowds in huge numbers, some tens of thousands, collected in Haigam and elsewhere. The All Parties Hurriyat Conference leaders who sponsored a general strike further fanned the agitation. In this situation, it is said, security personnel resorted to firing which killed half a dozen civilians. Was the firing on the crowd unprovoked? Protesting crowds collected subsequently at different places. They defied curfew. The police blamed the Army for the firing. The army blamed the police. On the following day, two more incidents of firing took place — in mysterious circumstances and by unknown assailants. The brother of senior separatist leader Nayeem Khan was shot by unknown assailants. Nayeem Khan immediately — too hastily? — blamed the security forces. Almost simultaneously, two young men, Farooq Ahmed Gujari and Riaz Ahmed, were shot. Who were their assailants? The uncomfortable and inescapable impression is that of a manipulated incident and well-managed public reaction to neutralise and undo Delhi’s political gains in the Valley. Everything seemed to go with a glib kind of plausibility. The incident appears to have nullified largely the public goodwill that the unilateral ceasefire and its extensions to date had won for the New Delhi government. Was the incident really contrived? Who could be behind the “show”, holding the strings? The government has from all accounts decided on a judicial inquiry. Hopefully, it will not be a surface inquiry, when it does take place, intended primarily to assuage public anger. The inquiry should go deep enough to analyse the possibility of manipulation and try to identify the manipulators. Who would benefit from the kind of incidents that have taken place in Jammu-Kashmir in the last week? Immediately, of course the Pakistan-based fundamentalists. They have repeatedly expressed rejection of the Vajpayee government’s ceasefire, and utilised the opportunity to equip and prepare themselves for their terrorist activity in the coming spring and summer season when the snows have melted and when sneaking across the LoC is easier. Next, there is the Musharraf regime, which calls the terrorists jehaadis and provides them with unremitting assistance of every kind. The Islamabad regime suffers from the dangerous delusion that J&K will separate from India and fall in its lap if “Islamic” terrorism continues across the LoC from its side. Active, immediate and material patronage and encouragement comes to the Pakistani army from other sympathisers too, chiefly the People’s Liberation Army of China. Recent reports indicated that the PLA had co-opted the Pakistani army in some joint business ventures. It is part of China’s strategic aim to keep the J&K issue burning and Indian-Pakistani hostility alive. There is fond hope in some Indian circles that the Bush administration will press Pakistan into some kind of friendly compromise. There seems no immediate indication that the hope will materialise. There have of course been reports of the Bush administration welcoming India’s ceasefire extension and “calling upon Pakistan” to use its “influence” with the militant groups “very soon” to end the violence. Like the Clinton administration, the Bush administration does not speak with one voice. When Bill Clinton was speaking in warm and friendly terms of increasingly close US-India relations during his visit here, the then Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, accompanying him, threw cold water on all he had said by declaring that there was no basic change in the US on specifics. A few weeks ago Bush wrote a letter to Vajpayee, which the US Ambassador Celeste delivered. The letter followed a telephone conversation between the two. The letter was reported indicating that Bush’s “administration would work to build on the progress achieved in Indo-US relations in recent years” and to widen bilateral cooperation. And Bush’s Secretary of State Colin Powel had advised the administration “to deal more wisely with India and initiate a broader agreement with New Delhi”. But almost simultaneously with reports of Bush’s letter, the Washington administration forced the scrapping of a Taiwanese research satellite launch contract between Taipei’s National Space Programme Office and India’s state-run Antrix company. China Times of Taipei is said to have quoted “sources” in Washington. Not long after this the US started putting pressure on Russia to stop shipping nuclear fuel to India for the Tarapur power reactors. The Economist of London had recently accused Russia of violating the Nuclear Suppliers Group agreement by deciding to send fuel to Tarapur. The statement on Russia’s supplying fuel for Tarapur was made by the State Department’s deputy spokesman Philip T. Reeker. This followed US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s remarks in course of a TV interview describing India as a nuclear defaulter and clubbing it with Iran and North Korea. Some personalities, often made out to be close to the Bush administration, have echoed the tone of Rumsfeld’s remark. For example, Shirin Tahir-Kheli, who was once mentioned among those being considered for the post of Assistant Secretary of State dealing with South Asia, was reported as declaring recently that the US would not recognise India as a formal nuclear-weapons state, and would not consider India favourably in the context of American relations with China. These adverse American remarks and statements advocating “corrective” measures coincided, strangely but much too noticeably, with the recent developments in J&K. In the circumstances, the Vajpayee government needs obviously to state and follow certain aspects of policy unambiguously and decisively. First, it has to make clear to all that it will for now talk only with representatives on its own side of the LoC on Kashmir issues, including autonomy and any other possible arrangement; and considers it unnecessary to talk with any non-Indian party. Simultaneously, ceasefire or no ceasefire, the Vajpayee government must, while continuing actively to counter terrorism, eschew the kind of search-operations that Indian forces have been prone to undertake in villages and homes. These must be eschewed unless they are absolutely warranted by proven details. Secondly, it may be useful to point out clearly to General Musharraf and his regime generally that the Indian side of J&K is unlikely to fall in Islamabad’s lap anyway; that the time for war in order to change boundary lines anywhere is decisively over; that his regime’s “proxy” efforts to do so through “ jehaadis “ are a waste of time; and that more is to be gained — for Pakistan itself first of all — from cooperative socio-economic development as a community. Thirdly, it would be necessary to point out to Washington, in the words of Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh, that in the obtaining circumstances India cannot unilaterally commit itself to total elimination of nuclear weapons; that it is up to the US to recognise or not the reality of India’s nuclear-power status, and that Delhi will continue on its present nuclear course.
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Protect domestic producers, but not at the consumers’ cost THE Union Government has announced that it will bring in a “suitable legislation” to safeguard the interests of domestic producers. Even the President in his Address to Parliament dealt with the issue of free imports at length and assured that the government would provide protection to industry and agriculture. Nothing wrong with that; it is the duty of the government to do so. Moreover, there is strong pressure on the government from various lobbies, including those of the industrialists and farmers, to come to their rescue by putting a check on the surge of cheap imports from abroad, especially China and the Scandinavian countries famed for dairy products. Recently, both Mr G. P. Goenka, President, and Mr Ashok Mitra, Secretary General, of the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI), had expressed their concern over the flooding of Indian markets by dirt-cheap products from China and elsewhere. Earlier, Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal and Haryana Chief Minister Om Prakash Chautala had forced the Union Government to impose a 60 per custom duty on certain dairy products flooding the Indian market from abroad. But who will protect the interest of the Indian consumers. This is the moot question. They have no organised groups to lobby for them at the Union Government level. Otherwise, they would have surely raised their voice that the government should allow the import of quality goods that have been provided to them at a much cheaper rate than by the domestic producers. The fact is that industrialists, traders and businessmen benefited the most because of the “over protected” Indian economy until recently. They are now feeling scared as they do not have the guts and the will power to face the challenge. They are now looking for government support to continue to milk the docile Indian consumers, who have tolerated their by-and-large, sub-standard costly stuff for the past several decades. Undoubtedly, these groups, which have remained major financers of political parties, enjoy rapport as well as tremendous clout to make the Union Government curb the entry of goods like toys, dry-cell batteries, fans, calculators, electronic gadgets, fibre, tyres, plastic material, etc. Already, a number of steps have been initiated by the government to check the flooding of the Indian market by Chinese goods. The Bureau of Indian Standards has been activated to check the quality of the goods landing in the country at low rates. Consumers would like that the government should allow only quality goods from abroad. These are a few steps taken in the right direction. However, nobody has come forward to put the consumer’s point of view before the government. Though there are several consumer forums working in the country, they have not so far made any statement supporting the arrival of low-cost products. India is a big country with a small middle and elite class. The country has the biggest lower middle class and people below that level. Such people are the main customers of quality, low-priced goods, whether Chinese or Indian. At present, Sunday bazaars are held in almost all important cities and one can find people of these classes frequenting such bazaars. For them such goods provide a big relief as these are not only cheaper but also of a better quality than most of their Indian equivalents. This fact has been admitted by big industrialists engaged in the manufacture of fans and electronic goods. There are certain fan manufacturers who have closed down their units as they cannot compete with Chinese products. They have started marketing Chinese products through their own networks. There is a big demand for Chinese fans. People are paying money in advance to book such fans that cost only Rs 800, about Rs 300 less than Indian fans. Chinese fans have extra features also. These can operate for about two to four hours even in the case of a power failure, which is quite common in places like Delhi. While within a short period China has become a major exporter of cheap goods, the Indian industry has survived in the past decades on the spoon-feeding done by the Union Government. In fact, taking benefit of the “protection” through a high-tariff regime for the past five decades, the Indian industry — small, medium or large scale — exploited the consumer. It paid little attention to improving the quality of goods and passed on “junk” to the market without caring the least about the sentiments of the consumer. There was no visible accountability and the Indian producer took full advantage of it. In fact, most of the industrialists flourished on subsidies provided by the Union as well as state governments in one form or the other. In the 70s there was a lot of competition among the states to “lure” industrialists to set up units in their respective states. Most of the state governments provided huge subsidies for setting up units in backward areas. It is a known fact that by preparing inflated project reports, a number of industrialists pocketed huge sums of subsidy, virtually installing their units at no cost. Several states provided land and infrastructure at throwaway prices for setting up industries. And there were a number of big industrial houses that duped the country while importing the machinery by resorting to under-invoicing and other such tricks. The industry flourished these government doles but did not pass on the benefits to the consumer by keeping the price of finished products low. It did pass some of its profit margin to middlemen, wholesalers and retailers. For instance, Indian clothes manufacturers have been paying a commission of up to 40 per cent to their wholesale agents. One can guess the cost of production of such cloth-manufacturing units that can afford to pay that kind of a commission to wholesalers. It is true that the small and medium-scale industry will be affected in a big way with the dumping of cheap goods in the country. But the consumer will be benefited most as he will get these products at least half or even less than half the price normally charged for Indian goods. Take the instance of dry battery cells. Such cells of Chinese make are available for Re 1 or so while those manufactured by Indian companies are for Rs 5. Instead of pressing the government to come to their rescue by enhancing custom duties and taking other measures like the use of Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) to check the quality of such goods, the approach of the Indian industry should be to prepare itself to compete with products from China and elsewhere by taking appropriate steps. Cutting down the production cost can be the first measure. Profit margins should be slashed and sale strategies should be re-chalked by reducing the commission to wholesalers and retailers. The standards of quality should be raised to restore the faith of consumers in the Indian goods. While the government has taken some steps and some more are in the pipeline to protect the domestic industry and agriculture, it should also lay some conditions for those to be protected. The Indian industry should be given a time limit to cut down its production costs and become competitive. They should be told to win the confidence of the Indian consumer who has become king because of the opening up of the economy. Consumers would certainly look to the government to play guardian and protect their interests and not only act as the saviour of a privileged class — the industrialists and farmers. In industrial production labour is one of the most significant component. It is available at the cheapest rate in India. If even after the availability of labour at such a low rate Indian manufacturers could not compete with Chinese goods, then it is tragic. Never in past industrialists in the country have tried on their own to improve labour skills, production efficiency and the overall productivity. In the new economic world order, the main fight is for capturing the markets. As India is one of the biggest consumer markets, all major exporting countries have their eyes on it. A major change in the attitude of America towards India in the recent past signifies all this. China is emerging as a major exporter to the USA. A World Bank study says that by 2020, China will be the second-largest exporter to the USA. While the government is taking legislative measures to protect the industry, it has not paid due attention to stop clandestine entry of cheap goods through Gorakhpur, near the Nepal border. Reports say that Chinese products meant for Nepal are unloaded at the Calcutta port, from where these are supposed to be transported through land route to Nepal via Sanauly check post. As Nepal is a land-locked country, India is duty bound to this passage to transit goods to Nepal from seaports. However, most of the trucks carrying such goods disappear on the way to the check post. A mafia operating in Gorakhpur supplies these goods to Gaffar Market in Delhi and Fancy Market, Calcutta, and elsewhere. At present there are 14 official entry points to take goods to Nepal. Earlier only two — Rauxal and Jagwani (Bihar) — were kept open for this purpose. The India-Nepal border is 1490 km long and there are hundreds of points on it from where crossing over is possible. Even Chinese items that do arrive in the Nepal market are re-exported to India. The government should maintain data on the volume of goods arriving in the country through legal channels. It should be mandatory for all importers to supply data about the goods procured from China and elsewhere. In Singapore, it is mandatory for all traders to supply information to the government in this connection. A similar procedure could be followed in India to at least keep a track of the goods arriving in the country through the proper channel though it is not possible to keep count of goods arriving through the illegitimate route. |
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Yet another
spectacle WE are fond of spectacles and at times can be very imaginative and original in thinking of new ones to add to the already long list of them. And then, this one was a grand spectacle indeed. Ships and planes, submarines and helicopters, bands and parades and, above them all VVIPs. What more do you want to make it a spectacular and memorable occasion? As if the people retain memory of spectacular events alone and forget their moments of misery and suffering. It had to be a spectacle of all spectacles. After all, it took 50 years of independence to think of it. When we started going global quite some time ago, how is it we did not think of going global in spectacles like this? Many retired admirals might be regretting why the idea did not strike them. Many decision makers at the national level must be blaming themselves for not being bright enough to propose such an event in their respective field. Yes, you have guessed it right. We are talking about the International Fleet Review hosted by Indian Navy in and along the city of Mumbai. Those managing the Navy earlier had thought of only national fleet reviews. But the current management was smart enough to give it a global character and make it more spectacular. After all things become more grand the moment there is foreign element introduced. And the, it was meant to build bridges of friendship. We have built many other bridges of friendship but it ignored this particular bridge. Thank God somebody remembered in time. You needed Indian top leaders in fancy caps and Naval top brass in their best to stand on a floating platform to watch this bridge. It was all so formal from sartorial point of view, as it should have been, except in case of the esteemed Defence Minister who finds it difficult to forget his trade union days at least in case of dress. We have no dispute over the Indians love for neither spectacles, nor the official departments or agencies for organising such events. We do not even suggest for a moment that such elaborately arranged events can be cancelled at short notice particularly if there is foreign participation. We only wish that those planning them and deciding about them would spare a thought to the usefulness of such ideas and their implementation. If these events could really build bridges of friendship, many more countries and their navies would be thinking about them. One could turn hostility and enmity into friendship and cordiality in such an easy and pleasant way. We are also not jealous of our VIPs and the elite for engaging in such pastime. After all you need so relaxed moments in otherwise hard times. Participation by 19 other countries, some of them small ones, is impressive and we can be proud of it even if the bridges are sought to be built on shifty waters. That some of the foreign ships brought relief supplies for the Gujarat earthquake victims is kind and imaginative of them, maybe, a reminder to our people about what the priorities should be. Also, how any occasion can be turned into being more useful and productive. Talking of Gujarat earthquake, Beating the Retreat, the most fascinating part of the Republic Day celebrations, was cancelled at the last moment as a mark of respect to the dead and the destitute of Gujarat. A magnificent gesture in preference to national rituals. Possibly it could not be done in case of an international ritual. All the more reason why such things should be planned and organised with a lot of thinking. It was odd to see and hear bands in a similar spectacle in Mumbai, much closer to Gujarat than Delhi. It was just a few days later. The people in Mumbai still feel scared whenever there is a prediction of a quake and go into the streets to spend nights. Quite a few people in the city are still engaged in helping the Gujarat victims in the rehabilitation and relief work. There may be some weight in the argument of the supporters of such events that you cannot remain in mourning forever. We have no dispute with them. Some friends complained that BBC was looking for hardship of the residents of Mumbai where a four-day shutdown was declared to reduce level of pollution so that the fleet review could be seen more clearly. Why to complain about it? When everything is going global, why should not a foreign agency remind us about the hardship of citizens? After all somebody must care for the small people who live on daily wages. I see a blessing a disguise in the official suspension of all activity in the city. At least it is an official recognition of the level of pollution in the city. Some day, there will also be an official effort to improve the level of pollution there. Lest somebody think that I am opposed to the holding of such spectacles as bring some cheer in our life. I have this to say. Sure, they have relevance. That is why we have had fairs and festivals over centuries. But they have been the people’s own activity and not governmental shows for the elite. It was suggested recently by some people that Republic Day parades should have a greater participation by the people and less visibility of the government in it. They may have a point. In any case, it will mean fewer headaches for the official agencies to look after security of VIPs. Timing also matters. All this revelry when the people of Gujarat are fighting a grim battle for survival and are engaged in rebuilding their lives from almost total destruction leaves a bad taste in the mouth, to say the least. The review could not be cancelled but it could have been made less extravagant. It is all a matter of priorities and we only want to talk about priorities. The objective is not to be critical of the Indian Navy, which is a brave and dedicated arm of the defence services. It does have other priorities, or should have them, like making itself stronger by better equipment. Not long ago, the Naval chief had to be sacked. Not long ago, a Naval commando allegedly shot at himself and initially, it was said to be the handiwork of terrorists at the Naval House in Delhi. I give these small examples only to stress that the Navy, for that matter any other governmental agency, has a lot else to do than to engage in spectacles like international fleet reviews. They are not a common phenomenon. The last international review was organised by the British Royal Navy years ago to honour Queen Elizabeth. We have no royalty to honour. But we have more pressing things to do. |
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Picador prize for Tibetan writer AS Tibetans are in the midst of celebrating their New Year let me bring them this bit of good news — last week Picador Publishing and Outlook magazine announced the results of the non-fiction writing contest. And this award went to the General Secretary of the Friends of Tibet,
India, Tenzin Tsundue, for his essay on what it means to live in exile in India. I do wish the organisers had asked him to speak on the occasion, especially when he did come on the stage to collect his prize-winning cheque from Picador’s Senior Editor Mary Mount who had especially flown in from England for the function. Anyway, now we’ll just have to wait for the next issue of Outlook which will feature his prize winning essay to read about what Tsundue has to say on living in exile in India . Anyway it was heartening to see the who’s who in the publishers’ list present on the occasion as also even well known authors Pankaj Mishra and Amit Chaudhuri. And still more heartening to hear Outlook’s Editor Vinod Mehta announcement that this non-fiction competition will now be an annual feature. Reason: afterall there seems no slot for non-fiction writers especially those writers who are prone to writing full-blown essays. A very encouraging decision indeed for those keen on non-fiction writing. Moving ahead on the exile trail a single statement by feminist publisher Urvashi Butalia haunts me whenever I see Afghan, Tibetan, Bangladeshi refugee families moving around in rather tragic circumstances. The sentence alone might set you thinking: “Though more than half of New Delhi’s population has been a refugee at some stage of their lives yet they’re apathic to these refugees living in our midst in exile”. Ponder on it and it might prod you to become a little more empathetic to themand to their plight. The French do it perfectly! It was a perfectly set evening in every sense of the term when last Tuesday the French Ambassador to India , Bernard de Montferrand, decided to host a concert to raise funds for the Gujarat earthquake victims. Right from his choice of the artists for the evening to the very manner in which the function was conducted to the dinner that followed. It was refreshing to hear the new generation in our midst — sarod maestro Amjad Ali Khan’s sons Amaan Ali and Ayaan Ali, followed by a sitar recital by Pt. Ravi Shankar’s daughter, Anoushka. And though Ravi Shankar couldn’t make it “he is indisposed” but the smoothness and spontaneity with which the programme was conducted was indeed remarkable. Complete with Amjad Ali Khan coming up with an impromptu recital of one of the favourite bhajans of Mahatma Gandhi — “Vaishnav jan to ....” Thankfully the audience was devoid of politicians (unless you prefer to consider it as one of their acts of thoughtlessness, for after all this concert-cum-dinner was ticketed at Rs 2,000 per person) with the exception of Ramakrishna Hedge who also happens to be the President of the Indo-French Forum. In fact the great majority of the guests were diplomats who had come along with their families. To be nearer precision ambassadors and high commissioners of a great majority of countries with embassies here. From the Indian side the most prominent was, of course, Maharani Gayatri Devi .Others to be spotted were dancer Pratibha Prahlad — now better known as Ramakrishna Hedge’s constant companion, Mallika Sarabhai, Mani Mann, Aman Nath, Richard Holkar who is more often than not seen in the company of Pamela Rooks (remember her — she had made a film on Khushwant Singh’s novel — Train to Pakistan). And there was that expression of pride and happiness on Sukanya Shankar’s face as she saw her daughter coming up on the scene. Later when I congratulated for being the perfect support to her daughter (I think Sukanya has had a major role to play in getting the daughter to this position) she simply glowed and had that unmistakable ‘mother’s pride’ writ large on her face. The other gentleman looking absolutely delighted was the French Ambassador himself. And perhaps he had every reason to be — not only was the audience turnout perfect, but as we were ushered towards the residence through a long stretch of fountains and pools, one of the best cuisines was laid out, together with a raffle, conducted by spouse Catherien Montferrand, with some of the top French companies donating their wares for the cause .  |
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Sukhbir aspiring to fill Cabinet vacancy THE ruling National Democratic Alliance circles are once again abuzz with speculation that an expansion of the Union Council of Ministers is on the cards, probably during the month-long interregnum of the ongoing Budget session of Parliament in the third week of March. Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal's Shiromani Akali Dal and certain other constituents of the NDA are hoping to catch Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's eye aimed at enlarging their presence in the Union Government. There is hushed talk that Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu's TDP might also demand the pound of flesh in the ministerial stakes. With Mr Badal's son, Mr Sukhbir Singh having scored a resounding win to the Rajya Sabha his elevation as a Minister in the Vajpayee Government appears imminent. There are ready vacancies in Mr Vajpayee's jumbo Ministry. The latest to call it quits at the Centre were two Ministers of the regional PMK. As anticipated, the PMK quit the DMK-led NDA alliance in Tamil Nadu to forge a pre-poll alliance with the AIADMK for the upcoming Assembly elections in the southern state. Holes in SPG protection The image of the crack and elite Special Protection Group (SPG) which ensures the personal protection of the Prime Minister, former Prime Ministers and the immediate members of their families, has been sullied. The SPG has been rudely awakened by the acid attack on Channamma, wife of former Prime Minister H D Deve Gowda, and their daughter-in-law, Bhavani, in their native village Hardanahalli in Karnataka. The SPG has no doubt ordered an internal inquiry into the serious security lapse which left Mrs Channamma and Ms Bhavani easy prey to those inimical to them. Clearly, the SPG vested with the responsibility of providing proximate security to PMs, ex-PMs and their immediate families is not an impregnable set-up as it is made out to be and needs to look afresh at its intense security measures. Unequal Ministers Cabinet Ministers stretching their entitlements often creates problem for the Government. And, when some of them decide to under-utilise their perks, even then it causes embarrassment. A case in point was a recent flight of two Cabinet Ministers in an Indian Airlines plane. Union Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha and his colleague in the Communications Ministry, Mr Ram Vilas Paswan, were co-passengers in a flight from Ranchi to the Capital. Mr Paswan true to his style, remember he carries an expensive Mont Blanc
pen, travelled executive class. The Finance Minister was seen travelling by the ordinary economy class. Dissident Pawar Is the Enron saga getting too tricky for the Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar? The Capital is abuzz with speculation that Pawar could turn dissident in his own NCP-Congress combine Government in Maharashtra. Grapevine has it that a sizeable section of Pawar's party could split to join hands with the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Pawar would play the remote control even while being in the NCP. While travelling in two different boats at the same time, he would be ensconced in a comfortable position as the Vice-Chairman of the Disaster Management Committee at the Centre. There is talk of the BJP-led Government according Pawar Cabinet status. It may be recalled that another member of the NCP, former Speaker P.A.Sangma, has already been accommodated in the Constitution Review Committee. Shourie's role reversed Disinvestment Minister Arun Shourie is facing rough weather in his own constituency — the journalists. The former editor-turned-politician is at the receiving end over the Balco sale. The man who was at the forefront of exposing the Bofors scandal has now been accused of being involved in selling Balco at a throwaway price to a private company. Knowing the scribes' mind, Shourie has been making it a point to meet them personally and explain the intricacies of the Balco deal. His explanations apparently don't carry the same conviction as it used to with his pen. He even attended the BJP briefing to explain his point of view. While the Congress does not have many good words about the BJP-led Government, the party is equally harsh on the BJP's days in the Opposition. Describing itself as a responsible Opposition which has been giving constructive support to the Government on crucial issues, the Congress now does not shy away from making a direct comparison with the BJP's days in the Opposition. Referring to the party's support on the Government-initiated ceasefire in Jammu and Kashmir, Congress spokesperson Jaipal Reddy recently came up with a poser. ‘‘Had the BJP been in our place, how many ‘Save Kashmir Yatras’ and ‘Save Kashmir Days’ would the BJP have organised by now?’’ he asked. Being responsible and being noisy do not go together, it seems. (Contributed by TRR, Satish Misra, T.V. Lakshminarayan, Girja Shankar Kaura, Prashant Sood and P.N. Andley) |
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The “official” voice of the Congress Party WHEN
Jaipal Reddy rejoined the Congress 18 months back,one question posed everywhere was: would Sonia Gandhi appoint him the party spokesman? She was, apparently, not in a hurry even though the team of her spokespersons did a shoddy job. Her party had faced many disasters in the past six months and the daily briefing at the AICC was one of them. Possibly, she wanted the 24-year-long anti-Congressism in him to gradually wane, not knowing that Reddy had been a staunch ‘‘Nehruite’’. Sitting on the seat of the Leader of the Opposition, Sonia Gandhi thumped the desk as he demolished the ruling NDA into rubble while initiating the debate on the adjournment motion against the Vajpayee Government in the winter session of Parliament. She was, visibly, impressed; she had not listened to such eloquence so far in the House. Within two months Reddy got the job which he deserved most; the chief spokesman of the AICC. Reddy was rated the best spokesman of a political party in the nineties followed by two others, the late Vithal Gadgil of the Congress and Yashwant Sinha (now the Union Finance Minister) of the BJP. In the last year of the millennium, the UF and the Janata Dal ceased to exit and the two major political parties had the worst-ever spokespersons. As a matter of fact Reddy's identity over the years has been established as the spokesman of the Janata Dal, the United Front and the Third Front and he excelled in the task. For almost a decade he handled the most tricky press briefings, replied to many foxy questions by scribes but rarely got foxed; tactfully ducked inconvenient ones. Never was he offensive but always objective, never tried to mislead the press. For years he dominated the TV channels apprising the press of the acrimonious deliberations at various forums of the UF. In the process he invented some striking phrases; his critics called him ‘‘phrase monger’’. The Congress Party choose him as its candidate to seek election from the Miryaguda constituency of Andhra Pradesh, a constituency of Reddy's preference. He had in 1998 defeated the formidable Congress MP, Mr Mallikarjun, from Mehboobnagar. It must have been a bitter experience for Reddy to return to the parent organisation after having been a bitter critic of the post-Emergency Congress and Indira Gandhi and remaining so in the following years. Though he snapped ties, like many others, with the Congress as a protest against the Emergency, at heart he always remained a Congressman — a firm believer in Nehruism and a true secularist. Reddy cannot be put in the category of election-eve ‘‘Aya Rams, Gaya Rams’’. He rejoined the Congress because of ideological considerations, he claimed. As he himself explained when he rejoined the Congress:‘‘ I left the Congress in protest against the temporary aberration of the Emergency; I have re-joined the Congress because I regard theocratic fascism (represented by the Sangh Parivar) as a very much long-term aberration’’ and there was remote chance of revival of the Third Front in the foreseeable future. There was no option left for him. The Janata Dal's ideology,according to him, was perfect but one split after another — right from 1990 — marked by personality clashes and vaulting personal ambitions of leaders made the organisation crumble under its own weight. Then the ‘‘phrase monger’’ in him awakened and he came out with a quotable quote: ‘‘I stood like the Casablanca boy on the burning deck until the deck itself collapsed.’’ Jaipal Reddy was the only exception whom the BJP did not approach, knowing well his strong ideological views but the Telugu Desam leaders did contact him a number of times with several offers and that included either contesting a Lok Sabha seat or go to the Rajya Sabha. He might have preferred Chandra Babu Naidu's party but the TDP's truck with the BJP forced him to spurn the overtures; he rejected both offers. In the 1996 elections, Reddy wanted the Janata Dal to join hands with Naidu but his party's official line was to go along with Lakshmi Parvathi. Having been overruled by the Dal's leadership, he opted out of the electoral fray. Reddy's tenure in the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting was too short but, perhaps for the first time, he tried to resurrect the two powerful medium — All India Radio and Doordarshan — from the stranglehold of officialdom. His attempt to grant complete autonomy to the two powerful media and professionalise them to ensure objectivity ended with the change of the government. AIR and Doordarshan have again become, by and large, instruments of the ruling dispensation's propaganda. ‘‘Jaipal as Parliamentarian’’ is another facet of the 58-year-old Reddy's personality. He has the experience of serving the Andhra Pradesh Assembly ( from 1969 to 84) as well as both Houses of Parliament. He was Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha from 1991 to 1992. There is no doubt that he has made a mark in Parliament and it is generally believed that when Jaipal raises an issue, alarm bells start ringing in the Treasury Benches. He does his homework well . Jaipal started his political career in the Congress and headed the Youth Congress unit of Andhra Pradesh in the late sixties. He became the Pradesh Congress Committee's General Secretary in 1969 and held the office for three years. He is now back in the parent organisation and is now entrusted with the responsibility of handling scribes every day but it is not the same Congress which he had known 24 years back. |
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