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Indian
sociologists: why they are different?
Review by Surinder S. Jodhka
Chronicles
of Our Time by Andre Beteille. Penguin Books, New Delhi.
Pages xx+361. Rs 295.
SOCIAL
scientists in contemporary India have generally claimed
relevance for their enterprise on the ground that the
"scientific" knowledge of society that they generate
is useful for formulating effective state policies of social
transformation. Pursuing social scientific research for its own
sake, according to this view, is a luxury that a Third World
country like India could hardly afford.
This view was
particularly dominant during the first three or four decades of
the post-independence period when development planning was being
pursued with much enthusiasm by the Indian state. While
economists were directly involved in the framing of development
plans and policies, sociologists, social anthropologists and
political scientists too were expected to help economists in
understanding the "non-economic" dimensions of the
process of transformation being instrumented from above through
the state initiative.
Prof Andre
Beteille, who has been a teacher of sociology at the Delhi
School of Economics for more than three decades and is one of
India’s most distinguished social scientists, has never been
swayed by such an "interventionist" role for the
social scientist, particularly sociologists. Expert advice given
by sociologists to the government, Prof Beteille feels, is
"either disregarded or put to uses other than the one
intended". However, he does not suggest that the social
scientist should have nothing to do with the immediate concerns
of society.
As an
alternative to the role of social engineering, Prof Beteille
suggests that the social scientists should engage themselves in
"social criticism". In other words, instead of working
for the state and helping the government in its agenda of social
change, the social scientists should try to communicate with the
common people and "help them gain a deeper insight into the
true nature of the constraint under which they live".
Social criticism should not only be directed against the
arbitrary actions of the government and other forms of
established authority, but should be "directed equally
against the prejudices of the people". He is critical of
the Indian intellectuals who have found it easy to attack the
establishment, but "have on the whole dealt lightly with
the evils rooted in the age-old customs by which ordinary people
willingly regulate their everyday lives".
The 62 essays
presented in the book provide a very good example of what Prof
Beteille means by social criticism. These essays were written by
the author over a period of three decades (between 1968 and
1999) and were first published on the editorial page of The
Times of India. Apart from the conventional concerns of
sociologists such as tribe, caste, religion, tradition and
modernisation, he has also written extensively on subjects like
social equality and justice, Indian intellectuals, ideologies,
the state of Indian universities and, most importantly, on
social institutions. All essays comment on different dimensions
of contemporary Indian society.
It is rather
interesting to note that though written over a long period of
time, there is a remarkable continuity of style and perspective
in the essays presented in the book. His underlying concern,
repeatedly argued in different ways throughout the book, is a
preoccupation with building a modern society and a healthy
liberal democracy in India. Though he recognises the need to
give due recognition to specificities of the local context and
what India has inherited from the past, the professor is very
critical of those who try to eulogise the traditional way of
living against the modern one. Those who talk about going back
to the past have no idea about the realities of life in a
village community marked by hierarchy and scarcity.
He has also
been a bitter critique of the official policies and programmes
that, in the name of social justice, tend to strengthen
traditional institution such as caste. He is one of those Indian
intellectuals who have been critical of the Mandal Commission
report that recommended reservation of jobs for the OBC (the
other backward classes) on the basis of caste. However, he makes
a distinction between reservation for the Scheduled Castes and
the Scheduled Tribes which are "directed basically towards
the goal of greater equality overall" and reservation for
the other backward classes and religious minorities that
"are directed towards a balance of power". While the
former is in tune with the spirit of the Constitution, the
latter is not.
Reservations,
according to the professor, can thus serve only a limited
purpose in a modern democratic society. On the whole
"quotas based on caste, community and gender directly
threaten the conception of citizenship on which our Constitution
rests". He is against even the counting of heads on the
basis of caste. If caste were included in the census
enumeration, it would lead to casteism and "substantialisation
of caste", he argues.
Prof Beteille
has been an ardent advocate of cultivating and protecting modern
institutions and modern values. Sociologists define institutions
as social arrangements that have a distinctive identity and
certain continuity over time. While individuals come and go, the
institutions remain. All societies function through some
institutional structures. The building of a modern society in a
country like India requires of its people to respect modern
institutions and their logic of functioning.
Unlike
traditional institutions like caste and kinship that operate in
small communities, modern institutions and organisations operate
at a much bigger scale and ought to be governed by impersonal
rules. "Moral problems (as also problems of efficiency)
arise when values which are appropriate to one kind of society
are carried over into organisations which are meant to work
according to norms of a different kind". This inability to
understand and respect the logic of modern institution,
according to Prof Beteille, is one of the basic impediments of
the contemporary Indian society. Social ailments like corruption
and nepotism, in a sense, a direct result of this.
He also
advocates in a number of essays what, for want of a better
expression, could be called a "balanced approach". For
example, in his essays on trade unionism though he recognises
the positive role played by the unions in achieving some degree
of equality in industrial societies, he sees no reasonable
justification for unionisation of "white-collar"
workers. He is particularly critical of unionisation by members
of his own tribe — university teachers. In the university
system there was no clear distinction between the employers and
employees. The professors, for example, are not only employed by
the universities, but they are also members of selection
committees and governing bodies of these universities.
Similarly he is
critical of "judicial activism", as it cannot be a
substitute for good governance. While courts must exercise
vigilance in public interest, they should not be over-active as
that could "choke off all initiative in its major
institutions by maintaining a habitually intimidating
attitude". He advocates a similar type of professionalism
among social scientists and intellectuals in his several essays
on intellectuals and ideologies.
One of the most
immediate things that one is struck with while reading the book
is the lucidity of his writings. Beteille’s arguments not only
sound reasonable, but are at times also quite provocative. Some
of his positions have understandably been criticised by fellow
social scientists. For example, he often appears to over-emphasise
the significance of the well-being of modern institutions over
the political processes of our times. His position on
caste-based reservation has also been quite controversial. Caste
today is not merely a traditional institution. The participation
of dalits in the political process on a collective basis, for
example, is perhaps more an evidence of their growing democratic
aspirations rather than a traditionalist urge amongst them.
However, despite all these
criticisms, reading Prof Beteille is always a rewarding
experience.
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More
from the Malgudi master
Review by R.P. Chaddah
The Magic
of Malgudi — R.K. Narayan edited by S. Krishnan. Viking, New
Delhi. Pages 408. Rs 395.
IN
the last decade of the 20th century Viking/Penguin Books India
has lionised, in particular, two writers — Shobha De and
Ruskin Bond. R.K. Narayan is the latest on their list of
important Indo-English writers. The editor, S. Krishnan, is
helping them in bringing out his fiction in hard-bound format.
To date he has edited four books — "A Town call Malgudi",
"The World of Malgudi" (already reviewed in The
Tribune). "The Magic of Malgudi", the book under
review is the third one and the fourth in the offing is
"The Memory of Malgudi".
The
"Magic" contains the famous first novel of Narayan
"Swami and Friends", the very next ‘‘The
Bachelor of Arts" published in 1935 and 1937. The third
novel is "Vendor of Sweets" published in 1967. By
that time he had become a name in the Indian writing in
English and the novel which gave him name and fame was
"The Guide". He got the Sahitya Akademi Award and
thereafter the novel was made into a movie in English and
Hindi.
Human
relationships, more particularly familial relationships,
constitute a major theme in Narayan’s novels. Narayan
typically portrays the peculiarities of human relationships
and ironies of Indian daily life, in which modern urban
existence clashes with traditions. The family is the immediate
context in which his sensibility operates and his novels are
remarkable for the subtlety and conviction with which this
relationship is treated — that of son and parents, brother
and brother in "The Bachelor of Arts".
Parental love
is one of the more significant refrains in Narayan’s
fiction. Another facet of his writing shows that Narayan’s
heroes are constantly struggling to achieve maturity and each
one of his novels is a depiction of this struggle. This theme
is present in a lighter, less formed character of Chandran in
"The Bachelor of Arts". But Narayan’s heroes
ultimately accept life as it is, and this is a measure of
their spiritual maturity. And this maturity is achieved within
the accepted religious and social framework.
In
"Swami and Friends", the normal life of Swami and
his friends, the peace, harmony and friendship is momentarily
disturbed due to some misunderstanding between friends. But in
the end normalcy is restored because the crisis has been
resolved. Likewise, in "The Bachelor of Arts", when
the hero fails to marry the girl of his choice, he renounces
the world for a time and becomes a sadhu. Ultimately he
returns home and marries the girl of his parents’ choice and
lives happily everafter.
In "The
Vendor of Sweets", when Jagan, the father, is unable to
inject some sense in the mind of his profligate son Mali, he
decides to retire from his business to lead a life in an
"ashram" across the river.
Malgudi forms
the backdrop of almost all his works. It is a symbol for India
and it is a typically South Indian town. It has been presented
vividly and realistically and we see it changing and growing
and becoming different in successive novels. The Malgudi of
"Swami and Friends" is different from the Malgudi of
"The Vendor of Sweets" written after a gap of 30
years. In fact, Malgudi is the real hero in Narayan’s
fiction. All things pass and change, but Malgudi asserts
itself and continues to live, change and grow. In short, he
gives kaleidoscopic images of life’s little ironies
happening in Malgudi, vis-a-vis in India on a larger scale.
"Swami
and Friends" (1935) was at once hailed by critics as a
great work of art. The novel describes the rainbow world of
childhood and early boyhood of boys of the likes of Swami
growing up in the interior of South India. It seems that
Narayan’s personal experience at school has gone into the
making of the novel. We get a vivid portrayal of the thoughts,
emotions and activities of school boys. It is as though
everyday reality has taken over Narayan’s pen and written
this universal epic of all our boyhood days.
The novel is
remarkable for the author’s understanding of child
psychology, for depiction of the carefree, buoyant world of a
school boy. Swami is one of the immortal creations of Narayan.
Chandran, Raju, Jagan and others came much after in his
fiction. Some writers have the tendency to covert their
childhood into shrines and further on they mythify their own
boyhood. Narayan has consciously avoided that because he never
wrote any more tales of boyhood after "Swami and
Friends".
"The
Bachelor of Arts" is a more mature work than the earlier
novel and it deals with a later stage in a youngman’s
career, when he is about to leave college and enter life and
settle in some job. It is divided into four parts. Part one
gives us a slice of college life of the hero Chandran — a
sensitive youth caught in the whirlpool of western ideas of
love and marriage instilled in him by his education and the
traditional social set-up in which he lives.
Part two
deals with the youngman’s search for a job and his
frustrations at not getting a decent job. The only ray of hope
is the love interest in the beautiful girl Malathi, whom he
encounters during one of his walks on the banks of the Sarayu
river. The parents of the girl have no objection to this
"love alliance" but the tangle of fate obstruct as
their horoscopes do not match.
The
autobiographical element intrudes. A couple of years earlier
Narayan had married against astrological warnings. Happy in
his marriage, he must have thought the idea of Chandran’s
possible marriage being wrecked by horoscopes, a dramatic one
but his own wife died about two years after the publication of
this novel. There is an irony here. Frustration in love makes
him take recourse to wandering like swami/sadhu but for a time
only. He finds the life of a sadhu difficult at so young an
age and he returns to the fold of his house, to get married to
the girl of his parent’s choice.
At last, our
"Bachelor of Arts" takes a job as a newspaper
correspondent. The novel, however, leaves us with a feeling
that the writer has made no attempt to probe the real
implications of the conflict in the mind of the hero Chandran
and has made the hero return to the safety of the home life.
After the
publication of "The English Teacher" in 1945 Narayan’s
novels altered and matured. Without losing their humour or
sentimentality, they started focusing on small men with big
mouths — a venal vendor of sweets, a penny-wise money
lender, a staid painter, a fake swami — who all face
disruption in their ordered world. How they restore their
equilibrium is the comedy, the plot and the philosophy. The
novels are too Indian in their themes and that delights the
academics all over the world and they go on doing doctorate
theses on themes like "Malgudisation of reality or
Brahminness in the novels of Narayan’’ without forgetting
the role of women in his fiction.
"The
Vendor of Sweets" continues the Gandhian motif of his
earlier novel "Waiting for the Mahatma". Jagan, the
sweet vendor, who is out and out a Gandhian, finds his only
son, Mali lured away by the West. By the time he came to write
this novel Narayan has himself been exposed to American living
and also its thought processes. So he makes Mali, the son of
the sweet vendor, go to America only to return with a
half-American and half-Korean girl (to whom he is not married)
and with an out-of-the-world idea for devising a novel-writing
machine (the computer revolution was about to commence in the
1960s). All this makes Jagan think of renouncing the world and
he takes Mali as the spoilt thread of his life.
The reader is
unable to decide whether Narayan is talking of the generation
gap or he is dealing with East-West encounter or he is
examining the efficacy of Gandhism in modern world. The novel
raises all these issues and fails to add up to a coherent
fictional statement.
That the idea
that stories and novels can be manufactured by electronic
devices is a fine piece of satire on the modern craze for
machines, might find some takers, who wish to manufacture
novels.
Though in last two decades
Indian English fiction has come a long way from the Malgudi
landscape, yet Narayan aficionados read him to lend an old
world charm to their reading.
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Fanning
the fad of TQM
Review by P.K. Vasudeva
Quest for
World-Class Excellence through Total Quality Management:
Principles, Implementation and Cases by D.D. Sharma. Sultan
Chand and Sons, New Delhi. Pages 842. Rs 750.
TOTAL
quality means all areas and function, all activities, all
employees are always one hundred per cent correct. But in India,
1,60,000 wrong prescriptions are given by the doctors every
year, more than 1,20,000 new-born babies are accidentally
dropped every year and two or three rail accidents occur every
month. Hence, total quality control is still a long way to go.
Quality
perception leads to well defined products with functional
perception; timely delivery, high reliability, ready to use,
error-free performance; first time right, totally delighted
customer, and absolute level of empathy with the customers.
Management implies that quality does not come by its own; it is
to be planned and managed; and it is everybody’s
responsibility. Total quality management (TQM) is an integrated
organisational approach in delighting customers (both external
and internal) by meeting their expectation on a continuous basis
through everyone involved with the organisation working on
continuous improvement in all products/ processes along with
problem-solving methodology. TQM needs to be implemented not
only in the corporate sector, but also in every occupation in
right earnestness. The author has attempted to bring forth
various principles and applications involved in the overall
improvement of quality of goods and services to the utmost
satisfaction of customers.
The author has
in 26 chapters covered TQM from the basics of total quality to
the implementing of TQM and quality audit. From the day the
government opened the economy and encouraged foreign direct
investment in the country, and following the policies of
liberalisation, modernisation, privatisation and globalisation,
it is facing challenges from the MNCs. Indian companies have to
acquire competitive advantage to compete in the world market.
This can be acquired through TQM. In fact, a large number of
organisations has started realising the importance of TQM and
new quality system improvement standards. A large number of
Indian corporations are striving to obtain ISO 9000
accreditation and several have already got it.
In the changing
industrial and economic scenario in India, there is need for
managers and engineers to both understand TQM and apply it in
their respective organisations. Because customer and employee
satisfaction committed leadership, quality policy, lean
processes, optimal use of resources, belief in quality and
unleashing energy are some of the well-accepted features of TQM.
TQM introduces discipline in business organisations and its
tools help in measuring their performance of the processes.
The author has
explained very vividly TQM. In the first chapter, the author has
elaborated pursuit in world-class excellence. It deals with
creativity, invention, innovation and achievement of excellence
through change. The second chapter focuses on basics of total
quality with particular reference to historical development,
quality challenges to industry and the need for quality
improvement. The third chapter highlights the TQM framework.
In this
chapter, the author has gone into details to make readers
understand the TQM philosophy, Indian scriptures, myths,
conceptions and major process components of TQM.
In the fourth
chapter, quality gurus and their contributions have been
discussed in detail. The fifth chapter establishes linkages with
management theories. The sixth chapter is devoted to cost of
quality and the seventh to problem solving and QC tools. Kaizan
and quality circles find slots in the eighth and ninth chapters.
Statistical process controls and just in time tools have been
discussed in the tenth and eleventh chapters. Teamwork, total
employees involvement and customer satisfaction have been dealt
with and deliberated upon in the next three chapters. The other
chapters have been devoted to discussing benchmarking,
leadership and cultural change respectively.
Total
preventive maintenance has been discussed in the 18th chapter.
Quality system standards ISO 9000 and quality planning process
are the subjects of focus in the two following chapters. Daily
process management, quality improvement and organisational
engineering have been taken for deliberations in the next three
chapters. Finally, quality awards and implementation of TQM have
been deliberated upon in the last two chapters.
The most
distinguished feature of the book is the inclusion of case
studies in three parts. Part I comprises the cases of prominent
Indian companies. Part II puts forward the quality snaps of some
Indian companies. Case studies and profiles of some excellent
international companies from the USA, Europe and Japan have been
brought together in Part III. These case studies are aimed at
providing the readers with an insight into the practices of TQM
in India and abroad.
The book has
been written in simple language so that the difficult subject of
TQM is well understood by students, scholars and business
organisations who are to use TQM in their work culture. Indian
examples have been used to make the text more practice-based and
industry oriented. A summary is given at the end of each chapter
for better assimilation of the text. Review questions have also
been included at the end of each chapter. The Indian cases are
provided at the end of this book which make its unique
contribution to the TQM literature. These cases are highly
useful for students for discussion in the classrooms.
It would have been better if
the cases were given at the end of each chapter for better
understanding of the study. At the end of the book, an index is
missing, which would have helped readers to pick up a topic in
the fastest possible time as it is not easily found from the
contents. Bibliography is also not adequate. There is a
requirement to give more references. It is a useful book for
both management as well as engineering students. The business
organisations can also benefit from this book.
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Ba,
tujhe pranam
Review by Shalini Kalia
Kasturba by
Arun Gandhi. Penguin India, New Delhi. Pages 215. Rs 295.
I think being a
woman is like being Irish. Everyone says you are important and
nice, but you take second place all the same (Iris Murdoch)
WHEN
I once read a statement by Eva Figes, "Women are generally
man-made," I marvelled at the ability of the writer to be
so true and so succinct at the same time. Yet, there have been
women who have refused to conform. Even while living within the
rigid structures imposed upon them by men, they have been
silently eloquent in voicing dissent. One such woman was
Kasturba. Mahatma Gandhi would one day admit that he had learnt
the rudiments of nonviolence from her.
Kasturba and
Mohandas Gandhi never held hands in public. Their shadows
probably always did. Which is why their relationship had the
strength to undergo long periods of trial and still emerge
strong. Most people would assume that Kasturba was the perfect
foil for Gandhi’s whims, foibles and "idealistic
experiments". But she was very much her own person.
Instead of
using language which created the subject-position "I’’
and to be forever engaged in a struggle for power, knowledge and
identity with her spouse, she constructed her language out of
the "other", the silenced, the repressed — as this
biography seeks to simply justify. She sometimes chose to ignore
paternalistic control over herself by ignoring the meanings
explicit in her husband’s words, thereby unsetting
authority.However, she understood his ideology and stood by him,
subject to the condition that he totally convince her of the
validity of his actions.
Born in the
white limestone city of Porbandar to a leading citizen and
one-time mayor of the city, Gokaldas Kapadia, her house shared
the Gandhi family’s neighbourhood. Kasturba, growing up under
the loving care of her family as the only daughter, was
betrothed at the age of seven to the son of a sometime dewan of
Porbandar, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. The fact that the actual
marriage took place in 1882, when both of them were 13, late for
a girl by the standards of the day, indicates the concern of
Kasturba’s parents for their cherished daughter. Kasturba had
inherited their open-mindedness, intelligence and independent
nature. The marriage took place with the traditionally lengthy
festivities along with the marriage of Karsandas, Mohandas’s
16-year-old brother and another older cousin at the same time.
As the youngest
daughter-in-law of the Gandhi household, her life was now no
longer one of ease and comfort. But she was lucky not to have a
tyrant mother-in-law in Putliba, one who religiously and
cheerfully ran the house by example. Her husband, however, was a
greater taskmaster. Once, exercising his conjugal rights, or
rather curtailing hers, he asked her to keep his informed of her
every move. Conservative by instinct but proud and free by
spirit, she chose to accompany her mother-in-law to the temple
on subsequent days. Her plea: "She could not obey her
husband and disobey elders."
"The young
husband was learning a hard truth about his wife: she obeyed as
she chose."
Mohandas was a
product of his time. And then, as now, he wanted "a wife to
help his ends". In his autobiography, he explains his
ambition "to make my wife an ideal wife...(To) make her
live a pure life, learn what I learned, and identify her life
and thought with mine". Mohandas’s experiment on tutoring
his wife wobbled and then flumped. All his life, he never
managed to "teach" her. Albeit there was much that he
would learn from her later in life.
Mohandas’s
experiments continued. A schoolmate, Sheikh Mehtab, introduced
him to meat-eating and prostitution.Both of these failed
miserably. Confessions to a 15-year-old wife were met with love
and understanding. Mohandas merely experimented with truths. His
wife lived them.
Their first
child was born prematurely, four days after the death of
Mohandas’s father. The child died a few days later. Mohandas
reverted to studying for his matriculation exam. Kasturba’s
grief was never recorded. Their second child, Harilal, arrived
as Mohandas was being sent to England to study law. After an
excommunication sentence of Mohandas for travelling overseas and
some financial hassles later, he boarded the S.S. Clyde for
England on September 4, 1888.
While Mohandas
was in England, learning social graces, playing violin, ballroom
dancing and learning French and Latin and travelling a lot,
Kasturba kept a three-year-long vigil. She sought solace in her
son, bits of his letters and photos and in her mother-in-law,
Putliba. As Mohandas’s time of returning drew near, Putliba
passed away after a brief illness.
Mohandas
returned a changed man.His appearance and habits were western
and he tried moulding the whole family to his ways too. His
ideas of teaching Kasturba to read and write persisted. She once
again resisted. He had changed merely outwardly. His efforts to
start a practice in Bombay were also frustrated because his old
fear of public-speaking overcame him.
Mohandas’s
experiences with British officialdom were also proving to be
highly demotivating. Then came the modest offer from Africa by a
group of Gujarati merchants. Mohandas took it up. Once there,
however, he perceived that he had not yet seen the limits of
racial subjugation. Through incidents like the one when he was
thrown out of a train, the social worker inside him was fast
emerging. He was now on a consuming mission. Highlighting the
conditions of brown and black masses, suppressed on their own
land by a white "master". Travelling next time with
him to Africa, Kasturba discovered the price that Mohandas had
to pay for his single-minded devotion to a cause and his
subsequent prominence. He was mobbed and nearly lynched more
than once.
His
introspection had wrought other changes in him besides, and she
learnt to slowly share her house with destitutes or complete
strangers and most abhorrently, to clean night soil. Kasturba
was defiant "a woman who did not always have the patience
of a saint, or for a saint in the making." Later in life,
Kasturba would be the one to translate Mohandas’s teachings
simply and straightforwardly. Through her, women in the remotest
of villages of India would learn to identify with the struggle
for independence.
The birth of
their third son Ramdas set Mohandas thinking about the dominance
of the husbands who after making their wives pregnant left them
to give birth to children and bring them up, although they later
went on to have another son, Devdas. Meanwhile, his sanitation
and paramedical campaigns inAfrica were not getting him
anywhere. His list of reforms were now concentrated on his
family. They took a vow of poverty. But Ba knew he was going
overboard with his zeal. She warned him, "You are trying to
make saints out of my boys before they are even men". A
statement that would ring true many years later when their
eldest and most promising son would be sacrificed at the altar
of Bapu’s principles.
His experiments
with food, fasting and medicine, nevertheless, went on. Kasturba,
on the other hand, fully acknowledged the fact that she had not
been the centre of her husband’s universe and neither would
she ever be one. Faithfully she took up her husband’s cause as
her own once she was convinced of its rightness. Be it helping
those stricken by plague or giving up servants and her jewellery,
to his vow of celibacy, she complied. Her sacrifice quietened
the turmoil in her husband’s mind and set him free to answer
the call for public action.
But Kasturba
was more than a meek yes-woman.She ate unflavoured cornmeal mush
when her husband was in jail. Nearly starved herself when he
fasted. Vigilantly looked after the string of settlements from
Phoenix to Sabarmati which her husband established and kept
lengthy mental accounts of expenses incurred. Organised
followers, both men and women, for satyagraha when Gandhi was in
jail. And found time to dote upon her eldest daughter-in-law,
Gulab, and after her death to look after her children at the age
of 50. She bore pangs of anxiety when her husband and later her
sons joined the freedom struggle and went to jail.
She organised
groups of women from one village, one afternoon at a time and
taught them the virtues of cleanliness. When Gandhi’s
followers, including one of his own sons, were to march unarmed
at the now famous Dandi march, she put an end to all snifflings
by young wives, declaring, "Our men are warriors. We are
warriors’ wives. If we are brave, they will be brave."
Her advocacy of the harijan cause came in for bitter criticism.
At one time she was more feared by the British than the Mahatma
himself. Her special affection for Sushila Nayyar, a young
satyagrahi’s sister whom she encouraged to study to become a
doctor, is well-known.
It was her
passive activism which kept the spirit of this frail woman
alive, despite her ailing body. She fought not only for
independence but for moral principles too. As in the case when
she challenged a licentious ruler who dishonoured young girls
and after a long drawn out fight, she emerged victorious. She
passed away at the Aga Khan Palace Jail in 1944 after ailing for
a long time and yearning for her first born son, Harilal, who
had now gone astray without hope of recovery.
At least the
Mahatma died a satisfied man, playing a significant role in
India’s struggle against oppression and emerging victorious.
Kasturba died a grieving mother, an ever suspect wife and an
unrecognised martyr. Always carrying her husband’s
instructions in her heart. "Keep absolutely firm to the
end. Suffering is our only remedy. Victory is certain," was
what he had once written. And always believing.
Fed on the stories of Sita,
Savitri and Rani Lakshmibai, she drew strength from all three
and combined their qualities. Arun Gandhi has done a wonderful
job by writing this biography — repaying his debt to his
lesser known grandparent. How long before we can give her her
due?
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Ram
Mandir revisited,
with closed eyes
Review by Harbans Singh
Profiles in
Deception: Ayodhya and Dead Sea Scrolls by N.S. Rajaram. Voice
of India, New Delhi. Pages 294. Rs 300.
THE
author of the book, N.S. Rajaram, is an engineer and a
mathematician by training, and has lived and continues to live
in the United States of America. But he is much more than that
as the reader of this book finds out. Recently, he has
claimed, along with another versatile person, Mr N. Jha, to
have unravelled the mystery of the Harappan script. The result
of that claimed achievement has broader ramifications as it
"proves" that horses and chariots along with the
Rigveda preceded the Harappan civilisation. This would debunk
the widely accepted theory of the Aryan invasion, and that the
Aryans were responsible for the destruction of the Harappan
civilisation.
There are
other fields, too, where Rajaram stakes his claims as a
"specialist": the 2,000-years old Jewish Qumran
scrolls, Christianity, European history, cosmological science
and, of course, Indian history and culture, past and present.
However, one must add that these subjects interest him only
inasmuch as they help him to lash out at the Muslims,
Christians, secularists and secular historians and western
Indological studies, though not necessarily in that order.
Whenever one
reads a book written by a Rajaram or a Kak, one wonders about
the motives that drive these expatriate writers. Why is it
that they are gifted with such a fertile imagination and why
do they need to interpret facts which only promote communal
hatred? Especially when it is noticed that they have lived
much of their adult life in the USA where people have come
from various racial and ethnic groups, often having been
involved in destructive and vindictive wars in the lands of
their origin, and yet they amalgamate in their adopted home to
create a prosperous society. Why is it that these people
continue to enjoy the advantages and priviligeses of that
country and sow seeds of dissension and mutual antagonism in
their motherland?
Though the
book makes labourious reading, it is worthwhile as its
critical study provides an opportunity to go into the minds of
these people.
The stated
object of "Profiles in Deception" is to study the
two "deceptions" — the Ayodhya and the Dead Sea
Scrolls. The first, according to the author, the handiwork of
leftist historians and the second by the Catholic Church. By
doing so Rajaram is constantly able to keep in firing range
not only the historians and the Christianity, but the real
object of his ire — Islam.
The charge
against the secularists is that they represent imperialism and
its ideologies and have been instrumental in destroying the
glorious history of the land. The proof — they refuse to
accept that horses and the Vedas preceded Harappan
civilisation! He accuses them of harbouring "visceral
hatred of the culture into which they were born, and of which
they formed a privileged group". He argues that since
historians or, for that matter all students of humanities in
India, unlike the scientists and technologists who command
favourable market in the West, have nowhere to go, therefore,
they must see India as the mother of all cultures having a
glorious and idyllic past. Failing which, they are all brought
under the general category of "negationists".
These
historians also stand accused of watering down some of the
unpleasant events of the past, and this draws considerable ire
of a puritan like Rajaram, making him also warn that those who
forget history are condemned to repeat it. In doing so, he
forgets that setting too much store by history is often
counter-productive, for often it keeps the wounds festering.
At one point he alleges that these historians do not know
European history, but it is amazing that he is ignorant of the
fact that Europe has carried the burden of history with
disastrous results, as seen in the end results of World War
II. Incidentally, World War II was not just the holocaust,
tragic as it was, but the smaller nations of Europe and
Hiroshima and Nagasaki too.
Now by coming
to terms with history, Western Europe is moving towards
unification, and by refusing to do so in the Balkans, it is
continuing with the murder, arson and rape of the Middle Ages.
Rajaram would have the Balkan model in India and see the
historians keeping alive the embers of revenge and mutual
destruction.
The
philosophical approach to history apart, the facts on Ayodhya,
as presented by Rajaram, are inaccurate and inconclusive.
Though he boasts of a scientific temper and approach, it is
remarkable that he does not offer a single primary source to
prove the destruction of the "Janamsthan temple" by
Babur. The nearest that he comes is Babur’s "Baburnamah",
which for some reason does not contain any reference to the
period when the Babri Masjid was "built". The
building of the mosque in 1528 by Mir Baqi and naming it after
Babur is being offered as a conclusive proof that it was
destroyed by Babur!
Other sources
quoted by Rajaram are from the 19th century and one from the
granddaughter of Emperor Aurangzeb, a good two centuries after
the deed was done. Two "primary" sources of the
historian are (page 118) from A. Fuhrer’s "The
Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North-Western
Provinces and Oudh, an Archaeological Survey of India Report,
1891" and what H.R. Neville has to say in 1905 in the
"Barabanki District Gazetteer" and again in his
"Fyzabad District Gazetteer", the same year where he
writes that, "In 1528 AD Babur came to Ayodhya and halted
here for a week. He destroyed the ancient temple and on its
site built a mosque". On the same page, he again refers
to his source of information, Harsh Narain who has written
that Guru Nanak Dev, a contemporary of Babur, according to
Bhai Man Singh’s "Pothi Janam Sakhi", which was
said to have been composed in 1730 AD, visited Ayodhya.
According to that source, Guru Nanak said to his Muslim
disciple Mardana: "Mardania! eh Ajudhia nagari Sri
Ramchandraji Ji ki hai. So, chal, iska darsan karie". One
can understand that this means, even in 1730, that Guru Nanak
visited Ayodhya, but offering it as a proof of the destruction
by Babur is illogical by any scholarly standards.
Ironically,
on page 116 he invokes the weighty authority of Encyclopaedia
Britannica to prove his point, though once again without the
support of any primary evidence.
Incredibly,
Rajaram does not consider linguistic evidence of any
consequence, though in reconstructing history linguistics as
well as literary evidence play a significant role. His
reluctance becomes understandable when we find that there is
absolutely no literary evidence suggesting demolition of the
temple by Babur, though there is evidence that temples were
being destroyed and new Islamic structures built with the same
material since the invasions of Ghori and Ghazni. These events
were traumatic for the Hindus, but by the time Babur arrived
the Hindus had already overcome the shock and trauma of
finding their idols fail them and themselves. That explains
the "nirguna upasana" of saints like Nanak, Kabir
and other Sufis. However, by the 16th century the tide had
turned once again and there were a number of "saguna"
bhakti poets like Surdas, Tulsidas and Mira.
Said to be
born around the time when the temple was said to be destroyed,
it is amazing that the prima bhakta of Ram, Tulsidas remained
unaffected by the destruction of the temple built at a place
where Ram was born! There are allusions to the misrule of the
contemporary kings in times of the two famines during Akbar’s
reign, but none of whatsoever about this humiliating
experience. The fact that the crowning work of Tulsidas,
Ramcharit Manas, which gave him everlasting glory and took the
life and times of Ram to the common masses, was written in
Ayodhya makes this omission all the more meaningful. One would
think that the presence of a mosque at the site of the
birthplace of Ram would rankle a bhakta like Tulsidas who is
said to have refused to bow before the idol of Krishna in
Vrindavan, saying, "Ka barnaun chavi aaj ki bhale bane ho
nath, Tulsi mastak tab nave dhanush ban layo haath."
It is also
important to remember that the era preceding Tulsidas was
marked by a bitter struggle between the Shaivites and
Vaishnavites, and it was the untiring effort of Tulsidas that
brought peace between the two. In that age he emerged as the
poet of harmony, and this could only be attributed to the
benign environment of the times, so benign that it was enough
to apply balm to the battered ego of the Hindus! These
evidences are, however, conveniently ignored by Rajaram.
The other
target of Rajaram is Christianity, and he alludes to the Dead
Sea Scrolls a number of times, perhaps trying to build up the
curiosity, before actually unfolding what he wants to say
about them. He uses them to prove that Jesus did not exist, at
least not in the form as he is widely accepted. In doing so he
forgets that if Hindus do not doubt the historicity of Ram or
Krishna, then how do you expect Christians to doubt the
historicity of Christ.
The value of
Qumran Scrolls can only be for scholarly discussion among the
peer groups, they cannot and should not be taken by outsiders
to discredit the faith of others unless, of course, the
exercise includes all religions without prejudice.
It would be
pertinent here to point out that among the Hindus there is an
Oriya Mahabharata known as "Sarala’s Tales from
Mahabharata". Many scholars find the narration of the
same tales very profound and scholarly. In one of the chapters
devoted to the second generation of the Pandavas there is an
intriguing depiction of Abhimanyu’s character. When
requested to enter the "Chakravyuha", he agreed to
do so knowing well the risk involved on the condition that if
he returned back alive, he would kill Arjuna, his father. Then
he pours out his heart against both his father and maternal
uncle Krishna, blaming them for the destructive war.
Moreover, he
says, that his father has been an inhibiting factor in his
growth. He himself married the woman of his choice, indulging
in every kind of permissible marriage, but when it came to his
son he married him off to a woman who was, in the first place,
offered to him in marriage! More blasphemy follows as he
accuses his father of mindlessly following Krishna!
However, even
though these stories are popular in Orissa they in no way
diminish the faith of the people in Krishna, or even displace
Vyasa’s Mahabharata from the high pedestal it is placed in.
With such example so close at home, how does Rajaram hope that
the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls would sound the death
knell of Christianity, though he announces that a number of
times in the book.
The problem
is that men like Rajaram are not willing to grant that others
too can have resilence and strength, though Christianity has
repeatedly proved that it can resolve contradictions and come
to grip with discoveries of science. It not only took Galilio
in its stride but also the more traumatic Darwin’s theory of
evolution. He makes a number of snide remarks at Christ
forgetting that Christians themselves have subjected him to
the most ruthless examination. The episodes of the Last
Temptation and the Resurrection and the debate that follows
are proof of the ability to put itself under the microscope.
But then prejudice is known to do strange things to the senses
of even better people.
Another
amazing strand throughout the book is that even though the
author happens to be scanning a history spanning more than
5000 years, he finds the overpowering image of Sonia Gandhi
threatening the continued existence of this ancient land and
culture! If only her followers also held the same view about
her, they would be galvanised into performing Hanumanian deeds
to bring the party back to power!
Much of the
book has been used to denigrate some of the historians who
hold views contrary to Rajaram’s. The language used borders
on being abusive reducing it to the level of a pamphlet. The
opportunity to make it a subject for academic studies has
therefore been lost. Historians can play the role of
propagandists, if they so choose; but it is not possible for a
propagandist to become a historian. This is so because the
intent of Rajaram and those who back him is not to create
Ramrajya, but to grab power. It is worthwhile remembering that
in the sixties these very people tried to capture power by
leading the "anti cow slaughter" agitation. Had the
Ayodhya issue been on the horizon then, the save cow campaign
would not have gained priority over the Ram temple. Like many
people before, politicians have used religious frenzy to
capture power, and it is only right that where the "holy
cow" failed Rama succeeded!
Normally such a book should
have been appropriately dismissed in a few sentences; but, we
live in extraordinary times, when as Humpty Dumpty said in
"Through the Looking Glass", "When I use a word
it means whatever I want it to mean", and when there is a
method in the madness. The method needs to be exposed; the
madness contained.
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Thus
spake the Dalai Lama
Review by M.L. Sharma
Worlds in
Harmony by Dalai Lama. Full Circle, Delhi. Pages 139. Rs 195
"WORLDS
in Harmony" highlights the problems faced by people,
including psychotherapists, due to the "worlds"
being out of harmony. The book reproduces an interaction that
took place between the Dalai Lama and certain highly
accomplished panelists in southern California in 1989. Dr
David Goleman, a psychologist and award-winning journalist,
Joanna Macy, a Buddhist scholar, Joel Edelman, lawyer and
marriage counsellor, Jack Engler, a therapist, Daniel Brown,
director of a Boston-area clinic, Jean Shinoda Bolen, a
psychiatrist, Margaret Brenman-Gibson, a clinical professor of
psychiatry, and Stephen Levine, meditation teacher, were the
panelists. These experts posed questions to the Dalai Lama on
various sensitive subjects to which the spiritual leader
responded with insight in words full of wisdom and grace.
The experts
on the panel revealed many hard facts about life lived in the
West, which might shock sensitive and delicate souls. Even
therapists, who belong to the profession of psychology,
psychiatry, nursing and social work, are not free from social
stigma and some of them are charged with abuse of their
clients. Jack Engler said that in Boston, where he practised
as a therapist, almost every month there were media reports of
therapists of misusing his or her power, usually men abusing
women. Even teachers in the Buddhist sanghas are abusing
positions of power and trust. Daniel Brown drew the Dalai Lama’s
attention to the people who have suffered extreme sexual or
physical abuse, as children. Drug addiction and violence are
the other problems which western youth, mostly Americans,
face.
Margaret
Brenman-Gibson quotes Erikson’s telling words, "We
treat other nations and peoples as if they were members of
other species, and then we feel that it is all right to kill
them for our so-called betterment," to underscore the
significance of empathy.
Citing the
example of Daniel Ellsberg, author of "Pentagon
Papers", who brought out the truth about the Vietnam war
and the US role in perpetrating atrocities on the Vietnamese
in the role of a "saviour", she highlighted the role
of empathy in transforming consciousness. "When you see
and feel that ‘you are me, and I am you’, you can no
longer turn away from the suffering, and you must resist the
wrongful action."
The Dalai
Lama, in complete agreement with her, is emphatic in his
statement: "The globe is becoming much smaller and more
interdependent. Empathy and altruism are the keys for true
happiness." In the field of economics, we cannot do
without interdependence even with hostile nations, he adds.
About
altruism, he says, it is more than just a feeling of sympathy.
A sense of responsibility, taking care of one another is
always there. "When we consider the other as someone
precious and respected, it is natural that we will help them
(sic) and share with them expressions of our love. According
to many a scientist, we need affection for our brains to
develop properly. This shows that our very nature is involved
with affection, love and compassion."
The Dalai
Lama advocates vegetarianism and is pained to learn about the
slaughter of billions of animals in factory farming. But, he
says, if people still insist on animal food, it may be better
to eat bigger animals.
Addressing
Daniel Goleman, who sought guidance on how to face sufferings
with greater courage, the spiritual leader responded:
"First, you must examine whether it is possible to
overcome the problem. If there is a way out, then there is no
need to worry. If there is no way out, then there is no point
to be depressed... If the suffering has already occurred, it
is best simply to leave it... Don’t compound what has
happened in the past by pondering over it and accentuating it.
Simply leave the past buried in its own devices and carry on
in the present, taking steps to avoid such suffering in the
present and future."
To a question
how to get over anger, the Dalai Lama suggests that one should
look at the person who has annoyed you and try to contain one’s
own anger and cultivate compassion. Reflect again and again on
the disadvantages of the hostility and destructive nature of
anger and gradually the tension will subside.
He suggests
that education can solve the problem of religious fanaticism.
In a simple sentence he provides mankind with the panacea for
world peace: "To bring forth world peace, we must have
mental peace."
There are
several other insightful statements by the Dalai Lama.
"There are two basic responses to suffering: one is to
ignore it and the other is to look right at it and penetrate
it. There are two kinds of love and compassion. There is true
compassion, also called love with reason, and there is the
usual kind of love, which is very much involved in desire and
attachment. Love or compassion based on attachment is limited
and unstable. It is mainly projection."
"Happiness
is one of the best methods to have a healthy body. If we
analyse the situation without anger, slowly and carefully, and
then take action, we are much more likely to hit the target
direct."
"By
taking a wider perspective, you see that the other individual
(enemy or opponent) is also a living creature, and you have
the awareness that all living creatures are the same in
wanting to be happy and avoid suffering, that realisation can
help you develop compassion".
"...We
have such a beautiful human brain and a beautiful human heart.
By combining these two things,... we can solve every
problem... we need only a little more patience and
determination".
To a question
posed by the audience, "What can we do to help reduce the
suffering on the earth?" the Dalai Lama responded:
"This planet is our own home. Taking care of our world,
our planet is just like taking care of our house. Our very
lives depend on this earth, our environment. The earth is, to
a certain extent, our mother. She is so kind, because whatever
we like to do, she tolerates it. But now the time has come
when our power to destroy is so extreme that mother earth is
compelled to tell us to be careful."
Citing the
example of goddess Tara who wished to be reborn as a female
and have "bodha" (enlightenment), he said that in
the Tibetan way of life there was no male domination but
equality of sexes.
He lays
stress on awareness, mindfulness, education and a sense of
responsibility. For changing the world it is imperative to
have a change within oneself. He counsels people not to shirk
responsibility. Everyone is responsible for world peace. None
should feel himself insignificant. His role as a peacemaker is
not less than that of the Dalai Lama.
The last
chapter "Genuine compassion" by the Dalai Lama and
the foreword by Daniel Goleman are useful additions to this
authentic work. The latter has stressed the need for
integrating science and philosophy: "Science and
technology have brought immense control over nature but power
without wisdom is dangerous... It is we who bear the
responsibility, who face the challenge, who must take care of
the planet, not just for ourselves, but for the future, for
our children."
The Dalai
Lama has fully analysed the philosophy of compassionate
behaviour in this last chapter. For ability to practise
compassion toward all living beings, he says, it is imperative
to have a genuine sense of patience and tolerance even towards
our enemies. If we are hit by an enemy bullet, we do not blame
the bullet but the person who hit us. But if we analyse, we
will logically come to the conclusion that the man concerned
is not to blame because he is only a medium. It is the anger
within him that has impelled him to injure us. So we should
feel angry with the anger generated within him. It is this
destructive anger which we very well know destroys the peace
of mind and mental balance."
"Therefore,
when someone dominated by anger harms you, instead of feeling
angry toward him, you should feel a sense of compassion and
pity because that person is suffering himself.’’ Love and
compassion, he affirms, are basic human qualities. Love is an
attitude wanting to help all sentient beings to enjoy
happiness and compassion is the wish in our heart that all
sentient beings, including our rivals, should be free from
suffering. Real compassion is different from the usual feeling
of love and compassion which is only an attachment.
In answering a question from
the audience, the Dalai Lama had earlier said that the first
lesson in compassion started the moment the child began
sucking the mother’s milk. It is also the first lesson in
human relations.
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BOOK
EXTRACT
Imported ideas, technologies
and education
This is an
edited version of a chapter from the book "Higher
Education Through Television", edited by Binod C. Agrawal.
THERE
are several layers of reality which emerge when we talk of
Indian society and culture. India has a cultural reality that
has evolved over several millennia while its political
boundaries are waxing and waning. This cultural reality has
provided a mosaic that has resulted in a composite picture at
the macro level, depicting it to be an unified whole. But at
another level, the linguistic and independent evolution of
several cultural traditions emerge equally to provide another
level of cultural reality that seems equally distinct and
autonomous. Over a period of time, it became increasingly
difficult to call each of these traditions a part of the
larger whole which is what India is today as a political
reality. In this perspective, it would be erroneous to call
India a whole today.
At another
level, Indian society from the very beginning of its history
has remained extremely stratified and heirarchical in nature.
This characterisation of Indian society in its contemporary
form has assumed an enormous complexity as a result of
industrialisation, westernisation and urbanisation. Democratic
processes, which are supposed to reduce such centrifugal
tendencies, were on many occasions found to be strengthening
the ever-increasing horizontal and vertical cleavages within
the overarching cultural and political boundaries.
However, the
religious ethos which has provided a powerful unifying force
within this framework has weakened due to invasions or other
religious beliefs. The net outcome is what contemporary India
looks like, having a large unidentified, incomprehensible,
seemingly static and unknown mass of humanity, ruled and
governed by a very small elite, continuously going through
metamorphoses to adapt to the changing world scene. History
bears testimony to several rulers and invaders who came to
India and went without seriously scratching the broad fabric
of Indian society and culture.
Education,
per se, whether in the classical sense or in the contemporary
context was and remains a victim of the very structure in
which it flourished. From the ancient days and even today it
remains the preserve of a few. It would not be wrong to say
that Indian society is divided between the rulers having the
powers of education and the ruled without education. This
division seemed to have been tempered for the first time by
the British education that allowed seemingly an open admission
policy for brilliant students without any discrimination, a
legacy that we continue to follow without any appreciable
effect on the cultural ethos or psyche of Indian society.
Out of over
1000 million people there is a small number, less than 2 to 5
per cent of visible rich and a maddeningly large number (95 to
98 per cent) of poor. The visibly rich, mostly living in urban
areas, have television sets at home and are in the process of
acquiring many more modern communication technologies. A large
number of them (both men and women) have the benefit of higher
education, including professional education within India and
abroad. It is this class which can be characterised as being
influenced by the "communication revolution", and
are getting drawn into the growing international information
society. If the term communication revolution is used for
them, it would not be wrong to say that the future education
system, at all levels, including higher education, would be
under great pressure to accept the new communication
technologies to gain information and knowledge.
On the
contrary, half of the India’s population below poverty line
do not earn enough to get two meals a day. For them formal
education of any kind is a luxury and they belong to the world’s
largest uneducated humanity of any country. Leaving
exceptions, none in this class has had occasion to benefit
from higher education and are being exploited and repressed by
the educated. The other 40 per cent who are above poverty
line, but falling in the category of the poor, barely manage
to scrape through and whose children, also a large majority,
have not crossed the portals of higher learning.
Serious
efforts on the part of the Government of India to elevate the
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes to the mainstream
through higher education have helped only a small minority.
Another group — women — also falls within the deprived
sections which has been largely out of the higher education
system. The net result is that the total students enrolled in
1983-84 were 3.5 million spread over 124 universities and 15
deemed universities and 5246 colleges — less than 0.5 per
cent of India’s population where more than 40 per cent of
persons are youth. This analysis further supports the view
that higher education remains a luxury for a large section of
India’s population and so when we are talking of
communication technologies for higher education, are we going
to use communication technologies to improve the quality of
education for the rich? Or will we use new communication
technologies to spread higher education to large masses? We
tend to take the view that the communication technologies
ought to be responding to the needs of the spread of education
while also improving the quality of education.
It is
important at this juncture to discuss the meaning of cultural
ethos vis-a-vis higher education. The contemporary cultural
ethos is such that because of a glaring inequality between the
minority educated and majority uneducated, it has only led to
the exploitation of the silent majority without any
confrontation or retaliation from the victims. Historically
the code of ethics, the rights and privileges had differed
between the educated and the uneducated. Both have tried to
maintain separate methods of socialisation, communication and
codes of behaviour. In order to safeguard the increasing
exploitation and repression, the uneducated remain
unobstrusive whereas the educated have both consciously and
unconsciously evolved methods to improve the educational
standards to become powerful both economically and
politically.
Further,
historical growth of higher education in India centred around
state capitals and industrial and trade cities. In this sense,
higher education tended to get associated with urban living
and has acted as a deterrent to the rural men and women to
return to their soil after higher education. This process
essentially uprooted the rural elite from their mooring and
resulted in a higher concentration of educated persons in
urban areas. The spread of higher education in rural and
far-flung areas, in spite of high unemployment, suffers due to
lack of good teachers as even the rural elites do not want to
teach in these institutions. In this way we have a few
urban-based high quality institutions of excellence and a
large number of low quality institutions of higher learning.
It is starkly described in a recent report by the University
Grants Commission while highlighting the major weakness of the
higher education system in India.
"The
system maintains a set of double standards. A small minority
of educational institutions at all levels is of good quality
and compares favourably with those in developed countries. But
access to them is selective and is mostly availed of by the
top social groups, either because they can afford the costs
involved or because they show merit which, on the basis of the
existing methods of selection, show a higher correlation with
social status. But the core of good institutions where
although there is open-door access, the standards are poor.
Consequently it is in these institutions that the large
majority of the people, including the weaker sections, receive
their education. This dualism leads to undesirable social
segregation and to a perpetuation and strengthening of
inegalitarian trends in our society.
As soon as
one departs from conventional face-to-face teaching, one is
faced with many technologies — satellite, television, radio,
computers and telephones. It is by choosing judiciously the
technologies available and by organising the receiving end and
keeping the cultural context in mind that one can optimise the
benefits to higher education.
India is the
world’s largest film producing country today. It can boast
of one of the world’s largest radio and TV networks.
Technically, both radio and television cover the entire
country by their signals. An inexpensive medium wave
transistor helps connect the owner with the rest of the world.
The exact number of radios is not known, but it is estimated
to be around 40-50 million, keeping in view the life of a
radio, about 10 per cent would be non-functional at any given
time. With all these reductions in the total availability of
the radio, there would be one radio for every five households
in the country. The same cannot be said of television and
cinema halls which are clustered around urban centres. Right
now, there is not even one television per 30 households. The
cinema seat occupancy per thousand is also very low. The
computer and related technologies have just begun to appear in
elite institutions of higher education for largescale use by
the students.
At present
the University Grants Commission is telecasting
"enrichment" programmes to all transmitters which
rebroadcast these programmes in their area of coverage. In
fact, more homes than colleges receive these programmes. This
is one example of educational telecasting being highly
dependent on time on local transmitters. As the need for
educational telecasting grows, particularly in the evening
hours, time on the local transmitters will not be available.
This would entail a separate transmitter network for higher
education telecasting. However desirable this may be, resource
constraints simply will not permit such a huge investment in
educational telecasting. The only alternative to this is
direct broadcasting via satellite.
Institutions
of higher education and open university study centres located
in these institutions are likely to be dispersed and few in
number. It would be very expensive to cover these with a
separate transmitter network. Direct reception of programmes
from satellites will obviate the need for a transmitter
network. Also a dedicated channel for higher education
broadcasting will afford flexibility in programme scheduling.
In this way, it is possible to provide experiences that cannot
be obtained from textbooks, such as live coverage of a
one-shot surgical operation or a guided tour of a fast breeder
reactor. This can be accomplished through transportable
uplinks. We should be aware of these possibilities and the
opportunities afforded by one of the four S-Band direct
broadcasting transponders to be made available on INSAT
spacecraft series.
Radio is
suitable for lectures, and the receivers being inexpensive,
access for most students is possible. But countrywide reach,
using a centrally located high-power transmitter, is ruled
out. The All India Radio is planning to set up a high-power
national transmitter in Nagpur. But time on this transmitter
is unlikely to be available for any educational broadcasting
leave alone higher education. Therefore, for national
coverage, quasi-direct sound broadcasting via satellite seems
an obvious solution. This system, which is relatively new, is
being studied and will be ready for implementation soon. It
would use inexpensive receivers with one meter antennae.
The use of
video cassette recorders (VCRs) is another example of useful
technology for higher education. The VCRs located in an open
university centre, or other institutions of higher learning
can be used for time-shifting the broadcast programme. They
can also be used to view and distribute taped programmes in
the non-broadcast mode. Thus, VCRs can play a useful role in
providing flexibility in learning through television.
The telephone
system in India has a very narrow base. Confined mostly to the
rich and government officials, it is mainly used for personal,
business and administrative communication. An attempt should
now be made to integrate the telephone into the educational
system. Telephones should be made available at study centres
where tutors are available so that students can call up and
clear their doubts about the materials they are studying. With
electronic exchanges, even conference calls can be made where
four or five persons can simultaneously contact a tutor.
The foregoing
analysis clearly indicates that extensive use of communication
technologies at the individual level would be possible by
radio, but if other audio-visual media are to be used for
higher education, it should be considered under a
institutional framework, given the cost and other logistic and
infrastructural requirements. Otherwise, the use of
audio-visual media will not achieve the intended goals. For
example, INSAT television hour for college students today is
viewed mostly at homes by non-college students as not even 3
per cent of colleges have more than one TV receiver to view
these programmes. Can this kind of situation in any way reduce
the increasing disparity between the educated and the
uneducated and between elite institutions and other
institutions?
An evaluation
study conducted to measure the educational effects of distance
learning in higher education through APPLE satellite indicated
that television, if used appropriately, can help bridge the
knowledge gap between the students of elite and non-elite
institutions. This is a significant finding as it shows how an
appropriate use of technology can be effective in improving
the quality of education in an institutional framework.
Quite often
in the past, along with the import of technology, the inherent
value system was also imported. This situation is well-known
to educationists who have witnessed the wholesale adoption of
British education in terms of management, growth and
development of academic disciplines. Even today, after five
decades of independence, no major dent has been made in the
functioning of colleges and universities. One is worried
whether the same would happen with the communication
technologies. Recent efforts made to provide higher education
outside the classroom once again fell prey to the British
model of open education. The use of TV, though intended to
provide culturally compatible images due to lack of software,
has fallen into the same trap of larger-scale import of
educational programmes. Unless a conscious effort is made to
use these technologies within the cultural framework, it will
continue to perpetuate the age- old intellectual slavishness
and produce professionals who will look outside India for
their intellectual fulfilment. What has been argued and has
been well established by other studies, is that until and
unless planning for academic input and other software areas
precede the introduction of hardware, the existing situation
cannot be altered.
An equally
important issue relates to the question of sender’s approach
versus receiver’s approach in the use of technologies for
higher education. As it stands today, government-owned media
organisations, though very well-meaning, have followed a path
in which they are through with the responsibility once a
programme is transmitted, a plan is executed, and an
experiment is successfully completed. This approach has
created a situation in which the viewer, the listener and the
user remains in isolation. This approach needs to be
drastically altered so that the receiver could have some way
to ensure access to the information and could help determine
the needs to be catered to. This calls for access at college
and university levels for optimal use of even existing
communication technologies.
There are some questions that
ought to be raised: should we use communication technologies
for higher education? Is there a political will to enhance
educational access in order to democratise it to achieve the
nationally defined goals? In order to answer these questions,
it is equally important to ask whether the 5000-year-old
hegemony of the rich and the educated elite over the poor can
be destroyed by such technological intervention. It is argued
that without structural changes in society and in the method
of imparting and testing of knowledge, we would achieve very
little. These questions must be squarely tackled if the new
communication technologies are to be meaningfully integrated
in order to improve the quality of higher education.
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