Not worthy of reply
TO justify its usurped role of a global policeman-hero, the United States of America has to have some villains whom it can first vilify and then vanquish.

Dangerous precedent
THE United Nations has set a dangerous precedent by allowing a former colonial power, Portugal, to sign an agreement with Indonesia on the future of one of the latter's provinces, East Timor.

GAPS IN THE CONSTITUTION
Time for a fresh look
by Hari Jaisingh
AFTER the one-vote defeat of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led coalition government, a number of crucial questions having a direct bearing on the future of the polity have been raised, and rightly so. There are gaps in the Constitution, which have added to the political mess.

Black money’s role in elections
by Arvind Bhandari
ONCE again, India is getting ready for a general election which will be fought mostly with black money. This is an unmitigated shame, the principal source of corruption in the country.

What is behind the NATO expansion?
By M.S.N. Menon
EVERY American — man, woman and child — has been spending $ 500 yearly during the last 58 years for security. In all, the Americans have spent by now $ 19 trillion enough to wipe out want and poverty in the USA. Of the $ 19 trillion, $ 5.5 trillion went into nuclear weapons and $ 13.2 trillion into conventional military forces, mostly to NATO. The figures are those of the Brookings Institution. Was it worth it? Yes, says the Brookings study.

“Waste not — want not”
by J.L. Gupta
“THE sun never sets on the British Empire”, boasted the proud Englishman. “Even God does not trust you in the dark”, retorted the egotistical German.

75 Years Ago

Do you catch cold easily?
WHAT a cold stubbornly resists the ordinary methods of treatment, and one cold rapidly succeeds another after each change of temperature, it is time to take a tonic that will strengthen the blood and give it the qualities necessary to fight off disease.

Not worthy of reply

TO justify its usurped role of a global policeman-hero, the United States of America has to have some villains whom it can first vilify and then vanquish. At one time, it had the USSR and Cuba. After the end of Cold War, it is in search of newer targets and does manage to find them or invent them. Iraq and Libya are already on the hate list. After the nuclear explosion last year, it was quite natural for it to add India to the list. At the same time, it has been "pragmatic" enough to treat Pakistan differently, Chagai or no Chagai. The vilification drive against India is going in the anticipated direction. When the USA does not have a credible allegation, it uses "leaks" to certain friendly newspapers to do the needful. One such newspaper has now "revealed" that an intelligence report delivered to the White House in November last had said that an unknown individual sent 38 faxes to India from inside a sensitive area of the Oak Ridge laboratory in Tennessee during a 30-day period in 1995-96. In good measure, it has also mentioned China and Russia as the other countries engaged in spying on the USA for nuclear secrets. To elaborate the whole thing further, the report says while China poses the most serious threat to the US weapons laboratories, it is Russia and India which pose "immediate threats". The 25-page document is silent as to why this serious intelligence breach involving more than a dozen foreign countries was not reported earlier. The intention is clearly to denigrate the advances India has made in the nuclear field on its own. The second and more dubious aim seems to be to tighten the screws on Delhi at a time when it is supposedly at its weakest because of the political uncertainty.

The report deserved to be dismissed with utter contempt but the Indian Government has chosen to deny it by describing the charges as "malicious and completely baseless". That these of course are but by reacting to them, India has unnecessarily given them some importance. First of all, these are contained in only a newspaper report and have not been officially conveyed to India. Secondly, these have not been substantiated in any way. The anger at this propaganda would be better conveyed by firming up India's stand on various issues. For instance, while New Delhi conveyed its strong displeasure at the NATO action in Kosovo when the bombing started, it has been rather mute ever since. Once it has said firmly that it is not in need of spying to further its nuclear programme, there is need for showing the mirror to the USA clearly. It needs to be told that it is its agents who have been running amok all over the world. There have been embarrassing disclosures about the role of its weapons inspectors in Iraq. Even France sought the recall of some American embassy personnel two years ago for their attempts to steal trade and business secrets. What its dirty tricks department has been doing earlier is too well documented to need repetition. The fact of the matter is that India is neither adept at the cloak and dagger operations honed by the CIA nor does it need to do so. In trying to tar India, the USA has ended up giving the impression that its vital installations are having scandalously lax security. It would do well to set its own house in order instead of blaming others. The clandestine way in which it has acquiesced in the furtherance of Chinese and even Pakistani nuclear weapons programme is another scandal.

Dangerous precedent

THE United Nations has set a dangerous precedent by allowing a former colonial power, Portugal, to sign an agreement with Indonesia on the future of one of the latter's provinces, East Timor. The pact, on which the Foreign Ministers of Portugal and Indonesia put their signatures in New York on Wednesday under the auspices of the UN, may encourage former colonialists or their allies to foment trouble in their erstwhile colonies and act on behalf of separatists as "peace-makers", as has been done by Portugal in the case of Indonesia's East Timor. India, not very far from Indonesia, should have persuaded President B.J. Habibie, a nominated head, not to succumb to pressure from interested international quarters like NATO as this would amount to sowing seeds of avoidable trouble in this sensitive part of Asia. Unfortunately, New Delhi has been a silent spectator to the goings-on in Indonesia though both have a multi-religious character.

The agreement on East Timor has it that there will be a referendum in August to decide whether the people (numbering 800,000) of that troubled territory want to remain part of Indonesia with an autonomous status. If the referendum results disfavour this plan, the B.J. Habibie government will have to initiate the process of its independence — also described as the reversal of East Timor's annexation, formalised after Indonesia forcibly occupied it in 1975 and ended the control of the Portuguese. Since the territory's fate is going to be decided on communal lines — as Christians, who are in majority, want total separation from Indonesia — the final outcome may intensify similar demands in other parts of that bleeding nation, once a proud Asian economic tiger. Extremists in states like Aceh, Irian and Bali have already been issuing such threats for some time. If these separatists have their way, President Habibie will have presided over the balkanisation of Indonesia, which during the Suharto era provided an excellent example of multi-faith peaceful coexistence with all the segments of its society — Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, et al — engaged in the economic advancement of the country. With East Timor becoming an independent country, the US-led NATO will get a second territory after Diego Garcia to strengthen its armed presence in this highly sensitive region. Is President Habibie trying to implement an agenda of NATO, the new "peace-makers" of the world?

GAPS IN THE CONSTITUTION
Time for a fresh look

by Hari Jaisingh

AFTER the one-vote defeat of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led coalition government, a number of crucial questions having a direct bearing on the future of the polity have been raised, and rightly so. There are gaps in the Constitution, which have added to the political mess. Basic dishonesty in the thinking and perspective of political leaders has made the confusion worse confounded. Even constitutional experts and luminaries are divided on certain vital questions like the powers of a caretaker government. The discretionary role of the President too has come under a close scrutiny.

The experience of the past 51 years is that rational thinking has ceased to guide those who rule this country in the name of God or the Constitution.

Dr Subhash Kashyap, a former Secretary-General of the Lok Sabha, made certain observations on the making of the Indian Constitution which are worth recalling. He said:

On the Constituent Assembly: "It was an elitist body and not an assembly of representatives of the people."

On members of the Assembly: " They were western educated, nurtured in British concept and culture and most fascinated by British institutions."

Their inspiration: "Neither the ethos and genius of India nor the vision and views of Mahatma Gandhi and Jayaprakash Narayan seem to have inspired them much."

With what consequences?: "The result was they bodily lifted large chunks of the 1935 Act (enacted by the British Parliament)."

This may be an extreme position. It might sound somewhat misplaced and cynical to other constitutional experts. All the same, the fact remains that our Constitution was not the result of a well-merited consideration. That is why it has not stood the test of time during the past 49 years of its existence. The only redeeming feature of the otherwise bleak scenario has been the way the people have taken to democracy.

The flaws have been so obvious that the rulers have often amended the Constitution from time to time. My only regret is that its thorough revision has not been initiated. At one stage, the BJP was anxious to do it, but there was no enthusiasm among other parties. In fact, they feared that the BJP had ulterior motives to change the fundamentals of the Constitution.

A constitutional review will surely not be an easy task. It will be a far more complex exercise than the framers of the Constitution ever faced. They did their best in the given circumstances. But they could not have been profound prophets for all time. So swift and sweeping have been the changes in the polity that some of the old constitutional premises and functional norms are no longer valid.

The framers of the Constitution did not anticipate the shape our politics would take . They could not visualise the fragmentation of the polity and the growth of splinter groups with sectarian interests. They did not expect that one day coalition politics would play havoc with the system and upset certain fundamentals on which the Constitution is based.

The founding fathers had no idea of the dissolution of the Lok Sabha before its full term of five years. Nor could they see the necessity of a caretaker government. That is the reason why the Constitution is silent on a caretaker government. It so happens that coalition governments have so far proved to be nine-day wonder, forcing the country to go in for elections again and again.

Four elections have been imposed on the people in just three years! There is no specific provision in the Constitution to stop or correct this aberration. As it is, elections involve a massive organisation as also huge expenses. Of course, this is the price the country has to pay to keep the democratic show going. All the same, we have to find a way for an uninterrupted five-year term of Parliament. For this, we will have to carry out suitable electoral reforms.

The proposal for comprehensive electoral reforms has been in cold storage for long. Political parties are averse to reforms since they thrive on ambiguities and anomalies. Former Chief Election Commissioner T. N. Seshan used to say that all the evils of our country have had their origin in the electoral process. He should know what he was talking about. What is regrettable is that politicians are least concerned with correcting the flaws.

Perhaps, a constitutional mandate for periodic revision of electoral laws should help the process of cleaning up the system. For, nothing ought to be left to the whims of politicians and Parliament. Here the President can play an effective role.

The issue of powers of the President is another area for constitutional reforms. As it is, the absence of clarity in regard to presidential powers has caused considerable confusion. And any controversy which involves the first citizen of the country takes away the majesty of the State. Of late, every decision of the President has been criticised by someone or the other. Even the elementary suggestion of the President to the Vajpayee government to seek a vote of confidence after the withdrawal of support by the AIADMK has attracted a flak. The Prime Minister too has been critical of certain facets of the President's functioning which can only be termed as unfortunate.

President K. R. Narayanan is a fair-minded person. He sees a role for Rashtrapati Bhavan in a situation of political stalemate of the type faced by the country recently. It will indeed be unfair to expect the Head of State to be a silent spectator to a state of drift in the polity because of the irresponsible behaviour of our political leaders in Parliament. Even earlier, he did not hesitate to ask the Gujral government to reconsider its decision regarding the dismissal of the Kalyan Singh government in UP. At that time, former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar and CPM General Secretary Harkishen Singh Surjeet questioned the President's authority to do so. During the recent developments, the President was only trying to be politically as fair as humanly possible.

The moot question now is: should the President go by the counsel of the Council of Ministers all the time? In the normal course yes, going by the provisions of the Constitution. Dr B. R. Ambedkar was clear on this count, though some experts point out that this view is heavily influenced by the British practice. There is no recognition here that the Indian President is a politician unlike the apolitical British monarch. If so, should he be guided by the views of a lameduck Council of Ministers, especially with regard to very sensitive policy matters? This question also needs to be addressed in a professional review of the Constitution.

The architects of the Constitution apparently never realised the phenomenal growth of regional parties, which has often led to tension in Centre-state relations. In this setting, the President is a key actor. Here again, the point is: should he blindly follow the advice of the Council of Ministers, especially if the state is led by a party which is opposed to the party in power at the Centre? Should he impose President's rule if he is convinced that behind the decision, there is a play of political prejudices? Also, should he refuse to sign state legislation on the sole advice of the Union Cabinet?

There are appointments made under the President's warrant and seal. But, if he is convinced that the appointment proposed to him is politically motivated, is he then obliged to accept it?

Also, there is the problem with regard to the armed forces. There are cases which smack of politicisation of the forces. As the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, can the President prevent this? We cannot wait till such questions blow up on our face. According to Dr Ambedkar, the President has no discretionary powers at all. He is, however, not a mere titular head like the British monarch nor is he a mere ceremonial person. This could never have been the intention of the framers of the Constitution.

We also know, by now, the weaknesses of the parliamentary system of government and the position the President occupies in our Constitution. All these need urgent attention whichever government comes to power after the mid-term elections due in September-October.

At stake is the rekindling of the common man's faith in democratic institutions beyond the frequent voting privilege. We are yet to fully appreciate the constitutional potency and efficacy of the people's power, not merely during election time but even in normal functioning.

Black money’s role in elections
by Arvind Bhandari

ONCE again, India is getting ready for a general election which will be fought mostly with black money. This is an unmitigated shame, the principal source of corruption in the country. What makes the messy situation all the more intolerable is that our elections need not run on the wheels of black money. A system can be evolved for financing political parties in a bona fide manner. The problem is that the sincerity of purpose is lacking.

Let us start with business and industry, which has been doling out money to political parties through the subterranean, under-the-table route. Mr Rahul Bajaj, newly-elected President of the Confederation of Indian Industry, on April 30 made a confessional statement at the CII annual session which is a quotable gem. Said the CII chief: “If they come to us once in five years it is a different matter. But if elections are held every year, we cannot afford to meet their demands. If there are business houses who have black money to give to politicians, well, good luck to them. I do not have that kind of money.”

Instead of trying to escape responsibility by putting on an act of innocence, why does Mr Bajaj not take the initiative to build a financial corpus in the CII on the basis of contributions by its members? Donations would be made to political parties from this corpus in a transparent manner through cheques. These white money donations would be duly publicised, so that nothing is hush-hush about the whole procedure. The members of the CII would also undertake not to make any direct secret donations to political parties.

Similar financial corpuses for doing white money funding of political parties should be set up by the other two apex business organisations, FICCI and ASSOCHAM, as well as important regional chambers like PHDCCI. The Tatas have set up a trust with the declared purpose of financing political parties in a transparent manner. The Tata initiative could be dovetailed with the corpuses suggested at the level of the apex chambers.

But it can be said with certainty that Indian businessmen, whether it be the CII or FICCI or ASSOCHAM, will take no step to convert their black money nexus with electoral politics into a white money connection. Indian business is so accustomed to wallowing in the present cesspool of corruption that it is unlikely to deflect itself from the well-treated path of venality.

Anyhow, let us assume, for the sake of argument, that 50 per cent of the need of political parties for funds would be met in a bona fide manner through transparent corpuses built by the apex business chambers. The remaining 50 per cent of the need could be met through state funding of elections. If the total need for parliamentary and assembly elections is put at Rs 1000 crore, the state would have to quinquennially provide only Rs 500 crore, which is peanuts for a country whose annual Central Budget exceeds Rs 120,000 crore.

A number of advanced democracies have state funding of elections, with the result that their electoral systems are less corruption-ridden. For more than a quarter of a century, ever since the advent of television-based campaigns produced an exponential increase in the cost of electioneering, the USA has struggled to regulate nexus between money and politics with a view to curbing corruption and influence-peddling. Presidential campaigns are now directly financed by federal tax dollars.

Germany has had a system of state funding of political parties ever since the end of World War II. In the post-unification elections in Germany, which returned Helmut Kohl to power, the Christian Democratic Union, the Social Democratic Party and the Greens received electoral funds from the Bonn government at the rate of DM 3.5 per vote polled by them in the previous election. Now the rate has been increased to DM 5 per vote.

In Austria, under the Parties Financing Act of 1975, each of the parties represented in the Nationalrat gets two sums from the federal budget: a small basic sum which is equal for all parties and another much larger sum in proportion to the votes polled in the last parliamentary elections. In the Austrian elections in 1990 the four political parties (SPO, OVP, FPO and the Greens) received a basic sum of 3 million schillings each, and the total amount disbursed among them in proportion to the votes secured in the previous election was 179 million schillings. The political academies run by the parties also receive state grants, the amount disbursed in 1991 being 110 million schillings.

India has copied the British system under which there is no provision for the state funding of political parties. The Opposition parties are given relatively small amounts of money to help them carry out their parliamentary work in the House of Commons and the House of Lords. The amount given is £2550 for every seat and £5.10 for every 200 votes.

From the foregoing it is amply clear that India takes recourse to black money for its elections by choice and not because of necessity.

“Waste not — want not”
by J.L. Gupta

“THE sun never sets on the British Empire”, boasted the proud Englishman.

“Even God does not trust you in the dark”, retorted the egotistical German.

“You are a citizen of free India. A resident of this town. For the last 40 years. You have seen this city grow. You may be paying taxes. So what? I do not trust you. At all. I shall watch you. Your footsteps. Your path. By day. Even by night. At every step. I shall keep the streetlights on. All the time. Everywhere. Even if you think there is wastage. So long as I am the boss, no one can raise a little finger. You have no right to object. You shall not complain”, says the arrogant administrator of the City Beautiful.

Oh! Is that really so? Has the administration got surplus power? And so much? Enough to even waste? Yes! It seems so. Otherwise, why would they have the streetlights glowing at all times? Before the gloom of darkness has descended on the city. Before the sun has set. Even before the daylight has gone dim. And in the morning, after the nature has worn its resplendent robe of a divine light. Sometimes, even after the sunrise.

The bounty of nature is just not enough. The necklace of white fluorescent and yellow sodium lights must embrace this town. All over. Yes. Almost. And all the time. Even when, not needed.

Isn’t it a terrible waste? Why do we allow it to continue? Everyday. All the 365 days of the year. Despite the perennial shortage of power.

Please forgive me for a slight digression. May I tell you something? I once took a week off. For a short holiday. All I spent during that week were just seven days. Nothing more. Because, I am a tightwad. I would even skin a fly for its hide and tallow. But, I did move around. Nowhere did I see such a waste as one sees here. In this city, not even in Mumbai — the economic capital of the country. Despite the fact that this single city gives more to the country than it takes. In products. In property. In taxes.

As a nation, we have nothing surplus. As a people, we cannot afford to waste anything. Time. Money. Energy. Or anything else.

It is true that we are rich in resources. We have mines and minerals. We have the second largest manpower in the world. We have a rich cultural heritage. A few amongst us are even monetarily rich. These privileged few undoubtedly get square meals and have round paunches. Yet, as a nation, we are poor. A large number of Indians live in abject poverty. In slums. In sub-human conditions. They have no houses. No electricity. Not even potable water. The crumbs that the rich throw could make a feast for a majority of our people. And yet, we waste.

We must realise that seconds make hours, days, months and years. With small steps, we cover a long journey. Of many miles. Small savings accumulate to a big sum. Grains of sand can make a big mountain. A little frugality can lead to a big fortune. But, a small leak can sink a big ship

Every unit of power, every drop of fuel and each morsel of food is precious. It costs. It is needed. What we waste is a loss. Not only to an individual. To the entire nation.

A wilful waste can lead a nation to a woeful want. Dissipation can destroy. Prodigality can make the people poor. We are facing the effects of extravagance. A low voltage. An erratic supply. Frequent cuts. The mills cannot run. The factories cannot produce. A large number of people are living in total darkness.

A sad state. It must change.

“Waste not. Want not”, is an old saying. It must become our new slogan.

What is behind the NATO expansion?
By M.S.N. Menon

EVERY American — man, woman and child — has been spending $ 500 yearly during the last 58 years for security. In all, the Americans have spent by now $ 19 trillion enough to wipe out want and poverty in the USA.

Of the $ 19 trillion, $ 5.5 trillion went into nuclear weapons and $ 13.2 trillion into conventional military forces, mostly to NATO. The figures are those of the Brookings Institution. Was it worth it? Yes, says the Brookings study.

But how? It argues that in this huge armament race, the USA made the Soviet Union bankrupt and ensured victory for itself in the cold war. Many American historians agree with this analysis. But others do not. They say the Soviet Union fell by the weight of its own follies. True, in trying to compete with the USA, the Soviet Union let itself bleed. But in the final analysis, the Soviet debacle was of its own making.

In the sixties, Moscow used to claim high growth rates, when in fact, growth was down to zero. Khrushchev tried to arrest this slide, but he failed. The Communist Party soon gathered around Brezhnev. He was lucky: the oil prices jumped by four times after the 1973 Arab-Israeli war. As the world’s second largest producer and exporter of oil. Moscow was able to put up a false facade of prosperity. But by 1981 oil prices crashed and Moscow was in deep trouble. Andropov started the economic reforms and Gorbachev tried to clean up the system with his perestroika. But the system was beyond repair. It collapsed. The rot was within. And the unfavourable global factors made matters worse. It was not American spending that brought down the Soviet system.

Was the $ 19 trillion spent then a waste? Opinions differ. One thing is clear: had it not been for the internal rot, the Soviet system could never have been brought down. The Soviet defence cost was low. With half the money, it could match the Americans in arms. The trillions were mostly a waste.

Then, how is it that Bill Clinton wants to step up the defence expenditure? How is it he wants to expand NATO’s reach? The answer is rather complex. Because war-making is profitable. As the creditor of the world, the American currency, dollar, had become the medium of exchange and reserve. And because the USA possessed the nuclear bomb, it had become leader of the Western world. All these brought untold benefits to the USA. But people associate defence with expenditure. How can it be profitable, they ask. But it is very simple. It is these profits which made the USA the leader of the world in the first instance.

The investment was rather small: just $ 500 per year per head! Return? An unprecedented high standard of living! Bill Clinton was aware of it. So were the American strategists which explains whey even after the end of the cold war, the USA was not willing to wind up NATO. In fact it wanted to expand it. Nor was the USA ready to allow the Europeans to have an independent defence of their own. But why? Because to be a cop of the world is highly profitable. First of all to the military industrial complex.

Prof George Kennan, author of the containment policy in the postwar years, had warned Washington against NATO expansion. But Clinton was desperate: he wanted to ensure the presence of America in Europe. Europe wants to have an independent security arrangement. (France, for instance, was insisting that the alliance’s southern command be headed by a French officer, something the Pentagon can never accept). Clinton wants to silence the critics. By admitting new members — Poland, Hungary and Czech republic — into NATO, Washington has spiked the idea of an independent European defence. And NATO expansion offers a cheap way of creating legitimacy for itself. Perhaps even a nationalist upsurg in Russia will come useful at this stage. Which is why the USA is trying to entice Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to provoke the Russians. Moscow has warned the USA against it. Perhaps this is as far as NATO can go. Any further intrusion into Ukraine may perhaps mean Third World war.

But the USA need not go that far. It is already well entrenched in Russia. It can cause economic havoc if it wants to. Russia may be driven to spend more on defence. This suits the USA. In that case, Russia will repeat the old mistake. Russia should not fall into this trap.

The new “strategic concept” of NATO — a contribution on its 50th anniversary — assumes that NATO has a “military mission” in “volatile regions” far beyond its borders, involving “regional” and “ethnic” instability. Kosovo is proving to be the first test of the new concept. Apparently, it may appear to be a humanitarian case, but it is in fact an excuse for intervention in sovereign countries.The French President says NATO cannot act without the authorisation of the Security Council. But NATO has already intervened outside its region in Bosnia and Kosovo.

NATO spokesmen say it commands two-thirds of the world military power. Obviously, power has gone into their heads. Taking over the right to intervene in local conflicts outside the NATO area, in short to usurb the role of peacekeeping, challenges the authority of the UN Security Council, which is the sole body to determine when military force may be employed. The damage done by NATO bombing has exceeded the $ 100 billion mark. It has reversed Yugoslavia’s economy by a decade or two. There is nothing of importance that remains intact in that country.

Similarly, NATO has threatened an oil embargo against Kosovo. But it is by no means a one-time affair, It involves boarding ships and searching for oil. The French President has warned: “According to international law, it is an act of war. So we must be very cautious.” But the Secretary General of NATO, Javier Solana, calls this a “road map to navigate the security challenges” of the new millennia, whatever that means.

Obviously, the world cop is taking on additional responsibilities on his own. And he wants to make the UN, particularly the UN Security Council, redundant. He wants to usurp the role of peace keeper. The world community should never allow this to happen.

As I said in another article, there are 8000 ethnic communities in the world. In assuming the new role of protector of ethnic communities, the USA has found a “legitimate” way for its interventions. Of course, they will be selective to protect US interests. This is blatant interference in the internal affairs of sovereign nations. A “humanitarian” case can always be built up for such interventions, as has been found in Kosovo.

Russia and India can become targets of the new policy. Not China. With that country, Washington cannot be on adversarial relations.

Already, the world cop has forces all over the world — there is NATO to take case of Europe, Central Command to cover Middle East and South Asia, and Eastern Command to take care of the rest of Asia. Work on these new plans began years ago. Clinton himself confessed” “For five years now we have been working to build a new NATO prepared to deal with the security challenges of the new century.”

One thing is clear from all this: the world is going to be different from now on. There will be less democracy. It will be more violent. More nations will take to rearmament. Arms sales will grow manifold. And there will be little progress towards disarmament. Even the disarmament treaties already signed will not be ratified. And all these when there is no real threat to peace, thanks to US preoccupation with war.

India cannot remain mute in the face of these developments. It must express its opposition to the course Washington has chosen without any reservation. And it must refuse to sign CTBT or any other disarmament document unless the USA reverses the steps it has just taken. Peace is the job of the UN Security Council, not that of NATO.

75 YEARS AGO

Do you catch cold easily?

WHEN a cold stubbornly resists the ordinary methods of treatment, and one cold rapidly succeeds another after each change of temperature, it is time to take a tonic that will strengthen the blood and give it the qualities necessary to fight off disease. That Dr William’s Pink Pills are just the tonic needed is shown by the experience of Mr Joseph L. Pullen, of No 67, Ontario Street, Oswego, N.Y, who says :—

“About a year ago I found that my system was so badly run down that I was seldom without a cold. In my work I was exposed to severe weather and every little change brought on a cold. Colds were rapidly absorbing my strength. I was tired all the time and lacking in ambition and energy. I had very little appetite. I suffered from heartburn and indigestion and had pain in my back.

“My father had used Dr William’s Pink Pills and they had helped him so much that I decided to give the remedy a trial. Soon I felt some relief. So, I continued the treatment. In a few weeks I felt more active and energetic and my strength returned. I have a good appetite now and I no longer have indigestion. The pain in my back is gone. Dr William’s Pink Pills built me up so that I no longer catch cold easily. The remedy is an excellent tonic and I do not hesitate to recommend it.”

Dr Williams’ Pink Pills for Pale People are sold by all druggists at Rs 2 per bottle, Rs 11 for six bottles. (The Dr William’s Medicine Co., Singapore.) Send for the free booklet, “Building Up the Blood.”