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| Friday, January 19, 2001, Chandigarh, India   
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MP as a tenure job Agni passes “pariksha” |
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by Hari Jaisingh
Why bureaucracy loves globalisation
Indian
fashion has designs on the world
Giving shape to “Look East” policy
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ELECTION
time is when contentious issues crop up and conflicting arguments and solutions fill the air. This democratic spirit entered the impressive function to mark the 50th anniversary of the Election Commission. President Narayanan wanted all parties to jointly drive out criminals from the electoral arena, opposition leader Sonia Gandhi wanted the country to persist with the Constitution and Prime Minister Vajpayee called for a fixed tenure for the Lok Sabha and the legislative Assemblies. The President was reiterating his known position and Mrs Gandhi was nostalgic about a document “created by finest minds and noblest souls”. But the Prime Minister returned to his controversial demand to bar dissolution of the Lok Sabha before its term of five years is over. He bases his case on two points. Elections are becoming a costly affair and it is better to avoid avoidable ones. Two, it will pave the way for better governance. Unfortunately, these are not convincing enough grounds. There are surely other ways of cutting down soaring expenses. Advertising agencies can be kept out and air travel may be reasonably restricted. Well, greater use of the electronic media is another viable option. Wall-to-wall pasting of multicolour posters tickles egos but does not produce many votes. Like in good old days, “vote bhi do aur note bhi”, the slogan the Janata Party of the seventies employed, is another alternative. Why not try out these instead of fixing a term, or asking for state funding like in the USA? Good governance has totally nothing to do with making the post permanent for five years. It depends on the quality of leadership, clarity of vision and sincerity of commitment. Sadly, these are not available in plenty. Since 1952 there have been four mid-term elections to the Lok Sabha, and the BJP or its earlier avtar, the Jana Sangh, has featured in three of them and could have prevented the fourth. In 1979 and 1990 the BJP pulled the plug once on the duel membership issue and again on the rath yatra-induced controversy. It fell a victim in 1999 when the “Madras Madam” withdrew support, and a year earlier when the Gujral Government was stranded by the Congress, the BJP had enough members to keep it going if only to avoid costly elections. If prohibitive
expenditure is the main consideration, it surely would have manifested most positively in 1998. Coming as the call does now, it suspiciously sounds self-serving. The Westminster form of representative democracy has as its sheet anchor drawing power from the people and retaining it only as long as it evidently lasts. It may be wicked for a party to topple a government, but then it also shrinks the base of the mandate to rule and hence the need for another election. Jayaprakash Narayan advocated the right to recall and it is a sound proposal if at all the elected chambers have to enjoy a five-year life. Bring the people into the whole process as much as possible. The present mindset seems to be to keep them out as much as possible. The vibrant functioning of the Election Commission fills the heart of every Indian with pride. It has seen chiefs who severely shunned publicity but added to its majesty; or someone like Mr
T. N. Seshan who remained on the front pages of newspapers often issuing quixotic orders but terrorising the politicians. Now there is Mr
M. S. Gill bravely trying to reconcile the two positions and goading the system to do better. The electronic voting machine revolution is entirely his gift to the country. The response of the people to political parties and polling has dramatically changed. Election day was a happy festival time when voters came in knots singing and dancing; there were no policemen around and the turnout was dazzlingly high. Today election is a risky adventure for both the voters and the officials. As one commentator put it, “election devta has tasted blood and will demand more”. Elections is decidedly the most civilised form of government, though some participants do not believe in this. All this should be different when the Election Commission celebrates its diamond jubilee. Well done! |
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IF
Chinese leader Li Peng has a sense of humour, he may allow himself the luxury of smiling at the timing of the test-firing of Agni II by India. In fact, had China known that India would imitate its policy of exploding nuclear devices and testing missiles during the visits of world leaders, including those from the USA, it might even have taken out a patent for retaining its monopoly on the practice. It has taken India long to learn that it does not always pay to be polite in international politics. The talks with Mr Li Peng were held in a diplomatically correct atmosphere of friendliness for the settlement of disputes between the two countries. But the test-firing of the 2000 kilometre-range surface-to-surface missile with a payload capability of 1 tonne was significant for a variety of reasons. Mr Li Peng’s visit was just one factor which might have influenced the timing of the test. The test-firing of the missile was meant to send out the message to global friends and foes alike that henceforth India would not let down its guard or be misled by slogans of “common culture” and “bhai bhai” while talking peace, as it is doing with both China and Pakistan, or discussing business, as it is with the USA and other developed economies. The Agni II testing should also be seen in the context of Pokharan II, which forced Pakistan to show its nuclear hand. It also made the rest of the world express hypocritical rage at India’s audacity. But Pokharan II was necessary for making the global community take a more meaningful interest in India’s regional concerns, surrounded as it is by a hostile Pakistan and an inscrutable China, and which now has to reckon with an unreliable neighbour in Nepal. And Pokharan II without a suitable delivery system would have remained a futile exercise. The timing of the test-firing may also see Mr George Bush (jr), who will formally take over as President of the USA on January 20, put India right on top of his list of international priorities. However, it is unlikely that he would follow the policy, drastically altered by President Bill Clinton’s India visit, in which it was an accepted procedure to talk down to India and other developing economies. Economic reforms have changed that and India’s new found assertiveness in framing its defence policy too has made a substantial difference to the tone of the so-called leaders of the global community. That is as it should be. Indications are that the success of Wednesday’s mission may result in the formal induction of Agni II in the armed forces. In the corridors of power the need for having a well-defined command and control structure for India’s evolving nuclear forces should now logically gain greater urgency. The focus of attention of defence experts has already shifted to getting the more ambitious Agni III project, India’s first inter-continental ballistic missile with a range of over 3500 kilometres, off the drawing board. Once that mission is accomplished, they would most probably remove the dust from the drawings of the 5000 kilometre-range Surya and a submarine-launched nuclear missile. When that happens, India would have a legitimate claim to be recognised as a fullfledged nuclear power. Hopefully, before India becomes fully nuclear the global leaders would have sorted out the reconcilable differences over the need for the elimination of the weapons of mass destruction. The success of Agni II, however, does not answer the question of increasing internal insecurity because of the infiltration of ISI operatives in the country. As of today, that is a far serious threat than the one for which India is preparing itself. But that is a separate debate. |
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SAY
'NO' TO CRIMINALS IN POLITICS THE
Election Commission of India, which is celebrating its golden jubilee, has grown both in importance and public esteem. It has already begun to shine by contrast in the wake of the US presidential poll trauma. It showed once again that the Indian election machinery, which handles 620 million registered voters, is far more lively and vibrant than any other electoral setup in the world. In fact, during the height of the US presidential election crisis, I rang up Dr M.S. Gill, Chief Election Commissioner, and asked him jokingly whether he would be willing to go to America to handle the mess-up there. Prompt came his response: "Oh, yes. I am ready and will be happy to be of help to them." This was in lighter vein. All the same the American trauma was, in a way, a tribute to the working of the Indian Election Commission which handles a very complicated system against all imaginable odds. Dr Gill and his illustrious predecessors deserve kudos. Leave aside the kudos. The time has come to have a close look at the gaps in the system which are affecting smooth working of democracy. Of course, the larger question of constitutional reforms is being examined by the National Commission set up for this purpose. The commission has already circulated a number of consultation papers for generating debate and eliciting public opinion and reaction on the issues it is expected to address itself to. My only regret is that after 53 years of turbulent working of the Republic the Constitution Review Commission is not supposed to examine the larger issue whether we should adopt a presidential form of government or not. Personally, I have always advocated for a presidential system with certain modifications to suit Indian conditions. The question here is not one of saving a constitution, but of saving the nation and making the polity and the economy functionally efficient and competitive and democratically more liberal, just and caring for the poor and the downtrodden. What we are seeking is not goody-goody instruments of governance but a dynamic, forward-looking order and qualitative management of a turbulent society. It is necessary that we put a stop to the current drift in national affairs and adopt changes which should ensure faster decision-making on vital matters and their prompt implementation. We have lost decades of precious time in chasing trivial matters to the disadvantage of the people. Even the functioning of Parliament leaves one disturbed. Hardly any seriousness is seen among MPs even while discussing critical issues of defence. How can we expect a qualitative improvement in governance if the elected representatives do not care to do their homework? In fact, several important decisions are taken in a vacuum of non-debate and non-information and hence this regime of ignorance, and non-performance. There have been cases of money being allocated for a specific project year after year without anybody caring to see how and why the work was not done. No constitutional review, howsoever comprehensive, can set things right if we lack seriousness in our commitment to the welfare of the nation and the people. As it is, the prevalent attitude of
sab chalta hai is destroying the fabric of our society. The rot is at the top and it is fast eroding the basics at the middle and ground levels. Where is the sense of direction? The consultation papers discuss broadly the working of political parties, the election law, the processes of reforms option, the efficacy of the public audit system and the exercise of various statutory functioning and overall working of the different provisions under the Constitution. Some issues listed are fundamental in nature. Several matters directly affect citizens since they suffer the fallout of malfunctioning of the instruments of governance. The main problem with the system has been its distorted working and non-enforcement or non-implementation of the law. Everything gets conveniently distorted to suit the convenience of the powers that be. This goes on merrily in different segments of national life. The correctives, of course, do get applied in several areas because of the intervention by the judiciary. But then the functioning of the judiciary itself calls for major reforms on a priority basis. One has to visit our courts at the district level to know the sorry state of affairs. This is in sharp contrast to professional and dignified conduct of even lower courts in the USA. In any case, this is a separate issue, though it is a very crucial component for evolving a healthy democratic order. Equally vital is the working of the police force. No one seems to bother about the growing nexus between criminals and politicians, including legislators. We have often talked about reforms in the police force, but, unfortunately, the nature of such "reforms" is being dictated by criminals, corrupt officers and their patrons among ministers and politicians. Coming back to the constitution review panel, we expect it to re-examine the controversial provisions which have often affected the harmonious functioning of the federal polity. The most critical challenge here lies in restoration of financial equilibrium between the Centre and the states. Then comes the question of decentralisation which should leave enough initiative with the states from the grassroots onwards. Every constitutional provision has to stand the test of time. It is also equally important that the changes proposed have relevance for the next 50 to 60 years. There is no use taking a blind plunge for tomorrow. For, tomorrow's world is going to be more complex than what it is today. Of course, one important area from public viewpoint is the way legislators and parliamentarians function within legislatures as well as outside of them. Everything is in a state of flux. So, priority has to be accorded to the restoration of moral and ethical standards in public life. This problem does not solely concern India. Even other democratic countries have also been trying to find answers to this problem. In this connection, it will be interesting to recall the observation of a British judge, Mr Buckley, in the R versus Currie case. He said the claim of immunity in respect of cases of corruption by members of Parliament is "an unacceptable proposition at the present time". The UK's committee on standards in public life set up under the chairmanship of Lord Nolan in May, 1995, even spelt out the seven principles of public life: selfishness, integrity, objectivity, accountability, openness, honesty and leadership. No one dares question these principles. However, the point is: how do we go about them and make these principles part of public life? It has been suggested that a public ethics committee should be set up. It should consist of representatives of all political parties and some eminent persons of integrity and acceptability to oversee, monitor and enforce the adherence to these codes. This is fine as part of the checks and balances device, but the real issue is the growing criminalisation of public life. Here we must critically examine the loopholes in the electoral and related laws which make it possible for criminals to fight elections and acquire respectability in public life. We cannot accept such a situation, though the fact remains that there is a growing number of criminals getting into the august Houses. I am happy to note that President Narayanan, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, Opposition leader Sonia Gandhi, Law Minister Arun Jaitley and other leaders at the golden jubilee celebrations of the Election Commission at Vigyan Bhavan, New Delhi, on Wednesday talked about the menace of criminalisation of politics, which poses the greatest challenge to Indian democracy. However, the moot point is: what stopped them from taking the necessary steps to curb the role of money, muscle and mafia power in the polity? They must act on what they preach at public fora. We must find a foolproof device to end the criminalisation threat to our democracy. This is necessary to ensure the basic credibility of our democratic institutions. From credibility will flow transparency and accountability of Prime Ministers, Chief Ministers, Ministers and other public men. No one has the right to loot the public treasury. Public money is sacred. But, unfortunately, everyone wants to gain privately at the public cost. If this is the concept of "privatisation" then we must not accept it. Ministers, bureaucrats and operators have no right to stash away ill-gotten wealth in overseas banks as a part of their globalised bonanza! Public life must be clean. Any act of corruption cannot and must not go unnoticed and unchallenged. A lot of unaccounted money gets spent during elections. This has given rise to the parallel economy which thrives on secrecy. Funding of every political party has to be transparent, audited and accounted for. The roots of democracy — that is, political parties — have to be like the Gangotri. The quality of democracy will shine if the Gangotri of Indian democracy is crystal clear and undesirable public men are prevented from taking a dip to wash off their sins. A fraud is a fraud. A violation is a violation. Anyone who indulges in a financial irregularity or violates the law of the land, howsoever well placed, should not be able to go scot-free. Only by overhauling the existing order and adopting a responsive politico-administrative system can the people's faith in the country's democratic system be restored. We deserve better governance. We deserve a clean and democratic order which works for the people and the people alone. |
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Why bureaucracy loves globalisation THERE are two ways that India can grab the opportunities of globalisation. First is to tone up the bureaucracy, use our own wealth to create infrastructure and push Indian businesses to face global competition. Economic reforms are here understood as globalisation of trade and investment. The second approach is to squander the nation’s wealth in bureaucratic corruption and bring in foreign investment to make up that loss. Foreign investment is sought not to usher in growth but to cover up bureaucratic corruption. Prime Minister Vajpayee should realise that the only way for a country to grow is to use its own wealth productively. He should not confuse the nation that “economic reforms” imply free movement of foreign capital. Mr Vajpayee is quite correct in asserting that India should rise to avail itself of the opportunities of globalisation. Indian business cannot perpetually live behind protective barriers. It is necessary to push Indian businesses into global competition and break their lethargy. To withdraw from globalisation would be an opportunity lost. But in order to make Indian businesses globally competitive, they have to be provided infrastructure, law and justice and flexible labour laws in keeping with global standards. It will not do to leave these problems unattended, and expect that Indian businesses can rise to meet the global challenge. These improvements do not necessarily need foreign investment. The fact is that developing countries are net exporters of capital. It is the USA that is that largest recipient of foreign investment today. Our businessmen, politicians and bureaucrats have stashed away huge amounts of wealth in Swiss banks. We import $ 10 billion worth of gold every year because the wealthy — unsafe in front of bureaucratic harassment and extortion — do not want to invest. Much of this wealth today is in the hands of bureaucrats and ministers, not businessmen. Most of the gold and real estate are being purchased and declarations under VDIS made by these gentlemen. The nation is short of power not because it does not have the capital to put power plants but because bureaucrats and ministers seek cut at every point and discourage the businessman. Our infrastructure is languishing because the bureaucrats and ministers milk it for personal gains. The problem of the Indian economy, therefore, is twofold — lethargy of businessmen and bureaucratic extortion of wealth. The difficulty with North Block is that it speaks only about the lethargy and not about the bureaucratic extortion. And, in order to cover up the decline of the nation due to this extortion, North Block wants to invite foreign investment. In North Block’s nationalism proper use of the nation’s own wealth is at a discount, and begging for foreign investment is at a premium. This hidden agenda of North Block is spread in the name of “globalisation”. Economic reforms are defined as globalisation of trade and investment; rather than that of trade alone. Unquestionably, globalisation of trade is an opportunity but the globalisation of capital is tricky. The problem is that while free movement of capital is sought, free movement of people continues to be restricted. While the capital of the world is free to roam across the countries in search of most profitable opportunities; people of the world are hemmed in by their national boundaries and prevented from roaming across the globe in search of most profitable opportunities. The interests of capital are established while the interests of the people are given a go-bye. It is for this reason that 90 per cent of developing countries are getting poorer. Even Latin America — the star performer of the globalisation lobby in the seventies — is now on the receiving end. The nineties are being called the “lost decade”. Their own capital has fled to Switzerland and the USA. Their current incomes are being used to remit the profits of the MNCs. North Block seeks to do the same in India. It is forgotten that any country that does not first put its own house in order has but to face such an ignominy. The choice, therefore, is not between for or against globalisation. The die has been cast. Globalisation is in. The choice is between globalisation of trade with or without investment. The reason that North Block seeks globalisation with investment is because it does not have the spine to control the ministers and bureaucrats. The secretaries in the PMO spend more time pleading the case of MNCs and less in removing the bureaucratic rot at the ground level. Having risen from that same structure, and beneficiaries of that rot, their attention is devoted wholly to invite foreign capital to cover up the rot. Their interests are linked to extortion of Indian businessmen and serving the MNCs. It is for this reason that ‘economic reforms’ do not include the reform of legal and administrative structure. That would deprive their brethren of the opportunities of extortion. These are, therefore, put on the backburner. In a decade of reforms not a step has been taken to reform the bureaucracy. Every one of the recommendations of the Fifth Pay Commission regarding improving the accountability and efficiency of the bureaucracy have been pushed under the carpet. North Block does not find it necessary to mention them. Labour laws have not been simplified. Corruption in SEBs and all other public goods such as irrigation, water supply, railways, and PSUs remains untouched in North Block’s conception of globalisation. Thus the Prime Minister of India appears in road shows before MNCs with a begging bowl in his hand. “Save us,” he says. “Our bureaucrats and ministers are eating away the nation’s wealth. Our own money is going to Swiss Banks instead of into building roads. Please come and build them for us!” A further bonus for these noble men is that they can also get prime appointments in MNCs and World Bank for their sons and daughters-in-law and also plum consultancies for themselves. No one is opposing globalisation of trade. Yes indeed, open up the borders and let us compete. We will trash up the MNCs. But give us the roads, flexible labour laws and an efficient judiciary in order to do so. Indian businessmen will bring the wealth of the world and cause the collapse of the Western economy exactly as they had secured the collapse of the empire. Yes,
Vajpayee ji, we need globalisation. But the contours of people-oriented globalisation would be as follows: (1) free trade; (2) linking free movement of capital to free movement of labour; (3) seeking higher prices of our goods by forming commodity cartels like OPEC; (4) simplifying Indian governance by implementing efficiency-related recommendations of the Fifth Pay Commission, enacting flexible labour laws, providing speedy justice, etc.; (5) increasing domestic investment in infrastructure; and (6) encouraging Indian businesses to buy frontline technologies without foreign investment. It is true that modern India will not meet the fate it met with the British intrusion. But the credit for this saving will go to those who have opposed the sellout of the nation by ministers and bureaucrats. This opposition has made it known to the MNCs that even if they have bought North Block, the people refuse to give in. The failure of the PMO in attracting foreign investment is the success of India.
Vajpayee ji has to explain why he is not trying to build India with Indian money. The writer is an established Delhi-based economic analyst. |
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Indian fashion has designs on the world THEIR
mainstay continues to be traditional wear, especially dressing brides and grooms, but Indian designers have begun to take their first tentative steps into the world of mainstream international fashion. Some top Indian designers, while struggling to define themselves and their work, are trying to bridge the gap between East and West. J.J. Valaya is all set for his Spring-Summer 2001 show on January 20 at the inaugural of the Paris Fashion Week. The private showing will be hosted by Indian Ambassador Kanwal Sibal at his residence and Valaya will present a collection of 44 pieces showcased by 12 international models from Ford, Paris. “Though I can easily claim to be a show veteran, there is a strange feeling about going back to the city that got me my first fashion award,” Valaya told Indiaabroad.com. In 1989 he joined the National Institute of Fashion Technology in New Delhi and in 1990 became the first Indian student to win the coveted Prix d’ Incitation at Paris. His vibrant collection is inspired by the traditional royal families of India and interpreted in a modern style. Keeping in mind a more international audience, Valaya’s flowing “ghagras” have become tempered skirts, with animal print jackets and a sprinkling of Indian motifs in bead and thread work. “The collection attempts to capture the splendour and magnificence of the now-vanished Indian royalty. I believe we must sense our past to conquer the future,” he said.
(IANS) Core team for
AIDS hotspots The Union Health Ministry has decided to constitute a “core team” for certain highly AIDS infected hotspots like Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Manipur to control its growth through more focused programmes. Each core team, headed by a senior health officer, would go into the specific reasons for the spread of AIDS in these states and formulate programmes best suited for the region, Union Health Minister C.P. Thakur told PTI. Similar exercise would be taken up subsequently in other states like Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Nagaland categorised in Group I on the basis of 1999 Sentinel surveillance data showing prevalence of HIV in the country, he said. The Minister said he himself would regularly monitor the functioning of the special team. Besides, Thakur said he would visit the high AIDS risk states and hold meetings with Chief Ministers and cross-section of people and organisations to intensify the drive against the deadly disease, fast becoming the most serious public health problem in India. Thakur said past experience has shown that a generalised AIDS control programme had limited success because there are different reasons for the spread of the disease geographically. Data from various Sentinel sites in Maharashtra shows the HIV infection has increased among commercial sex workers, is rapidly progressing among STD clinic attendees while in Manipur the infection has spread very sharply among intravenous drug users. Since the detection of the first AIDS case in India in 1986, the disease had taken the shape of an epidemic.
(PTI) Tobacco becoming
biggest killer Over 250 million children all over the world face threat of premature death from tobacco related diseases unless concerted action is taken, according to a recent study. The research paper was presented at the 22nd national conference of Association of Radiation Oncologists of India in Jaipur. At present, one in 10 adults die due to use of tobacco worldwide. The figure is expected to balloon six-fold by 2020 to 10 million deaths per year — making the tobacco as the single biggest cause of deaths, Deputy Director General of Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), Dr Kishore Chaudhary said. Quoting World Health Organisation’s figures Dr Chaudhary said the current number of tobacco smokers (1.2 billion) was expected to rise to 1.6 billion in the next 25 years as between 80,000 and one lakh youngsters were becoming addicted to smoking daily. A study by ICMR, which assessed the cost of three major tobacco related diseases — cancer, coronary artery disease and chronic obstructive lung diseases — revealed India spent Rs 277.6 billion equivalent to $ 6.5 billion on treatment of these diseases in 1999.
(PTI) |
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Giving shape to “Look East” policy IT has been said that “non-alignment” was no foreign policy. There is an element of truth in it. But “Look East” is different. It is positive. It promotes India’s national interests. But we have not examined it in depth. Three things are essential for the success of the “Look East” policy. First, and foremost, we must have a cadre in the MEA oriented to the East. Second, we must cultivate the Buddhist world, which is closest to the Indian civilisation. And, thirdly, we must encourage the growth of a more secular and tolerant Islam in the “East”. I am thinking of Bangladesh, Malaysia and Indonesia. In this, the Indian Muslims must play the most crucial role. India has already taken the first step to promote the second objective. The Mekong-Ganga Initiative has enormous potential. This should be the core of the “Look East” policy. South-east Asia is closest to India. Our first task, as the Prime Minister kept telling during his recent tour, is to re-work and modernise the age-old relationships. The ASEAN region is one of the richest in the world. It has huge natural resources. Which explains why it was able to produce an economic miracle of sorts. True, greed and lack of experience brought about its ruin. This was a major setback. A lesson has been learnt. But the potential remains. Unlike SAARC, ASEAN has less internal conflicts. The only threat comes from outside — from China, and that from the dispute over the Spratly islands. That is why ASEAN countries want a more visible Indian presence in their region. There is one more reason why they want India: they are disillusioned with both Japan and America after the economic crisis. Even Singapore, with a Chinese majority, wants India to play a larger role. The “Look East” policy is thus most opportune. It has come at a time when ASEAN is looking for the wisdom and experience of India. The Prime Minister is to be commended for choosing to visit Vietnam and Indonesia at this juncture. Both are highly suspicious of China. With Vietnam, we have had long relations going back to Nehru and Ho Chi Minh. But the war prevented any progress. It is unfortunate that peace did not lead to a spurt in economic cooperation. Mutual trade is no more than $ 150 million whereas China has a turnover of $ 2 billion. The only significant Indian investment was by ONGC (about $ 240 million) in hydrocarbons. Years of neglect are being corrected now. Economic cooperation has gained ground of late. For example, in pharmaceuticals. And new ground has been broken by India’s decision to provide assistance in the nuclear field. (Let us not fool ourselves to believe that the real intention is to generate power). Vietnam looks to India for defence cooperation. This is now well established. Apart from supplying new equipment, India has undertaken to repair old Soviet military hardware. India is also helping to set up defence industries. Indonesia is the largest state in south-east Asia, with a population of 200 million (88 per cent Muslim). It is also the largest Muslim state in the world. It is crucial to the creation of a new Asia. With its vast natural resources, it has the potential to play a major role. Like India, it is multi-racial and multi-religious. India and Indonesia drifted apart after the army seized power. For the past 32 years, our relations with Indonesia have been truly desultory. At times, Indonesia was playing the role of a rival. But that phase is now over. The military regime has gone — but only after doing the worst damage to the country. It not only intensified the ethnic conflicts but also caused the greatest damage to the economy. Today Indonesia is more realistic about its status in the world. It no more stakes a claim for the UN Security Council seat. It is ready to concede that place to India — a remarkable realism. There can be no better time to put our relations on a new foundation. Indonesian Islam was free from fanaticism. But new winds are blowing all over south-east Asia. It is the Arab wind. Indonesia is known for its ancient culture, which is largely Hindu. The Arab missionaries are opposed to this. In fact, Arabs oppose anything pre-Islamic, having had no civilisation of their own before the advent of Islam. They want to spread the purer Wahabi Islam. But in seeking a purer identity, they sow the seeds of religious separatism, leading to political separatism. So the conflict in Indonesia is between an orthodox Islam and a more civilised and moderate Islam. If Indonesia goes the Taliban way, it will spell great dangers to Asia. That is why India must play a role to support the growth of a moderate Islam that President Wahid, an admirer of Mahatma Gandhi, stands for. He is opposed to terrorism. It is in the interest of Indian Muslims to support the cause of a moderate Islam. The revolt of the Aceh province (Sumatra) is perhaps the greatest challenge before Jakarta. The people of Aceh want a purer form of Islam. But Wahid has resisted the introduction of the Shariah. He is for a secular state. It reflects the Indonesian constitution. He is also opposed to the conflict of civilisations. For a quarter of a century, the conflict in Aceh has been simmering. It is alleged that Jakarta has neglected Aceh, although, as a major oil region, it contributes the most to the country’s development. They now want independence from Jakarta. But any concession to Aceh will stir up similar demands from other communities. Already, East Timor has broken away. And West Irian is in revolt. Which is why Jakarta is unwilling to make any concessions. But Aceh is a symptom. The disease is fundamentalism. It is spreading throughout the region, from the Moro island in southern Philippines through the Maluku peninsula to Aceh and Malaysia. If it is not stopped, the region will explode in a decade or two. It was military repression that led to the secession of East Timor. It is the same factor which has alienated the Acehnese. One is reminded of the role played by the Punjabi army of Pakistan in East Pakistan. The fundamentalists are taking advantage of this rift. There is communal strife elsewhere between Christians and Muslims, and between the Chinese and Indonesians. There had been fierce anti-Chinese riots in Sumatra. Worst of all is the strife between Muslims and Christians in the Mulucan islands, where thousands of both communities have lost
their lives. Democracy is yet to take roots in south-east Asia. It has produced some of the most notorious rulers in human history — Marcos in the Philippines and Suharto in Indonesia. Both ran their countries as fiefs of their kith and kin and of their cronies. Little did the world know that the “miracle” was nothing but an “arrangement” between the foreign MNCs and the kith and kin and cronies. Today Mahathi Mohammed of Malaysia is following their footsteps. Naturally, people are bound to revolt, and fundamentalist forces are around to egg them on. That is the greatest danger, which the entire region is facing. Before the crisis struck, Indonesia was far ahead of India in many of the indices. Its per capita GNP was three times that of India. And it was not because of the oil boom alone. In 1996 Indonesia’s non-oil exports amounted to $ 36 billion. It was far ahead of India. Today there are millions who are pauperised. And it is in a worse plight than all other south-east Asian countries. India’s trade turnover with Indonesia is about $ 1.6 billion. Indian investment is nothing to talk of, although there is an Indian presence in the economy. Jakarta welcomes Indian investment, now that it is disillusioned with American and Japanese investments. The opportunities are great and assets are low priced. The Indian private sector must not miss its opportunity. |
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For the last three quarters of a century, India is bubbling over with reforms societies and reformers. But alas! every one of them has proved a failure... In their haste, they laid all the evils in our society at the door of religion, and like the man in the story, wanting to kill the
mosquito that sat on a friend's forehead, they were trying to deal such heavy blows as would have killed the man and mosquito together. — Swami Vivekananda,
The Indian Social Reformer, December 8, 1894 **** Wanted - Reformers Not of others but of themselves. Who have won - Not University distinctions But victory over the local self. Age: The youth of Divine Joy Salary: Godhead. Apply sharp - With no begging solicitations But commanding decisions To the Director of the Universe. — Your Own Self **** Music washes away from the soul the dust of everyday life. — Berthold Auerbach (1812-82), German novelist **** It is well known that many jazz musicians of the twenties and thirties drove themselves to dementia. Psychologists declare that those exposed for several hours to the noisy cacophony of today's pop rhythms, and this both the musicians and their listeners, remain in a dazed and trance — like state for sometime thereafter. Medical research has shown that pop music with its loud insistent beat causes the amount of blood pumped into the heart to double, resulting in a marked deterioration of the breathing rate and impairing brain activity. — Benjamin Walker, Encyclopedia of Esoteric Man |
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