tribuneindia... Editorial

	E D I T O R I A L P A G E	Wednesday, July 22, 1998
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On the right track
The importance of the ongoing dialogue between the US Deputy Secretary of State, Mr Strobe Talbott, and the Prime Minister's special envoy, Mr Jaswant Singh, lies in the atmosphere of cordiality it has been able to generate between India and America. ..
Power shocks
Financial pundits tell you that there are no free lunches. Political sages give two hoots for such mumbo-jumbo...
Bihar: beyond dead end
Where the law of the jungle prevails, social or legislative order disappears like drops of rain getting lost in the hot sand thrown up by the "maili" Ganga across Digha Ghat in Patna. Mr Deo Narayan is incidentally a Yadav...

Jinxed Women's Bill
by S. Sahay
It is still not clear what gave the Vajpayee government the confidence that it could successfully introduce the Women Reservation Bill in the Lok Sabha...
War of words with judges
From Barry Lowe
in Hong Kong
Punches were thrown outside Hong Kong’s high court in June in the latest flare-up of a dispute that has pitted the local news media against the judiciary...

''
'No plan to topple BJP govt'
While his lesser contemporaries of the 1969 Congress split have either faded into the pages of history or been dumped into political obscurity, the octogenarian three-time Chief Minister of Kerala K. Karunakaran continues to hog the limelight and retains a place for himself at the centre-stage. A freewheeling chat with
K. Vaidyanathan of Newscribe...

75 years ago

SGPC :the general elections
AMRITSAR: The general elections of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee will be held soon. Any ‘Amritdhari’ man or woman, not less than 18 years old, can be registered as a voter on payment of a fee of four annas...

On the right track
The importance of the ongoing dialogue between the US Deputy Secretary of State, Mr Strobe Talbott, and the Prime Minister's special envoy, Mr Jaswant Singh, lies in the atmosphere of cordiality it has been able to generate between India and America. This in itself is an important step forward since the ties between the two countries had gone sour after the Pokhran blasts on May 11 and 13. The latest round of discussions in New Delhi was the third in the series after those at Washington and Frankfurt. The fourth round of talks is scheduled to take place in the second half of August. India and the USA have still a long way to go. Looking at the divergent views of the two countries on several sensitive matters, a breakthrough will not be easy. Much will depend on American attitude. What is, however, noteworthy is that the dialogue is moving on the "right track" and is said to be "constructive" and "positive in tone". In a way, the talks so far have been exploratory in nature, with each side stating its position in clear and categorical terms. The problem with Indo-American relations is that Washington has been indifferent to Indian sensitivities. The USA has overlooked the fact that Indian defence and nuclear capability is based on its threat perception vis-a-vis China and Pakistan. It is, therefore, necessary for US policy-makers to stop equating India with Pakistan. They should also stop thinking that India is some Central American banana republic which will be cowed down by threats.
There are, however, positive straws in the wind. There seems to be some appreciation of India's compulsion and the position it has taken on the CTBT and other related matters. True, India will have to play its card very carefully in the coming weeks. For this, Indian diplomacy will have to evolve a clear strategy with specified goals. It is no secret that New Delhi in the past lost considerable negotiating leverage since it did not appear to be moving on the basis of a well-considered strategy. We expect Washington to appreciate the fact that the China-Pakistan axis is a major factor in India's "strategic calculus". The USA also must acknowledge the problems created by terrorist violence engineered by Pakistan. In fact, any dialogue with Pakistan will be futile unless it stops its terrorist activity in Jammu and Kashmir. This point was effectively hammered at by former Prime Minister I.K. Gujral when the US delegation met him on Monday. Equally vital from Indian point of view is Washington's fair play. Any discrimination between India and Pakistan in the enforcement of sanctions will only be counter-productive.
It is necessary that India and the USA should begin to appreciate each other's position and try to reconcile the sharply divergent views. This is surely a difficult task but not impossible. Much will depend on American attitude. Washington would do well to remember that its attempts to force the Kashmir issue back on the international agenda have the potential "to unravel" the entire framework of talks going on between the two countries. Perhaps, the USA is looking at the Kashmir issue as a lever to force Indian concessions on the nuclear issue. But it would be sensible for the USA "to unbundle" the nuclear and Kashmir issues. If the USA is able to keep aside the Kashmir issue, it will be possible to achieve a breakthrough in strategic areas. It is for Washington to make Pakistan see reason and encourage New Delhi and Islamabad to sort out the Kashmir question bilaterally in accordance with the Simla agreement. An understanding and responsive America can indeed change the dynamics of relations in South Asia and put Indo-US ties on an even keel. Viewed in this light, the next round of talks in Washington will be crucial.

Power shocks
Financial pundits tell you that there are no free lunches. Political sages give two hoots for such mumbo-jumbo. They know for sure that free lunches are an integral part of electoral nirvana. So they organise not only free lunches but also subsidised lunches and unauthorised lunches, for themselves as well as for the targeted masses. Those who partake of the feast are supposed to give their blessings on the election day. There is a problem though. If you invite one section for such favours, you end up annoying all others who are excluded. That is what has been happening all over the country on the power front. State after State — read Chief Minister after Chief Minister — has sought to win over the farmers and others by offering electricity either at below-generation-cost price or totally free as in Punjab. This may have done wonders for the prospects of the generous parties but has played havoc with the finances of the electricity boards, most of which are in the red. Whenever they make an attempt to increase power tariff, there is a hue and cry by other sections who feel that they are being burdened not only for the "largesse" showered on the farmers but also for the mismanagement and inefficiency of the boards. The industry in Punjab is crying blue murder following the 33 per cent increase announced from July 20. Since the farm sector has been exempted from the hike, an undercurrent of jealousy is growing against it. The issue is so sensitive that the electricity board's protestations that this hike comes after two years cut no ice. Everyone agrees that in this period, the cost of various inputs has gone up sky high but nobody is willing to pay more. And why should they? If the government is willing to succumb to one influential lobby, it might very well do so in the case of the others. If it does not, well, there is always the Brahmastra of a total strike.
All this is a natural corollary of competitive appeasement. Realisation has to dawn on the country as a whole that popular concessions are not the same thing as populist sops. If you keep on giving something gratis, there will be no end to it. That is what has happened in various so-called VIP constituencies. The best example was Amethi in Rajiv Gandhi's time. While the rest of Uttar Pradesh was reeling under water and electricity shortages, the people of this constituency enjoyed these facilities round the clock. Were they contented? Not at all. Most of the people interviewed by a national magazine at that time complained that water and electricity were not given to them free! Things are no different in Punjab where power is free for farmers whose land holding is below a certain size. Their trouble is of a different kind. They are never too sure whether they would get power supply when they need it. The worst part is that when they approach lower-level electricity board officials for redressal of their grievances, they are told to go and get electricity from Badal Saheb. Wouldn't they have been better off with assured power supply at a reasonable rate rather than having to take recourse to diesel generators? It is high time all electricity boards were run like professional, autonomous bodies instead of being treated as hand-maidens of the parties in power.

Bihar: beyond dead end
Where the law of the jungle prevails, social or legislative order disappears like drops of rain getting lost in the hot sand thrown up by the "maili" Ganga across Digha Ghat in Patna. Mr Deo Narayan is incidentally a Yadav. He is coincidentally the reigning chief of the Legislative Assembly. Try to visualise this quiet rural man leaving the Speaker's exalted seat in panic, rushing into his chamber and hiding in the ante-room. Think of a bunch of Janata Dal MLAs running behind him and gesticulating menacingly. What is the provocation? One of the new JD legislators has not been given a posh house and "taam jhaam" (the paraphernalia which is more a part of the exhibitionist status symbol than a component of security) post haste. Mr Deo Narayan Yadav is not the only Speaker to have received such treatment from "honourable" members of the "august" House. Some of his predecessors have been insulted more grotesquely. Even Governors reading their ritualistic addresses have not been spared. So why mourn Deo Narayan Babu's fate? He is facing a no-confidence motion and the hoodlums who were pursuing him hotly are rejoicing. The de facto Chief Minister, Mr Laloo Prasad Yadav, is in the company of the other man of his ilk, Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav. They are railing and ranting in Delhi with Mr Shibu Soren of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and his 18 MLAs. The dummy Chief Minister, Mrs Rabri Devi, thunders in full view of senior Ministers like Mr Jagatanand Singh and Mr Upendra Prasad Verma —both known for their dignified behaviour and maturity: "Let the Centre have the courage to impose President's rule.... Any such move will be countered. An explosive situation would arise if any attempt is made to harass Mr Laloo Prasad Yadav and his party's government".
Those who describe the situation in the state as "anarchic" are silenced. Those who talk of Article 356 of the Constitution are jeered at (such persons include not only legislators but also the Governor, who has already sent his "factual report" to the President and the Home Minister). People have been robbed of their right to life. Former Minister Brij Bihari Prasad and his bodyguard were killed in the exploding city; Prasad was in the government's protective custody. Ajit Sarkar, an MLA belonging to the CPM, was shot dead just 18 hours after the murder of Prasad. The Samata Party MLA from Gobindganj is among the six persons accused of taking the life of Prasad. The BJP's writ does not run beyond the Governor's House. Besides unmitigated poverty and the gigantic problems of caste feuds and unemployment, one has to tread paths stained by the blood of innocent villagers. There is much more to the state's problems than meets the eye. Bihar is like a prisoner of misfortune dragging his shackles and being impelled into an uncertain future. More than 85 million people are at risk. Political creatures of all hues are busy making their coffers full. Will President Narayanan act and salvage whatever is left of Bihar's culture and traditionally civilised socio-political system? The loss of the hapless territory, derisively described as "once the land of the Buddha but now that of the Buddhu (the fool)", is the loss of the whole nation.

Jinxed Women's Bill
Will the govt pursue the agenda?
by S. Sahay
It is still not clear what gave the Vajpayee government the confidence that it could successfully introduce the Women Reservation Bill in the Lok Sabha. The most charitable interpretation would be that Mr Vajpayee had assured women MPs and others that he would introduce the Bill in the current session of Parliament and he tried to do just precisely that. Perhaps he wanted to throw the onus of the failure of the Bill to the parties in the Opposition. Perhaps he had taken heart from the fact that Mrs Sonia Gandhi was in favour of the adoption of the Bill in the form the government chose to propose, that is to provide for 33 per cent reservation in Parliament and the state legislatures for women, without going in for reservation within reservation for women belonging to the other backward classes and to Muslims.
Clearly, neither Mr Vajpayee nor Mrs Sonia Gandhi had done their homework. They had not given the members of their parliamentary parties an opportunity to express their points of view and arrive at a consensus. The result was that even Mrs Sonia Gandhi, who is inclined to issue fiats which she expects her partymen to unquestionably obey, was compelled to call a meeting of the Congress parliamentary party in which the majority of the members who spoke on the subject had reservations on the Bill as being sought to be present by the ruling coalition.
The latest position appears to be that even the Congress is not averse to reservations for the OBCs, even Muslims. And the Scheduled Castes and Tribes leaders ask for reservations of their women too, apart from the reservations already granted to these sections of society by the Constitution.
The Muslims want reservations for Muslim women, for which the BJP is simply not prepared because it feels that reservations based on religion will lead to undesirable consequences.
Two Congress MPs, Mr Kapil Sibal, and Mr Ranganath Mishra, former Chief Justice of India, made the relevant point that the Constitution does provide for special treatment being accorded to women and children and to the Scheduled Castes and Tribes but there is no such provision for the Other Backward Classes. The two legal experts suggested that the Supreme Court’s advisory opinion be sought before the Bill is introduced in Parliament, especially because reservation for women in the panchayats has already been challenged and the issue is pending before the court.
Legally, it makes sense, but politically it does not. Must unsolved political problems be shifted to the apex court for finding out a workable solution? Already Vishwa Hindu Parishad leaders are expressing their determination to build a temple in Ayodhya, irrespective of the legal outcome of the cases now being heard by the courts. Mr Narasimha Rao sought the apex court’s advisory opinion on the subject, and the court very correctly declined to do so. However, an essential political problem continues to be the baby of the judiciary.
The gradual shift on the question of reservations may be noted. The Constitution-makers rejected reservations, especially on grounds of religion. However, they did make special provisions for the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Seats were reserved for them in Parliament and the state legislatures but only for 10 years in the hope that by then these disadvantaged classes would catch up with the rest of society. Clearly, it was too optionistic a calculation and the Constitution had to be amended again and again, in order to extend this period. The Scheduled Castes and Tribes, especially their leaders, have developed such a vested interest in it that no political party can think of terminating this provision.
It was Mr Rajiv Gandhi who was keen on according constitutional status to the gram panchayats, and he wanted to provide a quota for women in the panchayats. He could not see the scheme through. The thread was picked up by Mr Narasimha Rao. Gram Panchayats did get firm constitutional recognition, and seats were reserved for women.
The whole agitation had been continuing for according reservation in jobs for the Other Backward Classes. The result was the Mandal report. It was more or less pigeon-holed, until Mr Vishwanath Pratap Singh suddenly resurrected it in order to fight his opponents in the ruling combination over which he presided. This caused bloodshed in society, but the idea caught on and the Mandal report was not only implemented but also got judicial approval too, though with the qualification that no more than 50 per cent of the jobs could be reserved for the OBCs. This itself is a sore point with the parties because in some states job reservations already exceed this limit.

However, there was never any active move to fix a quota for the OBCs in Parliament and the state legislatures. Since the OBCs constitute the majority, population wise, they cannot claim reservations in Parliament and the state legislatures — whoever heard of reservations for the majority in any democracy? — but their leaders see in the Women Reservation Bill an opportunity to seek reservations within reservations, for their women. They argue that reservation for women in Parliament and the state legislatures is nothing but a plot to deny them their due because only educated and shrill women of the higher castes can hope to get elected, thereby affecting the presence of the OBCs in Parliament and the state legislatures.
The argument is not very convincing. We have opted for adult franchise in this country and it is because of precisely this system that the backward and disadvantaged classes are increasingly finding a place in Parliament and the state legislatures. In the numbers games, those constituting a sizable block have better prospects than others. Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav and Mr Laloo Yadav know it only too well and hence they have come together in order to present not only a new alternative to the Congress and the BJP but also to ensure that they do not suffer in the event of 180 seats in Parliament going compulsorily to women.
Both the BJP and the Congress are worried over the OBCs growing in strength as a bloc. They do not want to alienate this vote bank.
Therefore, the chances are that either the Women’s Bill will not be actively pursued or, if it is, the demands of the OBC leaders for reservation within reservations will be considered. Since the men, irrespective of the parties to which they belong, do not relish the idea of over 180 seats being reserved for women, one should not be surprised if the BJP does not actively pursue the agenda in the near future, Mr Madan Lal Khurana’s plan to introduce the Bill notwithstanding. The ground for this has been laid by the BJP arguing that the initiative now lies with the Speaker, while the latter reportedly thinks that the initiative still rests with the government.

War of words with judges
From Barry Lowe in Hong Kong
Punches were thrown outside Hong Kong’s high court in June in the latest flare-up of a dispute that has pitted the local news media against the judiciary. Scuffles broke out during the final stages of a trial of a newspaper executive who was convicted of criminal contempt relating to scathing attacks on judges which had been published in his newspaper.
Clashes involving newspaper workers left one press photographer injured, while the police arrested another man for assault.
The case is symptomatic of the deteriorating relationship between the media and the judiciary in Hong Kong. Links have been strained since the former British colony reverted to Chinese sovereignty last year amid fears that its relatively free Press would be shackled by its new communist masters.
Wong Yeung-ng, a former Chief Editor of the Oriental Press group, was convicted of criminal contempt by the Court of First Instance over a long-running confrontation between the newspaper group and the courts. The Oriental Daily News, the flagship title of Oriental Press and one of the territory’s most popular daily journals, ran a strongly worded campaign against the judiciary following what it claimed were unjust legal rulings against it.
The newspaper’s campaign included strident editorials that described some judges as “swinish”.

In convicting Wong, who is now company controller of Oriental Press, the judges declared the newspaper group guilty of undermining faith in the justice system.
The decision was Hong Kong’s first successful prosecution for criminal contempt and was based on charges that Wong and “scandalised the court” and “interfered with the administration of justice as a continuing process”.
Wong faces a possible prison sentence and his company faces a huge legal bill if the prosecution’s costs are awarded against it.
The decision against Oriental Press has prompted the group’s chairman, Ma Ching-kwan, to resign his post, saying he would now be seeking opportunities abroad. “I think that the present situation in Hong Kong could not allow me to further develop, therefore I have to find somewhere else,” he said.
He is believed to be planning to move to Australia, where he has extensive property interests. Ma, a dynamic and often colourful figure in the Hong Kong media industry for the past decade, has been replaced as company chairman by his brother, Ma Ching-fat.
The Oriental Daily’s confrontation with the judiciary reached a head earlier this year when the newspaper assigned a team of photographers to shadow Justice Gerald Godfrey. This was after the judge had rejected a bid by Oriental Press to take a rival newspaper, Apple Daily, to the Court of Final Appeal over a dispute involving the reproduction of photographs of a pop star.
A key issue in the case involved the role of photographers, and the Oriental Daily said it wanted Justice Godfrey to understand what the term paparazzi meant.
The paper also attacked members of Hong Kong’s Obscene Articles Tribunal after a ruling was made against the journal. It published an editorial in which it called tribunal members “mangy yellow-skinned dogs”.

A further example of the vitriolic language that has marked this case was cited in the Court of First Instance decision against Wong. A reader’s letter published in the Oriental Daily was read out to illustrate how the newspaper was undermining public respect for the judiciary. “Someone has torn off (the judges’) designer briefs that conceal their deficiencies and exposed the ringworm, scabies and syphilis that they have hidden under their solemn black gowns,” said the letter.
While the Oriental Daily has been at the forefront of the media’s confrontation with the courts, it is not the only local newspaper to criticise judges. South China Morning Post ran a campaign last year against some judges’ practice of restricting media access to certain trials, including some involving prominent people.
The Chinese-language Press has consistently complained that Hong Kong’s judiciary has retained much of its colonial character. Despite the transfer of sovereignty and a “localisation” policy of promoting indigenous inhabitants to more senior positions, many of the judges are still British or European from other Commonwealth countries. The Oriental Daily referred to them as “swinish white-skinned judges” in one of its attacks.
Fears that Beijing would impose restrictions on the media have so far proved groundless. The authorities have been tolerant of Hong Kong media reports critical of the Chinese leadership and its policies on Tibet and Taiwan. — Gemini

75 YEARS AGO
From the SGPC
The general elections
AMRITSAR: The general elections of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee will be held soon. Any ‘Amritdhari’ man or woman, not less than 18 years old, can be registered as a voter on payment of a fee of four annas.
Election rules, exact dates for holding elections in various centres, and names of election centres and of returning officers will be shortly published.
Registration forms are being printed and will be soon despatched to different District Gurdwara Committees registering voters.
It is the duty of every Sikh man and woman to get registered and to persuade others to do so, so as to make the basis of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee as broad- based as possible.

Hope eternal
by Gauri Bhasin
“It looks like the season’s over,” I said as I looked at the dried up sweet peas. “The Spring has gone.” “Gone?”, questioned my young son, as he watched the gardener pulling out what was left in the flower beds. Empty mud patches where there had once been a sea of colour. “Gone?”, he repeated, “Won’t the Spring ever come back, Papa ?” “Of course it will,” laughed his father, as he put a sweet pea pod in his son’s hand. “Open that and see.” He did. It contained some dried up seeds. “That”, said my husband, “is spring’s promise. It will be back and so will the sweet peas.” A short lesson in Science and Hope.
There is such comfort when Nature conforms to her promise and brings forth different seasons with the constant reliability which only she can provide. It makes one believe that there is a method in the Universe. Clearly, there is a scientific reason for day to follow night and for seasons to change, as they must. But is there a science and logic behind Hope?
Seasons bring predictable fruit and flowers, birthdays and anniversaries. Sadly, they also bring repeated reminders of loss. Memories which surface, time after time, resurrecting pain and despair, reincarnating grief. Yet there are some for whom seasons of remembrance yield harvests of hope. Hope is now a world I connect with Sumita Ghose.

Sumita was married to Sanjoy Ghose in 1984 and had often reminded me of a modern day Kasturba Gandhi. Sanjoy and Sumita have been social workers, spending the better part of their married life in under-developed parts of Rajasthan, Gujarat and Assam. They had both quietly committed their lives to the NGO which Sanjoy had founded called Avard NE. Sanjoy shared his knowledge, time, and skills with the people of Majoli Island, Assam. His motive had been to promote self sufficiency within this community. Sanjoy and Sumita had worked together till July 4, 1997 when, for no apparent reason, Sanjoy was picked up by ULFA. To this day we have no clear idea what became of him. It has been a year of not knowing.
Mr father had called me from Delhi to tell me about it. “Gone?” I remember questioning my father. “What do you mean, he’s gone. He can’t be. There must be some news.” I rushed to Delhi the next day. Thoughts of Sanjoy chased each other across my mind. How seldom I had actually thought deeply about what Sanjoy had been doing. His achievement mirrored a reflection of what most of us would want to do. We have excuses for our own inability to answer to a calling above narrow personal benefits. It is easy to give of oneself to one’s own self. To sacrifice or save for your own children, to spend on your own family, to suffer some measure of discomfort for your own flesh and blood and convince yourself of your altruism. But how many amongst us could truthfully speak of altruism or welfare over and above our own confines. Sanjoy never spoke about it. He quietly committed himself to it. He spent many years in the most uncomfortable circumstances, with Sumita and his young children, in order to give of himself. To share his knowledge, time and skills with those less fortunate. His only relationship with these people was his social conscience. The same one which we all possess and supress. What drives a person like that? What motivates them? It must be an inherent strength of character and moral fibre far above the ordinary. Sumita is made of the same fibre.
When I heard the news from Delhi I wished that there were some consolation to offer to Sumita and Joy’s family. The amazing aspect of the situation was that they did not appear to need it. They were all driven by some uncanny sense of purpose. As if it wasn’t a question of if he came back but more a likelihood of when he comes back. One went to their home in grief and left it with hope. The Ghose residence buzzed with activity. Every member of the family willed one to believe that there was hope. It would have been disloyal to be pessimistic. But that was a year ago.
They were on the Internet. There was an appeal from Mother Teresa to ULFA; a mention at the UN. A lot was written about Sanjoy at this time last year . There was tremendous media coverage and public speculation and sympathy. A large group of Joy’s friends and colleagues got together and had peaceful demonstrations demanding a clue to his whereabouts. Indeed there was nothing but hope. An unwavering hope against hope. But that was a year ago.

In the ensuing months, the more I thought about Sanjoy the more I believed that each nation would be blessed were there to be more such people within its boundaries. As an educated middle class we frequently lament the dearth of good people in the country. But what do we do, as an educated middle class, when one of our good people virtually disappears without a trace from the face of the earth? We tolerate apathy and accept silence as an answer. In the face of such indifference and callous disregard from the powers that be I wonder how many others will be inspired to a calling such as Social Service. At the end of the day what is there to show for it?
What did our great nation do when Sanjoy was abducted by ULFA? At that time it appeared as if there would be some conclusion to the whole affair of his disappearance. News about Sanjoy was carried in virtually every publication. The details of his achievements as a social worker were common knowledge. His wife, Sumita, had only one appeal. She wanted to know what became of him. She wanted concrete evidence of his existence or the end of it. I try to imagine the desolation of her canvas; like those emptied flower beds when the colour had been uprooted. In the months that have elapsed since Joy’s disappearance she has spared no effort to try and trace clues. She has been to Assam to probe the circumstances and talk to the local people. She has appealed repeatedly to government agencies to aid with the investigation. Through it all she has fanned the flame of her own hope fiercely, convinced in her mind and heart that he is there and will return. It has been one year of hoping.
The government has other pre-occupations. The capture of power. The flexing of nuclear muscle. There is really no time or resources to search for a lone crusader whose concerns were poverty, malnutrition, illiteracy and exploitation. I wonder what the truth of it is. “Gone?” I questioned myself. I wish that there were a laughing response. I pray that he will come back, eyes twinkling with his inimitable smile. In the time that has passed many of us who know and love Joy have said our private goodbye. Sumita has not. I wish that I had some equivalent of that long ago sweet pea pod to give her. An assurance, a promise that he will be back. Like the Spring.

'No plan to topple BJP govt"
While his lesser contemporaries of the 1969 Congress split have either faded into the pages of history or been dumped into political obscurity, the octogenarian three-time Chief Minister of Kerala K. Karunakaran continues to hog the limelight and retains a place for himself at the centre-stage, both at the national and state level. Though his stars are not as favourable as it seemed in the past two decades, he is not a leader who can be wished away in Congress circles.
Having been a Nehru loyalist all along who enjoyed the total confidence of both Mrs Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, it is no surprise that he finds a prominent place in the inner circles of Mrs Sonia Gandhi, whose ascendancy to the AICC presidentship was strongly advocated by him right from the beginning. He is one of the few trusted lieutenants of Mrs Sonia Gandhi and plays a pivotal role in formulating the Congress strategy in taking on the BJP Government and chalking out the programme of the party’s revival.
Having avenged his defeat in the 1996 Lok Sabha elections — he attributes the defeat to internal sabotage with the blessings of Narasimha Rao — by winning the 1998 Lok Sabha election from Thiruvananthapuram, Karunakaran is back in full form to regain his hold over the state unit of the party, now being dominated by the Antony group. His persistent demand for the removal of Vayalar Ravi from the KPCC presidentship has been conceded by Mrs Sonia Gandhi and organisational elections under a new ad-hoc president has been ordered. Karunakaran is full of confidence that his men would dominate the KPCC in the organisational polls.

At the national level too, his voice has gained more respect in the AICC with Mrs Sonia Gandhi giving him his due respect as the senior-most Congress leader in the country. His Krishna Menon Marg residence in New Delhi is once again a beehive of activity with Congressmen of all hues thronging it to get their voices heard in 10, Janpath. Karunakaran is back with a bang to the centre-stage.
In this freewheeling chat with K. Vaidyanathan of Newscribe, Karunakaran not only explains the stand of his party vis-a-vis toppling of the BJP-led Government but also delves in detail the strategy being adopted by his party to regain its lost space in Indian politics. Excerpts.:
Q: How do you look at the political scenario at the Centre with the BJP-led alliance completing four months in office?
A: The political scenario is very very confusing with everybody confused as to what they should do, how they should act, and whom they could depend on. Nobody is clear about it. The ruling party is totally confused on what it should and could do because they are not sure of even the continuance of their government which is shaky. How can they feel secure and give a stable government when they depend on people on whom nobody can depend. These small parties do not have any national interest. They have their own interests but they pretend to represent their local interests.
Q: With these parties as allies you don’t expect the BJP to give a stable government, is it?
A: When the government itself is not confident about its stability, naturally one cannot expect a stable government from them. They will not be taken seriously not only by the people and the bureaucracy, but by no other country. To add to the instability, the government went nuclear, expecting it be its masterstroke, only to realise belatedly the adverse impact of the sanctions.
Q: Do you consider the earlier United Front to be a better coalition than the present one led by the BJP?
A: If you ask me to choose between two poisons, what can I say. It is like asking somebody as to which poison is less strong. There is no scope for comparison.
Q: Is not the Congress equally confused and is in no confident mood?
A: In the next elections, the Congress will certainly emerge as the single largest party with more than 200 seats and form a stable government as we formed in 1991. On the other hand, even if the BJP gets 200 plus, it cannot give a stable government. At one time, the anti-Congress feeling was in the forefront. Today, it is not so and what is more strong is the anti-BJP feeling. Earlier people did not have an idea about the ability of the BJP to run a government. Now it has exposed itself as a non-functional one in power.

Q: Having given the BJP a chance to govern and finding that it could not function properly because of its coalition partners, don’t you feel people would like to give the party a free hand with individual majority to govern?
A: Coalition partners did not give the BJP any problem in running the government and push through its programmes and policies. Statements were there and some demonstrations were there. But they never tried to defeat the government on the floor of the House or bring down the government. Had the government intended to do something worthwhile to the people and the country, it could have done it by coming forward with something in the interests of the country and the downtrodden and got it passed in the House. Even the attitude of the Opposition has only been positive towards the government. Except for the nuclear explosion nothing has been done by this government.
Q: Can you blame the BJP for it when it has come to power just four months back?
A: Four months is more than sufficient to give the right signals and kickstart the economy. Utterances and statements were there but has anything tangible been done to give a boost to the industry, exports or agricultural production? Had the party come out with any innovative or positive idea to kickstart the economy, I can understand. But nothing has come out except the nuclear explosions which has done more harm than good to the nation. Even for the nuclear explosion, the BJP cannot take any credit because it is the success of the vision of Jawaharlal Nehru and Homi Bhaba who set up the Atomic Research Centre and Mrs Indira Gandhi’s resolve to keep India abreast with the world in nuclear power.
Q: Is it your opinion that we have not exploited nuclear power properly for developmental purposes?
A: Certainly. The chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission has said nuclear energy can be used for the benefit of even agriculture, industry and so many other areas. With so much shortage of power in the country, we could have done better in utilising it for power generation. I am the chairman of the Parliament’s Standing Committee on Energy. Please go through our report submitted to the House.
Q: As chairman of the Standing Committee on Energy, could you please explain why there is so much of shortage of power in the country?
A: Energy and power are, in fact, in surplus. It is like the “water, water everywhere but not a drop to drink”. The present shortage of power can be cut down to half without any further generation, if only we could cut down the loss on transmission and pilferage. Tough steps are needed to check maladministration in transmission and distribution of power.

Q: What exactly is the position of the Congress? It looks as if you are not willing or prepared to topple this government.
A: We are not interested in toppling the government, even though we are convinced that allowing it to continue would do more harm than good to the nation. We are watching the situation. If it continues in the manner as of today, even without our efforts they will fall. Then we will take a decision. Whenever we were in power we were doing something for the people and had ensured stability in governance even when we were in a minority in 1991 and 1969.
Q: Even if this government falls under its own weight, is it possible for the Congress to form a government?
A: With these unpredictable allies, we are not at all interested in forming a government. If we want to topple the government we have the numbers but we are not interested. What is the use of toppling this government with those unpredictable allies? It can only be the same type of alternative for which the Congress is not prepared.
Q: What is the stand of Mrs Sonia Gandhi in this regard?
A: Soniaji is very clear in the mind that we should not topple the government for the sake of toppling but work for the benefit of the people. Unless we are convinced that we can form a stable government and do something for the people we are not interested in toppling other party governments. She prefers a clear mandate from the people for running a stable government.
Q: How do you look at the political developments that are taking place in the Hindi heartland states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh where Mr Laloo Prasad Yadav and Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav have joined hands?
A: Any coming together of local and regional interests is not a welcome move. But, it can be considered a positive development in the sense that the division will come down to some extent. The assertion by regional forces is a temporary phase in Indian democracy and will subside once the Congress regains its position of prominence.
Q: You are considered very close to Mr G.K. Moopanar. Are you not sad that you could not convince and bring around Mr Moopanar to either merge his party or at least have a working arrangement with the Congress.
A: I never expected Mr Moopanar to take a stand which is not reasonable. He has become selfish. I told him on the face that he was committing a Himalayan blunder and he would be nowhere in politics after some time. His calculations are based on the re-emergence of a third force, in which he expects his party to play a pivotal role. He thinks that the people of Tamil Nadu will rally behind him once they get fed up with the two Kazhagams — the DMK and the AIADMK. Having an alliance with the DMK, Mr Moopanar would be identified only as a pro-DMK man and how is it possible for him to exploit that feeling of alienation with the Kazhagams, I do not understand. Time will prove that Mr Moopanar is wrong in his political assessments.
Q: What is your reading of the present political line-up in the country?
A: From now on, it is going to be a fight between the Congress and the BJP. Those who want to oppose the communal forces represented by the BJP have no other alternative but to fall in line behind us. This holds good for the Left Front also. What is the other alternative for them? The third force will not work anymore. Any government in future can only be under the leadership of the Congress or the BJP.
Q: Does it imply that we are already in for a two party system at the national level?
A: I won’t call it a two party democracy. This is a bit different. What we are in now is a two party system of political leadership as is there in Kerala where the Congress and the CPM give the lead and form the nucleus of the coalition. There will be other political parties. But they will be compelled to choose between either the Congress (I) or the BJP and align with them to form a government.
Q: There is a general complaint that you are trying to project your son Muralidharan and make him the KPCC president. How far is it true?
A: To be frank with you, I never wanted Muralidharan to be projected as KPCC president in the first place. As you know, the KPCC is divided into two groups one which has all along been loyal to the party and the Nehru family considering me as their leader and the other led by A.K. Antony comprising people who rejoined the party after Mrs Gandhi returned to power in 1980. The CLP leadership, the entire KPCC, the representation in the CWC and so on are all packed with the Antony group and the loyalists of the party hold no position now. Naturally they want their man as the KPCC president since the CLP leadership is with the Antony group.
Q: Is it all right to have a member of the Nair community as KPCC president. But why should that be Muralidharan, your son, is the question?
A: I too was not in favour of Muralidharan and even dissuaded my supporters from pressing for his name. But it so happens that there is no other youngster in the party from that community who can fit the bill. Muralidharan had been a member of the Lok Sabha twice and is also one of the general secretaries of the party in the state. His only disqualification is the fact that he happens to be Karunakaran’s son. Should he be denied his rightful place just because he is the son of so and so? I am not holding a brief for him but then, certain facts cannot be brushed aside. It is totally wrong to say that I am promoting his interests politically. Had I wanted, I would have persuaded Rajiv Gandhi or Narasimha Rao to include him in the Union Cabinet. Did I do that? These allegations of promoting my son are baseless and untrue. My only interest is the interest of the party and personal interests have no place in my life.
Q: Will it not be a winning combination if you become KPCC president and Antony continues as the CLP leader?
A: A winning combination for the Congress has always been the other way around. With me as the CLP leader and Antony as KPCC president, we are sure to sweep the polls. That combination has always been successful.