Murder of sanity
TARA SINGH HAYER, one of the distinguished Indian intellectuals settled in Canada, has been assassinated by certain misguided elements. His murder is a reminder of a gory decade in Punjab during which period thousands of innocent people lost their lives and property.

Sustained slump
THERE is some more bad news for Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha, this time from the impeccable think-tank, National Council for Applied Economic Research. Its half-yearly analysis, based on the audited accounts of 500 top manufacturing firms, shows that all indicators are moving in the wrong direction.

PCs for all !
IF slogans and promises had the power to effect social, educational and economic transformation, India would have been leading the rest of the world in terms of all-round progress.

NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
by Poonam I. Kaushish
THE Vajpayee-led coalition government at the Centre is preening over the fact that by setting up the National Security Council it has fulfilled another promise made in its national agenda for governance. Admittedly, the Prime Minister’s idea is a step in the right direction.

For educational reforms
by J. N. Puri
THE twentieth century, more than any other period in human history, has witnessed tremendous progress in science, technology, space, outer space, medicine and telecommunications. But the sum total of human happiness, peace, tranquillity and harmony has been in inverse proportion to all the material advances.

Will Congress-Left lineup overcome hurdles?
by P. Raman
A RATHER curious aspect of the Congress-Left dialogue has been the unusual noise and hypocrisy with which every interested party has responded to the move. Every one knows that if the two old political foes are moving closer, it has only been the logical culmination of present-day politics.

Poll time — when shortages disappear
DELHIITES never had it so good. It is polling time and the government has magically reformed itself to put on its best face. Pot-holed roads are being repaired at a hectic pace and the entire city wears a brand new look. Long hours of electricity cuts and dry taps are a thing of the past. This is not the only surprise.

Old faithful
by Bimal Bhatia
“YOU are living in a different world,” said my former battery commander, when I told him I intended to buy a residential plot with an advance I had just taken from my provident fund. So, with a glazed look and a Rs 30,000 cheque in my pocket I might have looked a bit depressed.

75 Years Ago

The late Pandit Rambhaj
Dutt Chaudhri
PANDIT Rambhaj Dutt Chaudhri, whose sad and premature death the province is mourning, filled so big a space in the public life of the province for nearly a quarter of a century that it is hard to believe that he is really no more.

Murder of sanity

TARA SINGH HAYER, one of the distinguished Indian intellectuals settled in Canada, has been assassinated by certain misguided elements. His murder is a reminder of a gory decade in Punjab during which period thousands of innocent people lost their lives and property. The state, known for its traditional communal harmony, composite culture and economic growth, got a shattering setback. Besides the ISI of Pakistan, some people or groups in the UK, the USA and Canada funded terrorism and militancy in India and there was a time when few persons from Punjab settled abroad could summon sufficient courage to criticise terrorism in this country. Quite a few of the exceptionally courageous individuals were shot dead or maimed when they tried to condemn the fountainhead of death and destruction. Hayer was a journalist for whom his country of birth had immense attraction. While remaining a respected Canadian citizen, he kept his links with his "original home" strong. India, to him, was an indivisible country and every drop of blood of his forefathers' land was too precious to be shed by terrorists. Journalism was not a profession for him; it was a mission. He criticised all Canadian and other non-resident Indians who had a soft corner for the “fundamentalists”. His Indo-Canadian Times travelled far and wide every week. It was the voice of sanity and moderation. It reflected the deep-rooted conviction of Hayer that the NRIs of all faiths or regional description had something at stake in the context of India's loss of tranquillity. He wrote vigorously against the Punjab killings. The reward that he got for his efforts to promote peace was a crippling bullet injury inflicted on him by Canada-based terrorists in 1988. Half of his body was paralysed. But he did not stop working for the restoration of normalcy in Punjab. When peace finally came to the state, he welcomed the "transformation of attitudes and the victory of good sense".

Hayer was a forward-looking man. Too much of stress is being laid on the controversy on the issue of the use of tables and chairs in gurdwara langars in Canada. Eyebrows were raised in certain circles in India on the journalist's support for the idea of introducing furniture in langars. The supreme temporal authority of the Sikh faith issued an edict against Hayer. But he took the criticism stoically. When he was killed on November 18 in suburban Surrey, near Vancouver, all thinking sections of the multi-stranded Canadian society felt a rude shock. The feeling of grief has come to India in a spontaneous manner. Two major pointers are seen in Hayer's killing. One, terrorism is dormant and not dead in Punjab and amidst certain factions of Punjabis settled abroad. Two, there is need for greater vigilance in this respect. Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal must take note of the sad message of Hayer's elimination by "fundamentalists". While thinking of the unifying spirit of the well-known journalist, we pay our homage to Jeevan Singh Umranangal, who, like Hayer, neither bent nor broke under the militants' threat. Hayer's assassination amounts to the murder of sanity.

Sustained slump

THERE is some more bad news for Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha, this time from the impeccable think-tank, National Council for Applied Economic Research (NCAER). Its half-yearly analysis, based on the audited accounts of 500 top manufacturing firms, shows that all indicators are moving in the wrong direction. The index of industrial production is stagnating at around 2 per cent, aggravated by a fall in the output of capital goods. The upshot is a likely steep reduction in excise revenue this year — by as much as Rs 5000 crore compared to the target fixed in the budget. Exports too are shrinking in tune with a sluggish trade growth all over the world. Exports and manufacturing- related imports too are coming down, and coupled with lower crude prices, customs collection is down by Rs 6000 crore. A note prepared by the department of revenue in the Finance Ministry warns that despite a robust increase in income and corporation taxes, the overall shortfall in anticipated revenue can be as high Rs 11,000 crore. This has serious implications for the remaining months of the financial year. The government has to borrow more money, above the original estimate of slightly more than Rs 91,000 crore. But the trouble is that this is ballooning. The government has already borrowed in four months what it should have done over six months. Every paisa of this huge amount increases money supply, and conventional wisdom says that this stokes inflationary embers. Anyway, the government has foreclosed its option to impose additional taxes and has very little scope for expenditure cutting. The final impact will be on the fiscal deficit, hopefully pegged at 5.6 per cent. It may end up above 6 per cent.

Agriculture was expected to grow by 3.5 per cent, but unseasonal or excessive rainfall has put paid to that. The country will be lucky if this sector grows by 3 per cent, even this being an ambitious figure. The rate of economic growth itself has to be scaled down to about 4.5 per cent, from the Prime Minister’s call for 6 per cent and the industry’s recent assessment of 5 per cent. The NCAER survey finds the feel-good factor totally absent in business circles, faced as they are with falling profits and growing competition. There is an entrenched demand recession, barring for a few consumer durables. Even the mighty Maruti is cutting back on production by as much as 25 per cent. What is bad for Maruti should be bad for the country, to parody an old American saying about General Motors. Like the dreaded psychology of scarcity propelling prices upward, a new psychology of slow growth seems to have taken hold of Indian industry. It needs more than brave words and pious platitudes to reverse the situation.

PCs for all !

IF slogans and promises had the power to effect social, educational and economic transformation, India would have been leading the rest of the world in terms of all-round progress. By stating that his government would soon unfold a plan for taking personal computers to the masses Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee added his name to the list of leaders who have made promises which are difficult to fulfil. He, perhaps, got carried away by the fact that he was in Hyderabad to formally inaugurate the first phase of the ambitious hi-tech city which is expected to put India on the global information technology highway. It goes without saying that the development of Cyberabad is an important milestone for a country which has a lot of “catching up” to do to be at par with the countries which have recognised the potential of technology as the medium for all-round economic growth. And the credit for making India dream about becoming an infotech giant goes to Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu who commands more respect and attention at global meetings than any other Indian leader. Taking PCs to the masses is a laudable objective but to make this happen the Centre would have to allocate more funds to the Human Resource Development Ministry. Years ago, inspired by the UN declaration India set for itself the goal of “health for all” by 2000. Soon “shelter for all” and “education for all” were added to the list of State-sponsored promises. Now, Mr Vajpayee has promised “PCs for all” during his visit to Hyderabad. Given the alarming level of illiteracy placing a PC in every hand is surely not going to help the country leapfrog into the information age.

The country needs more schools and existing schools need regular classrooms and the existing classrooms need blackboards for spreading the base of primary education. Mr Vajpayee was more realistic in identifying the shortcomings in the present education system while delivering the 17th convocation address at the Satya Sai Institute of Higher Learning at Prashanthi Nilayam in Puttaparthi. Perhaps, he had at the back of his mind the controversy generated at the Education Ministers’ Conference in Delhi and the attempt of the Uttar Pradesh Government to make compulsory the singing of Vande Mataram and Saraswati Vandana in schools when he called for a national debate on educational reforms. The Prime Minister was on firm ground when he emphasised the role of teachers in building both the character and the intellect of students. “Our schools and colleges cannot be seen as education factories that mechanically churn out degree-holders”. Mr Vajpayee was at his devastating best when he said about teachers that they themselves needed to be men and women of character. He spoke like a true statesman when he said that “they should develop a keen interest in study and research, adopt innovative methods of teaching and, above all, set a standard for students with their own conduct. Doesn’t society have a right to expect this from our teachers”? The sooner the debate on educational reforms is initiated the better it would be for the country. But it should not be the kind of exercise undertaken by the HRD Ministry which generated more heat than light on how to make education more meaningful for students in the global village. The Amartya Sen model which lays emphasis on spreading the educational and healthcare network for balanced economic growth should be included in the agenda for the debate proposed by the Prime Minister.

NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
The missing back-up structure
by Poonam I. Kaushish

THE Vajpayee-led coalition government at the Centre is preening over the fact that by setting up the National Security Council it has fulfilled another promise made in its national agenda for governance. Admittedly, the Prime Minister’s idea is a step in the right direction. One cannot find fault with the NSC concept, or the urgency for one, in the backdrop of a fast deteriorating security environment in South-East Asia, particularly in India’s immediate neighbourhood. In fact, there is no dispute over New Delhi’s requirement for a national security doctrine. But the composition of the NSC, which the Prime Minister announced last week, raises serious doubts about its ability to deliver the goods.

Why? Three basic reasons come to one’s mind. One, because in the existing system of governance it is difficult for a four-tier set-up to define the fundamental national interests as they exist and as they can be projected in a time-frame of 15-20 years. Two, one wonders who will coordinate and who will monitor whom in this unwieldly group. Three, it will accelerate the ongoing bureaucratic-military confrontation on security policies and planning. It is bound to meet the same fate as the earlier security group which Rajiv Gandhi had constituted.

Not many remember today that the National Security Council idea was initially conceptualised by Rajiv Gandhi after he took over as the Prime Minister, and not by V.P. Singh, as is generally believed. On the advice of his buddy and Minister of State for Defence, Arun Singh, Rajiv Gandhi went into the issue in great depth. However, in their wisdom they did not call it the NSC, as they believed, as it would have raised the hackles of the Western powers and the hostile neighbours who could look at India with a suspicious eye. A low-profile set-up called the Policy Planning Group on National Security was proposed under the chairmanship of Rajiv Gandhi.

The group included Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, P.C. Alexander, Chief Ministers of Kerala and Assam Karunakaran and Hiteshwar Saikia, Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission Raja Ramanna, Director of the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses, K. Subramanyam, and the Cabinet Secretary, with R.K. Khandelwal, Chairman of the then Joint Intelligence Committee, as the Member-Secretary. But the set-up was eventually given an innocuous name of Inter-Disciplinary Group (IDG). Significantly, Pokhran-II was conceptualised by the IDG, a decision in which the then Army Chief, Gen K. Sundarji, was also involved.

Unfortunately, Rajiv Gandhi’s low profile “Security Council” was converted into a high profile jumbo-sized body by his successor, V.P. Singh, who, incidentally, was then Defence Minister and privy to the IDG and its working. However, it was completely overhauled, politicised and bureaucratised. Predictably, this large group proved to be an unmitigated disaster which got a quiet burial after its first meeting that turned out to be nothing more than an introductory get-together. Nonetheless, the NSC had captured the imagination of the political class, which used this as yet another whipping boy of the government of the day. Narasimha Rao resurrected it in name in the shape of periodic promises made in Parliament and outside.

The BJP, which had demanded the constitution of a National Security Council while in the opposition, decided to fulfil its desire on coming to power. In fact, Prime Minister Vajpayee started off well on this promise. Eager not to have a flop council a la V.P. Singh, he set up a task force to recommend how best the government could go about planning the National Security Council. The force was headed by former Defence Minister K.C. Pant, who was assisted, among others, by the Prime Minister’s close confidant Jaswant Singh. Ironically, the Prime Minister accepted and implemented only one of the several recommendations of the Pant Committee.

Clearly, the six-member NSC, headed by the Prime Minister and comprising the Ministers of Home, Defence, External Affairs and Finance and the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission, is no more than an incarnation of the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs. The CCPA is essentially the Inner Cabinet, as it is called in Britain. Senior ministers who enjoy the Prime Minister’s confidence are its members, and decide on all important issues, including those of war and peace. Remember, the British government fought the world wars through its CCPA.

The NSC lacks an independent secretariat and back-up structure. Instead, it has centralised decision-making in the Prime Minister’s Office, which has already got clogged with pending work. Its first blind spot is that the Prime Minister’s Principal Secretary, who has an overfull plate, will now be required to double up as the National Security Adviser. How, one wonders, will Brajesh Mishra find the time from his terribly busy schedule of overseeing the PMO and reporting personally to the Prime Minister every evening to apply his mind to the vexed questions of India’s security perceptions? Both are crucial full-time jobs which need undivided attention. No matter how shrewd and competent a part-time adviser is, an over-burdened person cannot successfully respond to the highly demanding requirements of managing national security in a fast-moving world.

More. No doubt, Satish Chandra, our man in Islamabad, is the right person to have been chosen as Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee. His credentials are impeccable. He is one of the most competent, knowledgeable and dedicated IFS officers. Earlier, he represented India ably at the UN in Geneva. However, will the NSC secretariat be nothing more than the JIC, as we know it? One of the cardinal principles in the decision-making process is not to mix up responsibilities for intelligence assessment and policy making. One requires the processing of information and the other stipulates its optimum use for arriving at a decision. Besides, instead of rectifying the ills that have crippled the JIC’s effective functioning, the Prime Minister has repeated the mistake of his predecessors.

Basically, the JIC was set up to be the hands-on agency in the sphere of intelligence gathering. But, like other “joint committees”, it has over the years been emasculated because the intelligence agencies seem quite happy with doing no more than conveying directly “hot” items of interest to their political masters in a bid to carry favour. The Director of the IB, the seniormost police officer, once had unfettered daily access to the Prime Minister. Now he meets him hardly once a week!

Over the years, the level of security has unfortunately registered a decline. Indeed, not one security agency seems capable of anticipating and taking pre-emptive action. Remember RAW’s botch-up in Bangladesh in 1975 over the Mujib affairs, and in Sri Lanka in 1987-88. Also, the IB’s shameful failure to act on the warning received in connection with the assassination plot against Rajiv Gandhi.

Sadly, the politicisation of the country’s intelligence set-up has greatly facilitated the functioning of foreign intelligence agencies in India. Not only has the ISI of Pakistan but also the CIA, etc, are festering here like water hyacinths. As it stands, the ISI has spread its tentacles all over the country — from Kashmir to Kerala and Maharashtra to Manipur. Never forget Dawood Ibrahim and his Ramesh Sharmas!

Besides, it does not need a covert operation or a great spy to unfold the reasons for the sticky intelligence mess the country finds itself in. The needle of suspicion rests on none but the politician. Since time immemorial, the government of the day has seriously eroded its efficacy through bureaucratic interference. This time round too the NSC bears the stamp of bureaucratic zeal all over it.

Said a senior defence personnel: “It is a bureaucratic set-up. They have simply created it to kill it in red-tapism. For them anything that does not suit them does not suit the nation. Besides, the NSC is not a constitutional or legislative body and can be wound up any time. It remains to be seen how soon it will be strangled to death.

Thus, the new NSC should encourage convergence and neutralise the divergences. Levers of diplomacy, trade, economic policy and, in the ultimate analysis, military power will have to be honed for the purpose. These will, of course, have to work under the strategic plan to ensure that there is no dissonance within the system itself. This plan will be able to reveal in advance what aims and goals are feasible and what kind of a national effort and resource allocation strategy is required to meet potential challenges.

Finally, it is time the powers that be stopped dithering and playing the fool with national security. — INFA

For educational reforms
by J. N. Puri

THE twentieth century, more than any other period in human history, has witnessed tremendous progress in science, technology, space, outer space, medicine and telecommunications. But the sum total of human happiness, peace, tranquillity and harmony has been in inverse proportion to all the material advances. That is because equal emphasis has not been laid on moral upgrading as it has been on material progress.

Swami Vivekananda said: “Education is not the amount of information that is put in your brain and runs riot there undigested all your life. We must have life-building, man-making, character making and assimilation of ideas. If education is identical with information, libraries are the greatest sages of the world and encyclopaedias are rishis”. Swamiji also said that a man who has extensive learning without wisdom is like a pack of animal which only knows the weight but not the value of the sandalwood it carries. Therefore, what is needed is to make education a tool for the development of social and moral values relevant to human society vis-a-vis animal and flora and fauna kingdom on our planet earth.

The history of civilisations is nothing but the story of man marching from bestial life to an orderly and harmonious life, enjoying peace, progress and comfort. Religions appeared from time to time and preached morality, harmony, love, charity, kindness, compassion, sacrifice and devotion to duty as correct conduct of the individual. Religions called upon their followers to abjure violence and falsehood, dacoity and robbery, cheating and covetousness, selfishness and so on. Thus religions are supposed to shape human behaviour in such a way that people could live in peace, happiness and harmony with their fellow beings and devote themselves to the pursuit of art, science and culture on the one hand and socio-economic upliftment on the other.

Moral and ethical values have been enumerated by Lord Krishna in the Bhagavad-Gita. In Chapter XII, Shlokas 13 and 14, Lord Krishna says, “One who is without hatred or ill-will towards any being, friendly, compassionate, without ego and arrogance, even-minded in pain and pleasure, forgiving and always contented, is dear to me.”

Mahatma Gandhi summed up ethical values in two words: Satya (Truth) and Ahimsa (Non-Violence), in their widest sense. There is no dearth of precepts of human values. Yet modern education makes no efforts to inculcate them in the students and other seekers of knowledge. Nothing is done today in our educational institutions to instil morality and virtues in their students. In a plural society like ours, with many religions, castes, creeds and faiths, education should foster universal and eternal values oriented towards the unity and integrity of the nation. It should fight against religious fanaticism, violence, exploitation and injustice.

Our education should concern itself with the development of a total person. That is what Swami Vivekananda called man-making education. One should be taught to rationalise events and situations without bias or prejudice, and with an equipoise bereft of dogmatism or surrender to sudden spurts of emotions. He is truly educated who can sacrifice his selfish, personal interests for the sake of the country and the people, and thus promote peace and harmony among fellow human beings. But in this country political leaders have only tried to politicalise all walks of life only for their aggrandisement and ultimately for enjoying the loaves and fishes themselves.

A great deal of the responsibility for improvement in our education system rests on teachers. Our society has always placed the guru (teacher) on the same pedestal with Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshvara. The guru is supposed to teach more by his own examples than by precepts. With the changes in society, that venerable teacher has now practically disappeared. Replacement of those great teachers by teachers with dedication towards the development of the pupils, able to identify the latent talents in them and to bring them out and encourage their growth, is the need of the hour. But with the increase in corruption, even the teaching profession is not free from political corruption at all levels. We have teachers who have their political links to politicalise children and youth. But, on the other hand, we cannot even give spiritual education in our schools as it is considered unconstitutional.

We can admire the tremendous progress that India has made in industry, science and technology. We have put satellites into space, achieved nuclear capabilities, mastered missile technology, etc. We are far ahead of any developing country. But these are only partial successes. As an English poet said, “Vain is your science, vain your art, your triumphs and glories, Vain to feed the hunger of the heart and the famine of the brain.” Education will, therefore, be complete only when it inculcates moral values in the pupil and ennobles his mind and heart. In short, we should spiritualise education.

Old faithful
by Bimal Bhatia

“YOU are living in a different world,” said my former battery commander, when I told him I intended to buy a residential plot with an advance I had just taken from my provident fund. So, with a glazed look and a Rs 30,000 cheque in my pocket I might have looked a bit depressed.

“Why don’t you buy my car instead,” he offered cheerfully. It was an Ambassador, 1972 model, and indeed in fine shape. Spotlessly clean and with an immaculate upholstery, he set it rolling with just a push of his right hand to demonstrate its superb maintenance. Then he switched the ignition but the engine failed to come to life. “It’s already started,” declared my former boss with measured aplomb, deriving pleasure from the noiseless engine, as he put it in gear.

But the price tag was Rs 35,000. My wife and I admired the car and thanked the Colonel expressing our inability to shell out that sum but he held us back. “You can pay the balance later,” he conceded, since he needed to sell off the car urgently for his house instalment due shortly.

So, instead of buying a plot we drove back in our newly-acquired sahara white Ambassador. That was eight years ago.

With no garage at Udhampur where we went next, torrential rains hammered the car from outside while signs of neglect surfaced within arising mainly due to my excessive preoccupation in office. The car be damned, I consoled myself as I engaged with added determination to my work which seemed to provide no respite in those days of heightened insurgency in the valley.

By the time we left Udhampur I seriously doubted the jalopy’s ability to carry the family up to Chandigarh where it would be overhauled. After incessant rains the causeways on the Jammu-Pathankot highway were flooded, holding up vehicles by the roadside. Only an adventurous bus driver attempted to run his vehicle through the causeway submerged under a torrent of gushing water.

Mustering some courage I took the car to the edge of the road where it disappeared under the surging water and pressed on the gas. As we edged forward the waters reached for our windows and the far side seemed too distant. Then the car came to an abrupt stop just two metres short of the causeway’s end.

With two cheering girls and a badly shaken wife inside the car whose bonnet was by now exuding steam, the gathered villagers heaved it to safety. They refused a handsome tip, probably in return for the spectacle they had just witnessed. Then I told my wife about how, many years back, a Brigadier seeing the causeway in spate got on to a tank transporter to negotiate the obstacle. The tank transporter along with the Brigadier was washed away. Not until we were nearing Pathankot did my wife start to speak to me again.

In Pune most kids in the neighbourhood took a liking to our car, which had by now been freshly painted. Two of them even practised their alphabets on its bonnet.

Now, with a rash of new models due to hit the roads, there was a demand from my girls to replace the rattletrap.

I asked them not to feel small about their dad not owning one of those sleek models. And to illustrate, I told them about Wilson Mizner, the American writer and wit. At a Hollywood premiere the important limousines kept drawing up in front of the marquee. Then came a dilapidated Ford and from it, in sophisticated dress, stepped Mizner. He threw the keys at the parking attendant who eyed Mizner’s claptrap with contempt. “What should I do with it?” he asked. “Keep it,” said Mizner and strode into the theatre.

For the sahara white Ambassador, now the girls say “keep it” — there’s a special bonding with it.

Will Congress-Left lineup overcome hurdles?

by P. Raman

A RATHER curious aspect of the Congress-Left dialogue has been the unusual noise and hypocrisy with which every interested party has responded to the move. Every one knows that if the two old political foes are moving closer, it has only been the logical culmination of present-day politics. Still no one — the Congress negotiators at the Centre and the embarrassed followers in the Left-ruled states as well as the Left — wants to immediately admit it.

Even Pranab Mukherjee is forced to declare that there was no move to form a government with Left support. By no means, this is not due to the shrill protests from Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee or his party. Vajpayee’s over-reaction only highlights his misplaced nervousness at the prospects of a post-poll opposition line-up against his government. This kind of what is repeatedly described as destabilisation, plot or marriage of convenience have been part of our democratic system. Every political party, including the BJP, Congress, Left and the regional outfits, has frequently indulged in this pastime. It is a perfectly legitimate right under the parliamentary system.

However, in terms of political morality, there exists a wide gulf between a ‘gang-up’ to topple a ministry on the floor of the House and the one to cobble up a hotchpotch coalition of disparate elements. The latter amounts to real instability, and is more subversive. A coalition, regardless of the number of constituents, in itself is not imperfect or unstable than a single-party government with two-thirds majority. It is the ideological and programmatic homogeneity and an honest understanding about power-sharing that are more vital for the survival of a coalition. A coalitional culture has to be built up over a period of time on the basis of mutual accommodation.

The secret of the record survival of the Left coalitions has been neither due to the domineering position of the leading partner, as some quarters argue, nor the “ability” of the leader. The alliance partners will have to invariably shed many inhibitions and abandon the practice of pressing personal agenda and partisan programmes without consensus. The new turn in Congress-Left relations has to be viewed in this context. The Left, especially the two Communist parties which form its mainstay, already seem reconciled to such an arrangement with their own safeguards. On their part, they have evolved the rule of the game and set the maximum limits to which they could go for compromise.

The problem for the Congress has been that barring the Kerala experience, it is yet to acquire coalitional culture and expertise. A section of its leaders still live in the nostalgic days of its imperious domination despite the fact that it is now left with only Madhya Pradesh and Orissa. This Sultani mindset had prevented the Congress from negotiating with the outfits led by Jayalalitha or Ramakrishna Hegde on the eve of this year’s Lok Sabha poll which had turned the tables in favour of the BJP. In this era of fragmented polity, some of these leaders are yet to adjust with coalitions at the Centre.

The Congress-Left lineup, which now seems inevitable, will face three kinds of hurdles — resistance from both sides in the Left-ruled states, differences on economic policies, etc. and institutional incompatibilities. Since the two parties are the main contestants in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, there is little scope for compromise at the local level. Leaders of both sides have made it clear that even if an understanding is reached for cooperation at the Centre, the two rivals would continue to fight against each other as fiercely as before. Apparently, the winner will rule the state with the vanquished taking the role of an aggressive opposition.

Any compromise at the state level, electoral or otherwise, would amount to yielding the opposition space to other parties. The problem for the Congress is more in West Bengal than Kerala. In the former, the Congress will have to take into account the shrill anti-Left protests of Mamata Banerjee which could carry away more of its ranks to her side. To an extent, this has already occurred. In Kerala, the Congress men do not have such a viable anti-Left alternative. This will enable them to better adjust to the novel concept of fighting at the state level while cooperating at the central level.

While as a political concept this is going to be a difficult experiment for any party, its success cannot be totally ruled out. After all, a similar situation existed for a year and a half, when the Congress extended outside support to the UF at the Centre. During the period, the anti-Congressism of the Left and the anti-Leftism of the Congress did not diminish. Instead of merging identities and working at tandem, both sides had reasserted themselves against each other at the state level. Under BJP rule, the Left and Congress had at times found opportunities to simultaneously, but not jointly, assail several decisions of the BJP Government at the Centre even while heightening their mutual acrimony. In the assembly, friendly questions were asked and answered on the BJP actions.

Earlier, the Congress had to suffer the humiliation of supporting a coalition from the outside without sharing power. “Now the party is in a commanding position to force the other non-BJP opposition to support it. A senior Congress strategist who is associated with the talks with “like-minded” parties, say that despite initial resistance, the partymen would soon realise the advantages of getting support from parties like the Left. If the Congress could make appropriate ideological and programmatic adjustments — as P. Chidambaram did — the Left could be a dependable ally. They had stood by V.P. Singh even after his own men deserted him. This has been the case with Deve Gowda as well.

The Congress-Left dialogue is part of a move for a broader non-BJP coalition at the Centre. This also marks increasing realisation in the Congress that its hopes for one-party rule would remain a far cry in the forseeable future. There is no uncertainty about the following aspects of the likely scenario. First, the Left will not join the government led by the Congress. It will provide issue-based support which will depend on the kind of interaction by the Congress side. The maximum the Left will go is up to a floor coordination beginning with an informal kind. There will not be any joint action outside Parliament.

Second, even while extending qualified support to the government, the Left parties would not enter into any electoral alliance, overt or covert. This has been their approach to the BJP during the National Front days. According to them, after the Congress itself has shrunk, anti-Congressism has lost much of its relevance.

Third, they have already begun efforts for reactivating the UF. They visualise a better arrangement with the new Congress leadership, which, they think, is more mature and dependable than the uncertain days of brinkmanship under Sitaram Kesri.

Fourth, both the Congress and the Left anticipate a sharp divergence of views on economic policies and approach to the poor. Though both have their own commitments in this regard, they also cite a few silver linings. In this regard, it is hoped that the UF’s common minimum programme could still form the basis for a consensus. Though the Congress has not been a signatory to it, the party had, by and large, expressed agreement with its contents. It could now be suitably updated. Another favourable aspect has been the change in the entire economic thinking following the collapse of the “Asian Tigers” which was being projected as the sole model for India.

This is expected to create a more conducive atmosphere for adjustments and compromises on controversial issues. Even the IMF and the World Bank have begun taking divergent views. In any case, there is a relaxed mood in the matter of following outside prescriptions. After bitter experiences with the Tigers, yesteryear’s ardent advocates of reform have begun distinguishing between FDI and foreign money flow in the form of share purchases. Now they concede that India was able to escape the Asian epidemic due to its refusal to effect the full convertibility of rupee. Similarly, the sudden relevance attributed to Amartya Sen’s emphasis on human side of reform will also have a sobering effect.

However, several controversial issues on which the Left and the Congress will find themselves on opposite poles, are bound to emerge. Even in the case of the common minimum programme there has been a perpetual clash between Chidambaram on the one side and the Left and their friends on the other in the matter of interpretation and implementation of several points. On rare occasions, the Left had also threatened to vote against certain government measures which, they argued, went against the CMP. Similar situations will emerge again and again as many controversial economic decisions are still pending.

The consequences of such controversies could be minimised if the Congress itself takes the initiative to evolve a healthy dispute resolution mechanism if and when the alternative emerges. It is often forgotten that with all the differences and lack of leadership, the UF had far less open threats and challenges from the partners than the present setup. This has been largely due to the important role played by the UF’s two liaison panels, including the powerful steering committee. Initially, Gowda was too obsessed with his Prime Ministerial prerogatives. But later he came to his senses by allowing an arbiter’s role for the high-powered UF panels.

The Congress, too, will have to evolve an effective machinery, formal or informal, for consensus on all issues. It will have to shed its imperious attitude and coterie style of functioning, to suit the coalition practices. The real meaning of the ongoing dialogue is the readiness on the part of the Congress to head a complex coalition.

Poll time — when shortages disappear

DELHIITES never had it so good. It is polling time and the government has magically reformed itself to put on its best face. Pot-holed roads are being repaired at a hectic pace and the entire city wears a brand new look. Long hours of electricity cuts and dry taps are a thing of the past. This is not the only surprise.

Early last week, harried citizens were pleasantly jolted to see prices of expensive vegetables crash. Along with rationed onions at Rs 10 per kg, they found that the prices of half a dozen other vegetables had been slashed. Potatoes were being sold at a more realistic level of Rs 9 per kg and cauliflowers at Rs 10. It is said that the traders of the city, the traditional supporters of the BJP, have joined hands to rescue their friendly government.

Wholesale traders of commodities like edible oils, wheat flour and vegetables turned retailers and offered their goods at original prices. Consumers are naturally happy but whether this new trend will have a bearing on the elections is yet to be seen.

Appreciating the government gesture, voters are still sceptical. Citizens feel that the traders have made enough money at their cost all these days and the change of heart will be short-lived. Once the elections are over, the traders will be at their old ways and they are bound to jack up the prices again, is the popular reaction.

BJP gets sympathy on attack

That politicians irrespective of which party they belong to think alike became clear when a group of senior Congress leaders expressed sympathy with the BJP for the manner in which the fiery Trinamool Congress leader, Ms Mamata Banerjee, is badgering its ally, the BJP.

Ms Banerjee, who refuses to withdraw her resignation from the Coordination Committee of BJP and its allies, did not mince words on some issues like the Babri Masjid demolition and ‘Saraswati Vandana’ episode.

So much so, while she continued her attack against the hardliners in the BJP, Ms Banerjee reiterated that Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee was a nice man.

Hearing her blowing hot and cold, a senior Congress leader from Uttar Pradesh remarked: “What sort of an ally is she. At least Mamata should have reserved her outbursts till after the Assembly polls”.

Incidentally, the leader happened to be a victim of BJP’s realpolitik in India’s largest state and is still smarting under the blow.

Khalsa event grant

Though there is no controversy, the Election Commission, it is understood, has sought a report on the recent decision of the Union Government to announce a Rs 100-crore grant for the Khalsa foundation celebration.

The grant was announced earlier this month, after a meeting of the national committee headed by the Prime Minister.

While most political parties decided to look askance considering the significance of the celebrations, there have been murmurs about the timing of the announcements —weeks before the assembly elections due in four states and also few byelections.

In fact, the Congress had mentioned that it was for the Election Commission to find out if there was any violation of the model code of conduct while it chose to welcome such grants for occasions.

It is learnt the EC decided to seek a report and found out that the matter of celebrations was under consideration for a long time.

Reading from text catches on

The Congress President, Mrs Sonia Gandhi’s penchant for reading from a prepared text, it seems, is now seeping into the rest of the party.

Over the past few weeks, Congress spokespersons have increasingly resorted to reading out from the prepared text every day at routine briefings. And for the benefit of television networks they go bilingual, repeating their statements in Hindi. Yet again the spokespersons read on.

As a wag commented, maybe the official spokespersons have taken a cue from their chief, read on so that there is no scope for blaming others for a ‘misquote’.

Onions BJP’s biggest challenge?

The government does not know its onions is the general perception amongst the common man. But even ministers in the Vajpayee Government are acknowledging it these days.

For instance, the other day, the Union Food Minister, Mr Surjit Singh Barnala, said despite the government doing its best to contain the prices of essential commodities, the bulbous vegetable had got them by the throat. Mr Barnala explained that the government’s main worry till now was to keep the prices of commodities like wheat, rice and sugar under control.

And in this regard they had been successful. Prudent import policies and apt marketing techniques had ensured that their prices were stable throughout the country and supplies were there in abundance. “Everything went on smoothly for us. I don’t know how this pungent thing (onions) surfaced and put us in trouble,” the minister acknowledged.

Mr Barnala’s observation assumes significance as opinion polls show that the BJP is facing its biggest challenge not from the Opposition but onions.

Will poll pundits be right?

Which way is the wind blowing in Delhi? Various surveys are being conducted to gauge the voters’ mood. One does not know about the efficacy of these surveys: whether their findings will be ultimately reflected in the electoral tally. However, this time political spin-doctors are being overtaken by home-grown jibes. One such writing on the wall of a middle class colony in South Delhi was rather amusing. It interpreted the Bharatiya Janata Party’s abbreviation to denote “Bijli (electricity), jal (water), pyaaj (onions)” and lamented about the shortage of each of these items.

The Congress may be happy with the above formulation but its success, if any, will not be due to its own credit but perhaps due to the following observation of a local political pundit: the election in Delhi is between BJP and the “Janata” (people) of Delhi. And the Congress, like the proverbial monkey who benefited from the fight between two cats, may be the ultimate gainer.

(Contributed by T.V. Lakshminarayan, K.V. Prasad and P.N. Andley)

75 YEARS AGO

The late Pandit Rambhaj Dutt Chaudhri

PANDIT Rambhaj Dutt Chaudhri, whose sad and premature death the province is mourning, filled so big a space in the public life of the province for nearly a quarter of a century that it is hard to believe that he is really no more.

It was, indeed, known that the Pandit had been keeping very indifferent health for some time past, which necessitated a suspension of all his public activities; and that a few months back he was operated upon by Rai Bahadur Dr Hira Lal for a carbuncular abscess, which formed inside his throat.

Everyone, however, thought that the wonderful mental and physical vitality of the Pandit would get over these ailments, and that he would be soon restored to his normal health and take his exalted place in the public life of the Province.

But this was not to be. Another operation for carbuncle, which was recently performed at Massoori, left the Pandit indeed very low and he passed away peacefully in his Himalayan retreat. The familiar and impressive personality is now still in death. The voice that range out to thousands of people on hundreds of public platforms is now hushed in silence for ever.