P A G E
Tuesday, September 15, 1998
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E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
Tuesday, September 15, 1998 |
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Rumblings
in Haryana
JUDICIAL
LANDMARK Asian
crisis hits |
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Transparent Absurdity. |
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Rumblings in Haryana HARYANA has been having enough of agitations and robberies and thefts during the past few months. But things have been rather dull on the political front. That arena has now been livened up by the expulsion of the PWD Minister, Mr Dharamvir Yadav, from the Council of Ministers on the recommendations of the Chief Minister, Mr Bansi Lal. The reverberations are bound to continue for quite some time. But the sack is not at all surprising. Rather, it was very much anticipated, given the blatant attack mounted by the rebellious Minister against the Chief Minister. The way Mr Yadav was calling Mr Bansi Lal “Vinash Purush” and was also accusing him of high-handedness, obstinacy, favouritism and dictatorial style of functioning, it was obvious that his days in the Ministry were numbered. In fact, one got the impression that Mr Yadav was deliberately gunning for his expulsion. The HVP has taken the bait but in a clever manner. The rebel leader has not been expelled from the party. That means that will be useless for any other party and will have to remain isolated in the HVP. The interesting thing is that other ministerial colleagues have staunchly risen in defence of their leader. In reply to Mr Yadav’s charges, these ministers have called him “corrupt” and have alleged that he was enacting a political drama to divert attention from his own wrongdoings. The contention of Cooperation Minister Rao Narbir Singh, Agriculture Minister Karan Singh Dalal and Labour Minister Ramesh Kaushik is that the dismissed Minister had come to know that the Chief Minister was contemplating action against him and thus tried to pre-empt the move. Truth is not the first casualty only in war. It is the first to die in politics also. As such, it is pointless to say which side is right and which side is wrong. Whatever the inside story
may be, one thing is clear: there are acute fault lines
within the Ministry now. Disenchantment has been growing
at various levels and there is tension not only between
the HVP and BJP MLAs but also within the HVP ranks. It is
all right for the Chief Minister to claim in public that
everything is perfectly normal. But if he genuinely
believes so, he is in for trouble. It would seem that
MLAs have their ears closer to the ground and have come
to realise that disaffection has spread to a worrisome
extent. Whether it is the government employees or the
farmers, many influential sections have serious grouses
against the government. Mr Bansi Lal has had a reputation
of being a tough administrator. But that was earned
during his previous tenure. This time he has come out
more as a haughty and insensitive leader. Many MLAs of
his own party complain in private that the channels of
two-way communication are not as smooth as these should
be. These are the grievances, which should not be ignored
if he has to have a future in the shaping of Haryana. |
No dam-busters, they DEMOCRACY is a market place of clashing, conflicting views, leading ideally to a consensus. Politicians, who are the prime players in this game, often forget this basic truth and tend to stifle dissent and shut out debate. Just as the Gujarat politicos, surprisingly aided by top BJP leaders in Delhi, have done. They have managed to keep out the World Commission on Dams (WCD), a non-governmental organisation, and scuttle its inaugural session in India. All because of a colossal misunderstanding and unconcealed paranoia of an ever-present danger to the Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP) across the Narmada. True, the dam is vital for the agricultural and industrial development of Gujarat and the state has already spent over Rs 7500 crore on it. It is also true that there is opposition to the giant project and the critics have managed to persuade the World Bank to hold back further financial assistance. There is a dispute with Madhya Pradesh over the height of the dam and the matter is before the Supreme Court. (Hearing is expected later this month.) Gujarat, not merely the ruling BJP but all political parties, opposed the WCD meeting on two grounds, both baseless. The WCD was branded as an anti-big dam campaigner, which it certainly is not. Two, more ironically, it was mistaken as a loud supporter of Ms Medha Patkar, who is a WCD member. The fact is that countries like China and South Africa, which are building mega dams have representatives in the WCD as have global contractors engaged in executing these projects. One of those invited to present a paper is Mr Sanat Mehta, a former chairman of the SSP and naturally its ardent supporter. Anyway, the WCD had assured both Gujarat and the Centre that it would scrupulously avoid wading into the SSP controversy but confine its proceedings to discuss in general terms the merits or otherwise of big dams. This blind opposition to
the visit of the WCD is as disquieting as the manner of
stalling its visit. First the WCD was invited and offered
all facilities. Even Gujarat was a willing party. Then it
discovered that the World Bank is one of the sponsors of
the organisation, which came into existence last year,
and that Ms Patkar and the old Gandhian Mr L.C. Jain are
two of the 12 members. The WCD thus became a tainted body
what with the Bank opposing the SSP and Ms Patkar causing
frequent headaches by her pro-tribal oustees crusade. The
WCD acquired a new image as anti-dam monster and Gujarat
threatened to ban its entry, alleging that it would spark
civil strife. A delegation of Gujarat MPs, among them
Home Minister Advani, called on Prime Minister with a
request to bar the Bhopal meeting. Mr Jaswant Singh, in
his capacity as Deputy Chairman of the Planning
Commission, faxed a message to the WCD chairman to
postpone the meeting in view of the Supreme Court case.
In between the Gujarat Assembly passed a resolution
accusing the year-old organisation and the World Bank of
being wreckers of Third World development. Gujarat’s
dependence on the dam does not justify its allergy to
criticism; anyway the dam is a reality and only its
height is to be decided. The association of seasoned
central leaders with the edgy Gujarat stand is
inexplicable as is the thundering silence of opposition
parties to the scuttling of the meeting. The sequence of
events shows the emergence of a thin streak of
intolerance born out a lack of national self-confidence. |
Give Manoj his due TEST allrounder Manoj Prabhakar deserves the support of cricketers and fans in his fight for justice with the establishment. It is true that during his playing days controversy was the other name of Prabhakar. But to hold him solely responsible for the controversies he generated as a player and even after retirement would be unfair. It is an open secret that the Board of Control for Cricket in India and the selectors have often provoked the players to speak out against the system. Jimmy Amarnath’s international career was cut short not because he had lost form but because he had inherited the trait from his illustrious father, Lala Amarnath, of never taking nonsense from anyone. At one point Jimmy Amarnath was officially sounded to be ready to take over the captaincy of the team. However, without a satisfactory explanation the assignment was given to someone else. The last time Amarnath was dropped from the team provoked him to describe the selectors as a “bunch of jokers”. These “bunch of jokers” still rule the roost and Prabhakar is a victim of the whimsical way in which the BCCI conducts its affairs. Whatever may have been his shortcomings as a gentleman, Prabhakar never flinched from giving more than 100 per cent as a player. In the Mohali Test against the West Indies he stood between the battery of fast bowlers and defeat for India. When he was forced out of the match with a broken jaw, India lost the Test and neither the captain nor any senior player had the basic courtesy to ensure that the best medical treatment was provided to him. He had a lot of cricket left in him when he was forced to take retirement from the game in 1996. The apparent reason why
the BCCI is not releasing his benevolent fund is that he,
with the help of a Delhi-based English weekly, sought to
expose the alleged involvement of senior Indian players
in match-fixing and betting rackets. The unofficial
Chandrachud Committee set up by the BCCI to investigate
the charges raised more questions than it answered.
Prabhakar maintains that he is willing to give the names
of the players responsible for tanking matches provided
he is given legal immunity from prosecution. He has a
point because what he saw in the Indian dressing room or
the hotel lobby or elsewhere cannot be proved unless
other players are willing to speak up. However, he must
realise that to secure the prosecution of the so-called
tainted players on the basis of his testimony is not
legally possible. He should consider the option of
withdrawing the charges to soften the BCCI into releasing
his benevolent fund. In any case, the BCCI itself had
threatened to take Prabhakar to court for making
unsubstantiated charges of match-fixing against players.
Why the proposed legal action has not been taken is for
the BCCI to explain. But the board officials must realise
that the match-fixing controversy and the release of
Prabhakar’s benevolent fund are separate issues.
What would the board have done had Prabhakar made the
allegations after the full and final settlement of all
his legal dues? He was victimised by the selectors during
his playing days for refusing to compromise his dignity
for a place in the playing XI. The BCCI evidently has no
moral or legal right to add to his agony by withholding
his benevolent fund without a suitable explanation. |
JUDICIAL LANDMARK THE report by Justice B.N. Srikrishna of the Bombay High Court on the Mumbai riots is a landmark in the history of the judiciary. It is free from presumptions and says frankly and fearlessly about its findings. India has had a series of commissions of enquiry over the years, some of them being outright prejudiced outpourings. The current report deserves special appreciation for the efforts of Justice Srikrishna, whose sincerity and honesty stand out. The scope of the enquiry was the communal riots in Mumbai that occurred in December, 1992, and in January, 1993, and the bomb blasts in March, 1993. As many as 900 people died in the riots while in the bomb blasts 257 persons lost their lives. Hundreds of persons were injured and maimed, and the loss of property was enormous. By all accounts, these riots were among the most serious ones since Independence, and that such serious and extensive riots and bomb blasts should have occurred in the premier city of India was a matter of deep concern. Justice Srikrishna had a
difficult task to perform but he went through the process
meticulously and examined over 500 witnesses, whose
depositions filled nearly 10,000 pages. The judge took a
holistic view of the events starting from the slowly
rising communal tension in the North from the time the
Rath Yatra was undertaken by BJP President L.K. Advani.
In fact, communal tension in North India started building
up ever since the Ram Mandir movement started and the
Sangh Parivar began to collect “holy bricks”.
The shilanyas campaign was in full swing in the second
half of 1989 when large groups of people carried the
“holy bricks” to Ayodhya, creating tension in
the areas they passed through. I was holding additional charge as Governor of Bihar during September-October, 1989, while being the Governor of West Bengal, when the Ram Mandir shilanyas campaign was in full swing. Communal disturbances had broken out in Sasaram district when the Sangh Parivar carrying the bricks raised provocative slogans against Muslims. In October, 1989, I spoke to the Chief Minister of Bihar and followed it up with a letter asking him to take adequate precautions to avoid communal disturbances, in the background of what had happened in Sasaram. Jamshedpur had a big history of communal disturbances, and there were reports that at as many as 450 pandals Ram Mandir shilanyas puja was being conducted. I said that all precautions should be taken till the shilanyas volunteers passed through Bihar, and that adequate law and order arrangements should be made in the areas on their route. Unfortunately, the Bihar administration failed in this task and serious riots were witnessed during the following weeks in Bhagalpur. The Rath Yatra of the BJP President, which began in Gujarat and passed through various other parts of the country, created tensions in these areas. People’s memory is proverbially short, and it may be recalled that this Rath Yatra campaign was the answer of the Sangh Parivar to the Mandal genie let loose by Prime Minister V.P. Singh. Justice Srikrishna has observed in his report that the clashes and other disturbances that occurred along the route of Mr Advani’s Rath Yatra were “the distant thunderclaps portending the storm to come”. What Justice Srikrishna did not state was the political fallout of all these campaigns of the Sangh Parivar. The BJP gained quite substantially in the 1991 Lok Sabha elections, securing 119 seats, and its voting percentage went up to 20.18 as against 11.31 in 1989. It secured 20 seats in Gujarat, 12 each in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan and 50 in Uttar Pradesh. The demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992, became possible due to the inaction of the Union government. It had forewarnings of the situation going out of control if the yatris were allowed in the vicinity of the Babri Masjid. The Centre woke up later and dismissed the BJP’s state governments and instituted cases against a large number of BJP activists, including Mr Advani. The Muslims throughout the country were deeply upset and resented these happenings. The Mumbai riots owe their origin to these events. It may be necessary to
recapitulate the events of December, 1992, and January,
1993. Justice Srikrishna has pointed out that the Muslims
who assembled near a Masjid on the outskirts of Mumbai in
December, 1992, after the demolition of the Babri Masjid,
were quite understandably in an agitated mood, but they
were not armed, not even with stones, and there were no
mob leaders. This situation could have been handled in an
understanding manner by the Mumbai police but it failed
to do so. The disturbances that broke out that night
escalated into a communal riot and lasted a week.
According to the Srikrishna report, BJP and Shiv Sena
activists had intervened in the matter and increased the
tension. But the riots which continued for a fortnight in
January, 1993, were of a far more serious nature. They
were preceded by Maha Aartis conducted at various places
by Shiv Sena activists. There were provocative articles
in the Shiv Sena organs like Navakal and Saamna. It was
during the riots in the 1993 January that the BJP and the
Shiv Sena, particularly the Shiv Sainiks, were extremely
aggressive. Justice Srikrishna has observed that the Shiv
Sainiks took the lead in organising attacks on Muslims
and their property under the guidance of their leaders.
Mr Bal Thackeray, the Shiv Sena Pramukh, himself,
“like a veteran general”, commanded his loyal
Shiv Sainiks. He had later admitted in an interview that
the riots had indeed been what they were described to be.
“They were bound to be, the situation demanded
it”, he said. On the serial blasts which took place in Mumbai on March 12, 1993, Justice Srikrishna has observed that the blasts were a reaction to the totality of events at Ayodhya and in Mumbai in December, 1992, and January, 1993. The judge said that the major role in the conspiracy for the bomb blasts was undoubtedly played by Muslims. The judge also commented that it was hatched at the instance of the notorious smuggler, Dawood Ibrahim, operating from Dubai. He added that even the major role in the conspiracy was played by Muslims. However, in his view, the riots of December, 1992, and January, 1993, were apparently the causative factor of the bomb blasts of March, 1993. It is difficult to challenge the findings of Justice Srikrishna, and to allege that they exhibit a bias is unfair. We had seen the electoral gains of the BJP in the 1991 elections after the campaign culminating in the Rath Yatra. From 119 seats in 1991 in the Lok Sabha, the BJP increased its tally to 160 in the 1996 elections — the demolition of the Babri Masjid followed by country-wide communal disturbances had taken place in-between. At present its Lok Sabha strength stands at 182. Does this mean that the BJP as well as the Shiv Sena made handsome electoral gains because of the traumatic communal tension and clashes that occurred in the country? Certainly in Maharashtra the Shiv Sena-BJP ministry became possible because of the events of 1992-93 in Mumbai and due to the utterly imbecile manner the incumbent Congress government in the state dealt with those events. It is difficult to say
whether the communal tension and clashes contributed to
the success of parties like the BJP and the Shiv Sena in
the entire country. Prima facie, it appears so though
such a conclusion would be too simplistic. The poor
performance of the UF government and the diminution of
the influence of the Congress party in the Hindi
heartland were important contributory factors. President
Narayanan observed in his interview on the Independence
Day eve that communal mobilisation would become less and
less appealing to the people in future and the phenomenon
of communalism could be brought under control. A careful
study of the present global and national situation would
warrant proper understanding of the socio-political
dynamics of the country and the neighbouring regions.
There is no place for communal riots in India and what
were witnessed in December, 1992, and January, 1993, in
Mumbai should definitely become things of the past.
Otherwise India may have to pay a very heavy price,
economically, socially and politically. |
Asian crisis hits world economy THE currency turmoil of East Asia has not only engulfed the entire Asian region but also posed new challenges to globalisation, based on free trade and freer capital flows, advocated by the IMF and the World Bank, as the contagion effect spreads to Latin America and parts of Europe. Speculative capital flows, in and out of different countries, have rocked economies and also thrown up the weaknesses of the monetary system to cope with the disruptive impact of short-term capital movements. The Asian contagion having spread far and wide, unanticipated for the sweep of its negative influence even on stronger industrial economies like the USA, the world’s equity markets have taken severe beatings in recent weeks and months. Deep recession in Japan, virtual collapse of the Russian economy, exchange rate volatility and sharp falls in stocks and key commodity prices are accelerating a global slowdown and seriously threatening the economic prospects of developing countries. Fears of deflation are current in the USA, and the Chairman of the US Federal Reserve Bank, Mr Alan Greenspan, has had to assure the country that a rise in the US interest rate is now out of question. He had toyed with the idea earlier on the assumption that the long bull market and big consumer spending raised the possibility of overheating the US economy which has had record levels of growth, lowest inflation and a low unemployment rate for years in succession. In August the Dow Jones index fell by huge margins of 300-500 points though there was subsequent recovery. But the deepening problems in emerging economies, stagnation in the world’s second economic super power, Japan, coupled with the economic chaos in Russia — which could be politically disastrous — have brought closer the prospect of global recession. Notwithstanding the hefty rescue packages put up by the IMF for the worst-afflicted Asian economies — Indonesia, Korea and Thailand — problems are getting worse and the IMF’s austerity programmes have led to severe budget cuts, rising inflation and unemployment, and social unrest in those countries. Renowned economists worldwide have charged the IMF with, firstly, failing to give timely warnings of the trouble those countries were heading for, and secondly, suggesting wrong remedies, such as a high interest rate and financial squeeze which are emasculating the economies, with serious consequences for the global economy as a whole. The IMF defends its
approach as one designed to halt the downward spiral of
currencies and stabilise the foreign exchange market
while fiscal austerity would help the countries to
restore macroeconomic fundamentals and pave the way for
durable growth. Even as the IMF has been working for the lifting of capital controls by all countries, noted economist Paul Krugman has advocated the imposition of controls on capital movement by the most affected countries as a temporary expedient without giving up the pursuit of other economic reforms, including the “cleaning-up” of the banking system. Such controls, he cautions, however, are not entirely beneficial and could work both ways, but should be treated as a temporary solution. The world’s Finance Ministers’ conference in Washington in the first week of October for the annual meetings of the IMF and the World Bank will have to make critical decisions on the state of the international economy and the functioning of the financial system which has been thrown into disarray by the Asian crisis with ripple effects all over. The IMF has projected a further drop in world economic output by 1 per cent, and the current projection is for 2 per cent growth in 1998. Most Asian economies, barring China and India, would suffer GDP declines ranging from 2 to 15 per cent. India’s exchange rate and exports have shown themselves to be vulnerable to pressures from the volatile Asian markets. Unless the turmoil is controlled in the near future, India’s growth prospects could also weaken further, given the uncertainty about capital flows. The Asian crisis has now
come a full circle, bringing into clearer focus the
fragility of the present international financial
architecture. It has raised questions about the soundness
of the IMF’s approach to crisis situations in
member-countries. Equity issues have also come on top as
globalisation has sharpened income disparities between
and within nations, and governments have generally been
unable to provide effective social safety nets to the
displaced labour and the poor. — IPA |
Swaraj-Swadeshi-Swavalamban
THIS year the Independence Day celebrations committee of my college nominated me to organise an essay contest to mark this august event. I had no option but to don my thinking cap and select a subject. Wishing as I did to sound more contemporary than conventional, but at the same time more local than global, not more than two jingles could make it to my shortlist: Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan, Jai Vigyan and Swaraj-Swadeshi-Swavalamban. Afraid of being charged with jingoism by the nuke-pukes, I settled for the self-same three Ss. Amen. The student response was overwhelming. Whether the fabulous prizes enthused them or the significance of the subject inspired them and fired their imagination could be a matter of debate. What, however, seemed certain was that the youth could no more be fed on the staple diet of slogans. Credulousness was passe. Much against my wishes, I
was asked to evaluate the papers. Some pleasant surprises
were in store for me as I got down to this unenviable
task. Not really a high-brow stuff but exciting enough to
make one sit up and ask the right question, at least.
That budding undergraduate was not much off-the-mark when
he wrote. “Ancient and medieval India under benevolent monarchy was hailed as ‘sone-ki-chidiya’. What happened to the modern democratic India?... Indians have the acumen and ability to become world leaders again. Lack of visionary leadership has been our bane. Swaraj (self-rule) without su-raj (good governance) is unsustainable. We are well-endowed with swadeshi resources.... More than $100 billion of swadeshi money is lying in videshi banks. Given the right regime of taxes and investment, this can be brought back to India. Over-invoicing of imports and under-invoicing of exports annually deprives the nation of something like $2 billion, which approximates to the aggregate impact of the sanctions slapped in the aftermath of the swadeshi bomb blasts. Direct taxes worth $40 billion are evaded with evangelical fervour by the patrons of the parallel economy; 70 per cent of the top 1500 companies pay no taxes; only 2 per cent of urban India pays taxes. Why do we apply the Machiavellian ‘Chanakya-neeti’ only to politics and not to economics? Even if foreign investment came to India in a big way, who will ensure that it is not brought to nought the way most of our developmental schemes have been? We can translate the slogan of Swaraj-Swadeshi-Swavalamban into action provided we have the collective vision, will and wisdom. Perform or perish. No gibberish talk, please! My intellectual odyssey
came to an inconclusive end. |
Will Cong strategy pay dividends?
THE Pachmarhi conclave of the Congress and the confabulations since then should leave no one in doubt about the party’s newly-acquired political will to bounce back. This in itself has been a remarkable feat for a party which had suffered long years of political confusion and top-level leadership tussles. Such limited achievements apart, the real test for the party will be how it grapples with the harsh realities of a complicated coalition era. After Pachmarhi, the Sonia establishment has sent out three messages. First, it will not take
any major political initiative until the ensuing
elections to the four state assemblies in November. The
Congress does not expect any major crisis for the present
government in the intervening period. Since the Congress
is a rival of the BJP in all the three major states, it
will concentrate its energy on establishing its claim
that it is in for a major comeback at the expense of the
BJP. The party had repeatedly harped on this point at
Pachmarhi. The Congress calculation is that in case the BJP suffers reverses, it will automatically trigger off a serious political crisis at the Centre. This will be the right time for the party to act as such a development will lead to dramatic political changes. Under this game plan, even while fully concentrating on the elections, the Congress will carefully cultivate prospective allies like the Left. Unlike the regional parties, association with the Left calls for prolonged confidence building and ideological and programmatic acclimatisation. Once this is achieved, it will be easier for the Congress to win over the other allies at the right moment on a power-sharing basis. Much of this also depends on the decisiveness of the verdict in these traditional BJP strongholds and the response from smaller parties. Second, both the friends and foes of the Congress will now have to take into account the changed complexion of the establishment under Sonia Gandhi. This significant change has gone totally unnoticed by routine analysts and political pundits. The Sonia Congress, at least until now, has proved itself to be more sober and discerning in its judgements and action. Any one who has dealt with the new setup in the AICC will vouch for this change. It is devoid of the whimsical actions and theatricals of Rajiv Gandhi and naked cunning of an angry and impatient chacha. The decision-making process has become extremely slow, even to the extent of being seen as confused. Emphasis on an elaborate system of consultations at different levels with different people averts the pitfalls of hasty decisions. As a result, the celebrated coterie and backroom speech-writers find themselves not in a position to impose their unilateral views on the party. Even on a highly emotional issue like Pokhran II, the Congress response has been highly cautious as it wanted neither to carry away by the momentary frenzy nor be dubbed as “anti-national”. Unlike the “chacha,” who was so obsessed with power and rushed to Rashtrapati Bhavan at the drop of a hat, the new establishment adopted the consistent stand that it would not move unless the government falls under its own weight. Some of us had even simplistically interpreted this as a Sonia ruse to deny the Prime Ministership to Sharad Pawar. The new establishment also
carefully avoided polemics with an angry Mulayam Singh
Yadav on the former’s plans to revive itself in UP.
Possibly, all this may be due to the compulsions of
circumstances, and she may show her true colours if and
when she emerges as strong as her mother-in-law. But the
kind of cool and calculated responses devoid of diatribe
and overreactions and the increasing sway over the party
ranks will make the Congress a more formidable adversary
than some of its earlier dispensations. Third, unsure of its own role and as a matter of strategy, the new Congress managers have left much of their options open on crucial issues. This cultivated ambiguity fits well into the overall emerging realpolitik of the day. In some cases, the Pachmarhi declaration, itself a compromise paper, and the subsequent expositions, tend to mean everything to everybody. Its assertion that the coalitions are a “transient phase” and it would be tried when absolutely necessary is aimed at keeping both options open. Its proclamation of “no unprincipled alliance” would give it a better bargaining power with those who are keen on forging an alternative government. In fact, this had made Jayalalitha, who had often sent strong feelers to the Congress, to hastily soften her attitude towards the Vajpayee Government. By a special reference to the ‘revival’ of the UP, Bihar and West Bengal units, the leadership seeks to assure local leaders that their interests would be taken care of while forging alliance with local parties. The underlying theory is that on the eve of forming a coalition, the sheer urge for power itself would silence such leaders. The strategy of keeping options open is nowhere so glaring as in the case of the economic policy. The main purpose of the Pachmarhi conclave has been to suitably recast what was described as a new economic policy in the early 90s to partially meet the Left’s demands. During consultations with Left stalwarts, it was realised that the economic policy would prove to be the main irritant in their relationship. From the Left side, the Congress had enough indications that they would be prepared for making the UF common minimum programme as a basis for further talks. Since the Congress itself had, by and large, subscribed to the CMP as an outside supporter, it found no major hurdle in doing necessary fine-tuning in the Narasimha Rao Government’s economic policy. From the very beginning, there has been considerable resistance to the IMF-imposed reform from within the Congress. As many as 13 delegates had criticised the IMF package at the party’s Tirupati session. Arjun Singh, who has been critical of the way Nehruvian policy has been folded up, continued the resistance even after Tirupati. Therefore, the present move to redefine the economic policy has received wide support within the party. Apart from the Left demand, the Congress has been under considerable pressure from the electorate to go in for a pro-poor programme, something which was considered a blasphemy until the Congress got a drubbing in the 1993 assembly elections. The economic collapse of the Asian “tigers”, pressures from the Swadeshi Jagran Manch, which has been championing an anti-globalisation crusade and the need to play to the tune of the aggrieved domestic industry, have come in handy for the Congress to attempt at reforming the reform. There is a strong feeling
in the Congress that it has been the Swadeshi campaign
that had helped the BJP win over a section of the Indian
industrialists to its side. The sharply deepening world
economic crisis has already led to a rethinking in India
in this regard. From 1980s onwards, about 120 countries
were forced to go in for reform. Now each one of them is
reeling under crisis of varying degrees. Until recently,
business writers had been proposing heavier doses of
reform as a remedy to reform-induced ailments. Now the
reform fatigue has led to a letup in this kind of
doctrinaire approach. Understandably, within the Congress Manmohan Singh has been the main opponent of the moves to fine-tune reform. Despite his valiant defence, the conclave inserted such expressions as mixed economy, Avadi socialism, growth with justice, protection to domestic industry and significant role for the public sector. As a concession to the pro-globalisation lobby, the conclave also hailed impressive economic achievements of the reform from 1991 to 1996. Similarly, it left vague crucial issues like foreign direct investment, opening up of the insurance sector, etc., in the hope of modifying them, if and when found necessary. Apparently, Congress managers are putting much in store for a long-term arrangement with the Left. It is argued that even on economic issues, mutual accommodation would be relatively easy. Since the most rigorous part of the reform has already been effected, foreign pressure has been gradually diminishing. Though the Left would not join the coalition, it has a track record of steadfast support to the ally provided its programmatic sensibilities are taken care of. This has been the experience of V.P. Singh and Deve Gowda. Congress circles argue that once the programmatic barriers with the Left are broken, other issues could be sorted out as and when they arise. In all the three Left strongholds, the Congress is the main adversary. For over half a century, both have been fighting each other for domination. Influential sections in both camps insist that this fight could still continue even while cooperating at the national level for a limited purpose. They do not find any contradiction in this role. On the other hand, an overall alliance between the two parties both at the Centre and in the states even if it is possible, would eventually help the BJP fill the Opposition slot in the three states. For the Congress, West Bengal is going to be a problem area. The Congress seeks to
adopt a different strategy with regard to secular outfits
like the RJD and Samajwadi Party. In both UP and Bihar,
the party has been reduced to a nominal presence. Its
efforts to regain lost ground have already evoked angry
protests from Mulayam Singh Yadav. Despite such
frictions, the Congress managers do not find any serious
hitch in aligning with the two parties. But their main
worry is about the smaller local outfits which are prone
to the new kind of personalised power-sharing deals. An
influential section in the Congress is wary of competing
with the BJP in this new upcountry market. |
Parallel diplomacy to mend fences EVEN though it has not yet either been given the mandate to form a government at the Centre, nor is the exit of Vajpayee Government in sight, the Congress has decided to make use of its Opposition status to highlight the shortcomings of the ruling alliance’s conduct of international affairs by sending teams to South Africa and China to establish party-to-party contacts. After the Pachmarhi session, the Congress denounced the government’s handling of several international issues. The latest to come under scrutiny was the recent NAM session at Durban, where India’s hitherto trusted friend and ally, President Nelson Mandela, acted like “Brutus” by referring to Jammu and Kashmir in his speech. With the Congress deciding to send two high-level delegations to China and South Africa, as its contribution to ‘repair’ the damage, many in the ruling coalition see it as a launch of parallel diplomacy. The Congress is certain
that its delegation would get an audience with President
Mandela which would largely determine the extent of the
success. “You will see that Dr Mandela, who treats Mrs Sonia Gandhi as his daughter, is sure to receive our delegation and that is why the BJP is upset,” a member of the Congress’s foreign affairs cell claimed. As a forerunner the party decided to send a letter to the President of the African National Congress, Mr Frederik Jakota from Mrs Sonia Gandhi through Mr Sharad Pawar, who has headed the delegation to Pretoria. So far so good, but Mr Pawar, who is a master in the art of internal politics, needed a detailed briefing on South Africa from Mr K Natwar Singh before his trip. Mr Natwar Singh, a diplomat-turned-politician, now heads the party’s foreign affairs cell. Bid to jam Starr report The Bill Clinton-Monica Lewinsky dalliance became a global affair after the U.S. Congress released the Starr report on the Internet. Cyber-surfers never had it so good. Unlike the fictitious material churned out by magazines like Penthouse and Playboy, it was a true life saga which defied pornography laws. The U.S. official sites were not available to a majority of netsurfers as it was house-full. According to a company which monitors traffic on websites only 10 per cent of those who tried to access the report were successful. CNN and some news agencies provided an alternative for excited surfers. CNN reported 323,000 hits per minute, which was better than the 320,000 recorded on the day Clinton admitted the affair. With so much hungama taking place could Indians be left behind? A nation which closes its eyes to such routine affairs of its own public figures took more than ordinary interest in the Clinton-Monica affair. This is perhaps what the Swadeshis have dubbed a cultural invasion. Well, invasion was not all that easy and the VSNL did its own bit by putting up resistance. Peeping Toms in the
country had a tough time getting through the VSNL lines.
When they finally managed they found an impenetrable jam
on the route for the hottest site. That was not all.
Those brave ones who made it got the sizzling details,
leaving the VSNL to snap all of a sudden and blip
“retry”. It reminded people of the saying:
“Try, try and try again till you succeed”. Hi-tech poll for Delhi As Delhi gets ready for elections, the Election Commission is busy dusting electronic voting machines. Plans are afoot to use these machines in six Assembly seats. The machines were last used on an experimental basis 15 years ago for municipal elections in the city. The machine is not too complicated to operate. There are buttons next to the name and symbol of candidates and all that the voter has to do to vote is to press the button of his choice. As for the EC’s decision to choose only six Assembly seats, the officials explain that people in these areas are comparatively more literate and they would be able to understand their operation. Well if the procedure involves only pressing a button,would it not have been wiser to employ these machines in constituencies with a high percentage of illiteracy. In any case they use their thumb to sign. They would have continued to do so with machines. Cops top in inaction The Delhi Police announced the other day that its officials at the police assistance booths and PCR vans would now be equipped with first-aid boxes to help accident victims on the spot in the event of emergencies. However viewing a recent incident which occurred on the Janpath in broad daylight, one wonders what kind of help the Delhi Police would be able to provide to the accident victims. Last week a woman travelling on a new model (automatic transmission) scooter collided at high speed with a pedestrian crossing the Janpath near Indian Oil Bhavan. Owing to the impact of the accident, the woman went flying off the scooter and fell at quite a distance. Incidentally the accident occurred a few feet from the police assistance booth. While shopkeepers and other pedestrians rushed to help the hapless lady, who sat dazed on the road, the Delhi Police official, manning the booth, stood watching as he munched a sandwich. As the public helped the lady, the Delhi Police official chose to ignore the incident and looked the other way. So much so far “first aid” from the Delhi Police. Incidentally the much-publicised Delhi Police motto is: “With you for you, always.” Always? Rarely as the incident shows. (Contributed by
T.V. Lakshminarayan, K.V. Prasad, Girja Shankar Kaura and
P.N. Andley) |
IF the decision of the British Government on the Kenya question is, for the most part, wholly unacceptable to India, the arguments on which it is based are an outrage upon logic and commonsense. Take, for instance, the principal argument by which the decision in favour of communal franchise is defended and the Wood-Winterton recommendation that “a common electoral roll be adopted even though combined with reservation of seats” is brushed aside. “This recommendation”, says the memorandum, “went to show that the advantages claimed for a common electoral roll would, in practice, be illusory in the special condition existing in Kenya. It was clear that no candidate, European or Indian, could stand as an advocate of the interests of the other race without sacrificing the support of his own. If the elections were to be fought on racial lines, as they undoubtedly would in Kenya, the main advantage claimed for a common electoral roll, namely, the bringing of races nearer together would be lost.” These words can only mean that, in the opinion of His Majesty’s Government, the adoption of a common electoral roll with reservation of seats is impossible in the special conditions of Kenya, because the racial conflict there is of so acute a character. Was there ever a transparent absurdity like this? As if these so-called special conditions — the acuteness of the racial conflict — were not exactly the conditions which the recommendation was designed, and in fact calculated to meet! The main advantage claimed for the common electoral roll, namely, the bringing of the races nearer together would, we are told, be lost in the case of Kenya because the election would be fought on racial lines. As if it was not precisely for the purpose of preventing the election being fought solely on racial lines that this remedy was devised! If this remedy is not to
be applied to a case like that of Kenya, where else is it
to be applied? To a case in which there is no racial
conflict and where, therefore, no such thing as a common
electoral roll with a reservation of seats can possibly
be either necessary or desirable? |
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