George again
THERE are two ways to look at the occasional outbursts of Mr George Fernandes.

Violence at work: Why?
THE 86th session of the International Labour Conference has put much concerned emphasis on violence at work.

Parthenium menace
THE observation of a wag that trying to weed out congress grass is like trying to root out corruption is only half correct.

Afghanistan & Burma
Two neighbours in pain

by Inder Malhotra
TWO of this country’s neighbours, both of the greatest strategic importance to it, Afghanistan and Burma (now called Myanmar), are in deep trouble.

Wrong use of cavalry

by Pritam Bhullar
IT seems from the Army Headquarters’ recent decision to send armoured corps units (less their tanks) for counter-insurgency operations to J and K that the assigned role of this (seniormost) arm has become insignificant.

. NCC working needs review by Jatinder Singh Bedi THE National Cadet Corps (NCC) completed 50 years on July 16 last. Its genesis lies in the object of making up the shortages of the Army. Sanctions to delay LCA take-off by N.K. Pant THE sanctions slapped by the USA in the wake of the Indian underground nuclear tests have further hampered work on the light combat aircraft (LCA) which was already dogged by major developmental problems from its very inception in 1980. Inspirational avenues by Inder Mohan Puri THE chances of return of the “soulful era” of yesteryear are bleak, according to noted music director Uttam Singh of “Dil to Pagal Hai” fame.

75 Years Ago

Prohibiting Municipal Addresses
THERE was a breeze in today’s meeting of the Lucknow Municipal Board when a Government order intimating the sanction of expenditure of Municipal or District Board Funds in presenting addresses either to the Governor-General or to the Governor of the Province came under discussion.

George again

THERE are two ways to look at the occasional outbursts of Mr George Fernandes. One is that he shoots from the lip first and thinks of the consequences (if at all) later, while his embarrassed colleagues try to tidy up the mess that he creates. The other is that he is as responsible a Cabinet Minister as any other whose services are deliberately and carefully utilised as a test balloon. He fulminated against China and the country went for nuclear explosions soon thereafter. And now he is holding forth on the TV about what the country's policy on Kashmir is. In an interview to Eenadu TV, he said that there is no question of conversion of the Line of Control (LoC) into international border and the areas of Jammu and Kashmir under Pakistani occupation have to be retaken. Could this be the signal for some major events of which the common man is not aware as yet? The coming weeks will unfold the drama. At present, it is quite obvious that Pakistan is itching for trouble and unusual activities are going on all along the border. Many would like to believe that the Defence Minister's statement is only by way of reassuring the country that it has not gone on the defensive on the question of Jammu and Kashmir. Timing apart, there is nothing unusual in Mr Fernandes' statement. In fact, what he says has been the official policy all along. Parliament is committed to taking back the part occupied by Pakistan. The statements of Mr Narasimha Rao as Prime Minister also were exactly on the same lines. Perhaps that kind of boldness is also somewhat unavoidable at this juncture in the light of the unusually shrill noises being made by Pakistan. One price that the country has had to pay for the nuclear explosions is the raking up of the Kashmir issue in international fora. But now that the Rubicon has been crossed (for the second time, actually), there is no need to be apologetic. Kashmir is indeed an integral part of India and saying so should be no crime. It is true that one has to be diplomatic in such matters but when the adversary is bent on speaking the language of the street, one cannot stand on niceties for too long.

Two factors need to be kept in mind while assessing Mr Fernandes' statement. One, that even if he had kept quiet, Pakistan was not over-eager to stop its mischief in Kashmir. Two, that a firm stand on the status of Kashmir occupied by Pakistan can be a major bargaining chip with India as and when negotiations on the subject are carried out. Pakistan has been making not only tall but false claims on Kashmir and one way to put it in its place is to stick to a firm and well-established line. What is regrettable is that the most strident criticism of a determined line taken by the Indian Government comes from within the country, and that too from politicians. In their eagerness to score political points, they criticise even those actions which are above partisan considerations. Even those who were confirmed hawks when they were themselves in positions of power have acquired dove-feathers overnight. This may get them some votes but makes the task of diplomacy difficult. It is necessary that the country learns to speak in one voice at least on foreign policy matters. We did so during the Bangladesh war. We did so during Pokhran-I. Imagine the entire Opposition castigating Indira Gandhi in 1971 for being so rash as to make the country a target of the US naval fleet!

Violence at work: Why?

THE 86th session of the International Labour Conference has put much concerned emphasis on violence at work. In a report compiled in Geneva by the ILO on the occasion, it has been stated in a retrospective manner that the workplace has been traditionally viewed as a relatively benign and violence-free area. In its environment, confrontation and dialogue form part of normal productive activities and fruitful operations. According to two labour experts, Duncan Chappel and Victoria Di Martino, workers and managers are faced on a daily basis with personal and work-related problems, but dialogue usually prevails over confrontation. People manage to perform efficient and productive activities within the workplace. Sometimes, however, this fails to develop in a positive way; relationships between workers, managers, clients or the public deteriorate, and the objectives of working efficiently and achieving results is affected. When this occurs, as it seems to be with increasing frequency, violence may enter the workplace and make it a hostile and hazardous setting, say the experts. Based on rich case-study material and experience, this ILO report addresses the problem, and is intended to constitute a stimulus for action.

It is centred on the analysis of the existing literature and information, deliberately avoiding the more "sensational" presentation of violence to concentrate on those data, experiences and publications which help explain and interpret the roots of violence at work, and to promote proactive initiatives. It provides worldwide coverage, as violence at work is found in both developing and industrialised nations. However, the information from developing countries is frequently limited, episodic and ill-defined. In industrialised countries, violence at work is better documented and the field of investigation is more homogeneous.

The underlying causes of violence at work, rooted in wider social, cultural, economic and related areas, should be succinctly reviewed. Occupational stress, alcohol and drug abuse, sexual harassment, child labour and migrant workers are crucial areas of study. Certain technical issues, including violence associated with terrorism, need greater attention. Now we have a basis for understanding the nature of workplace violence, and ways of preventing it in the future. The ILO highlights the best practice and successful methods of prevention and the report is directed towards all those engaged in combating violence at work: policy makers in government agencies, employers' and workers' organisations, health and safety professionals, consultants, trainers, and managers' and workers' representatives. Our own workplaces are getting unquiet. The ILO has given us a series of clear warnings.

Parthenium menace

THE observation of a wag that trying to weed out congress grass is like trying to root out corruption is only half correct. Corruption cannot be totally eradicated because it benefits at least those who encourage its growth. But there is enough medical evidence to suggest that congress grass or parthenium is injurious to the health of all those who come into contact with it. The havoc it has caused in the region is well documented at centres of medical treatment to require further elaboration on the consequences of letting “this grass grow under our feet”. Having said this, it must be stated that the fight against parthenium does not require the kind of tamasha organised by the Chandigarh Administration and the Municipal Corporation on Monday. If anything, the exercise merely exposed the level of ignorance of the organisers about the precautions which need to be taken for the manual uprooting of the weed. The VIPs were provided with protective gloves while the ordinary workers had to make do with plastic bags. What was more shocking was the fact that NSS volunteers comprising mostly college students were allowed to uproot the plants with their bare hands. Parthenium attacks the body in two ways. Contact of the skin with the weed causes eczema and other related ailments and its pollen has been identified as one of the sources of asthma and other respiratory problems.

To avoid breathing in the pollen the most cost-effective thing to do is to cover the nose with a mask or an ordinary piece of cloth. But during the officially sponsored drive against parthenium not even the VIPs were told to take this elementary precaution. If this is the level of understanding of the subject of those who want to make Chandigarh and its neighbourhood parthenium-free, why should the ordinary citizens be blamed for not doing enough to protect their health from the ill-effects of the weed? What the Union Territory Administrator, Lt Gen (retd) B.K.N. Chhibber, said on the occasion is what most others have said for making Chandigarh parthenium-free. The war against congress grass does not require official patronage. All that the residents of Chandigarh — or any other city where it is as serious a problem — need to do is to get involved in the work of at least keeping their neighbourhood free of congress grass. The sarkari karamcharis who visit the sectors at irregular intervals have obviously not been trained to do the work as it ought to be done. That is the reason why in spite of periodic VIP initiatives for fighting the menace there is hardly a vacant plot of land in the city without parthenium. The Municipal Corporation, the Administration and the residents are collectively responsible for literally allowing this dangerous grass to grow under their feet.

Afghanistan & Burma
Two neighbours in pain
by Inder Malhotra

TWO of this country’s neighbours, both of the greatest strategic importance to it, Afghanistan and Burma (now called Myanmar), are in deep trouble. They are also undergoing enormous agony. But sadly New Delhi is paying them scant attention. For many months they have hardly figured either in official thinking or in the media.

One reason for this unhappy state of affairs is our preoccupation with our own multiplying and mounting woes at home. For instance, on top of all the communal, caste and sectarian divisions has come the explosive fallout of the Srikrishna report on Mumbai’s horrendous riots and of the Maharashtra government’s brusque rejection of the judicial commission’s findings.

The demand for strict action against the Shiv Sena supremo, Mr Bal Thackeray, on the strength of the commission’s indictment of him (and his own admission that at the height of the conflict his writings might have been “inflammatory”) is bound to grow. The two Yadav chieftains, Mr Mulayam Singh and Mr Laloo Prasad, heartened by their Lucknow rally, have escalated their “crusade” to unseat the BJP governments in both Delhi and Lucknow. The unabated tension over Kashmir built up by Pakistan, combined with the continuing nuclear dialogue with the USA is also weighing on the Vajpayee government’s mind.

However, there is another, rather regrettable, reason why neighbours like Burma and Afghanistan are not on the “Indian radar screen”, notwithstanding India’s high stakes in them. Because of sheer mental inertia, most Indians, including those charged with the responsibility of ruling the country, have begun to believe that India’s only neighbours are the six other members of SAARC. Only in times of stress, such as in 1962 or during the recent polemics with Beijing over the nuclear tests, does it dawn on most people that India’s largest, most powerful and most important neighbour is China. That Indonesia is a neighbour of this country, not merely in maritime sense but also because its island of Sumatra is barely 90 miles from the Andamans is not recognised even now.

In the case of Burma and Afghanistan, however, things used to be different. Through large parts of the Nehru era, Delhi and Rangoon (now Yangon) used to be in close touch at least thrice a week at the level of Prime Ministers. Later, partly because Burma, under military rule that has somehow gone on in different guises since 1962, things changed. But South Block was never so unmindful of Burma as it appears to be now.

Unlike Burma, which has a long and mutually agreed border with India, Afghanistan does not abut on Indian frontier because of the subcontinent’s partition in 1947. But, quite apart from historical ties, in purely strategic terms, the land of Afghans has been a close friend and neighbour of this country. Until the late Soviet Union’s tanks and troops rolled into Kabul in December, 1979, relations between India and Afghanistan were the friendliest and most cooperative.

Since then the story has been dismal and tragic. It now looks like turning catastrophic. The standoff between the Pakistan-backed Taliban — no Islamic entity anywhere is more fundamentalist — and the Northern Alliance headed by President Burhanuddin Rabbani and the Uzbek leader, Gen Rashid Dostum, could be ending in a Taliban victory.

The Taliban’s jubilant claim of having taken over Mazar-e-Sharif, the bastion of the Northern Alliance, is still disputed. However, bitter fighting is focused on this all-important city. It is possible, indeed probable, therefore that the Taliban might be in control of Mazar-e-Sharif before long. Even that would leave the legendary Tajik warlord, Ahmed Shah Masood, still in control of this stronghold of Panjshir. He is bitterly opposed to the Taliban and all that it stands for. But it is doubtful if he can keep the Taliban at bay for too long.

How has this ominous situation, fraught with the gravest repercussions, developed? After all, General Dostum and the Northern Alliance had beaten back the Taliban’s earlier offensive at the start of this year despite the temporary defection to the Taliban of one of General Dostum’s principal acolytes. This time round, however, it seems that factionalism within the Northern Alliance has proved to be more destructive than factional strife within the Taliban even though this organisation represents almost exclusively the Pushtoons in a society which is divided bitterly along ethnic and tribal lines.

It is also clear that Iran, Uzbekistan and, at one remove, Russia, which are principal supporters of the Northern Alliance, have not been able to match the massive support given to the Taliban by their mentors, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. The Saudis have contributed money and material. Pakistan’s contribution also includes fighting men, such as ISI operatives, ex-servicemen and carefully selected serving officers. Teheran has pertinently pointed out that the Taliban is but a “creature of the Pakistani ISI”. On the other hand, Pakistan has never made a secret of its hope that a like-minded regime in Afghanistan would lend Pakistan “strategic depth” that it has lacked all along.

Above all, the Pakistani gameplan has benefited a lot from America’s quiet withdrawal of its earlier reservations about the Taliban. Since the US policy in the region is driven by the oil companies entrusted with the task of establishing control of Central Asia’s gargantuan oil and mineral resources, and to get them to the sea without having to transport them across either Russia or Iran, Washington may well have decided that a Taliban-dominated Afghanistan would suit its purpose.

There is no guarantee that the gameplan will necessarily succeed. For, the Afghans are not only deeply divided but also volatile. More importantly, they are staunch nationalists, as the British and the Russians have discovered in the past, and the Americans and the Pakistanis might do in future.

Unfortunately, India is nowhere in the picture. At this late stage we may not be able to do much. But surely we can speak up — in sympathy with the Afghan people who have suffered more since the withdrawal of the last Russian soldier than during the occupation by the Soviet Union. Delhi can also urge the UN to bestir itself and bring about an all-Afghan conference as a prelude to ending the agony of the Afghans.

If climacteric developments are taking place in Afghanistan, in Burma, a stalemate that is wholly oppressive for the people has been frozen. By a strange coincidence the day on which the Taliban claimed to have captured Mazar-e-Sharif was also the 10th anniversary of the terrible crackdown by the Burmese military on the people’s movement for democracy.

On that day, the military junta, through a tremendous show of force, prevented any popular demonstration. But there is no doubt that Burma boils under the lid. It is not accidental that Ms Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party won a huge majority in parliamentary elections eight years ago, has fixed August 21 as the deadline for the restoration of the parliament that was never allowed to meet.

Nothing may be gained by shouting. Especially at a time when India must be careful that the regime in Rangoon is not driven completely into China’s embrace. But surely there is room for quiet diplomacy. In particular, with members of the ASEAN who have invited Burma to join their fold.

Wrong use of cavalry
by Pritam Bhullar

IT seems from the Army Headquarters’ recent decision to send armoured corps units (less their tanks) for counter-insurgency operations to J and K that the assigned role of this (seniormost) arm has become insignificant. There is no other reason why an important arm that carries the day in the plains warfare should be diverted from its role.

The thinking that appears to prevail in certain circles since the nuclear tests by India and Pakistan in May last is that the days of conventional warfare are over. And the decision ostensibly is the brainchild of the protagonists of this idea. What needs to be remembered is that any major decision of this nature that will affect the tactical doctrine of an army should not be taken in haste but after a wide-ranging debate and detailed deliberations on the subject.

That six to seven armoured regiments are moving to J and K after shedding their tanks, which are being mothballed at a cost of nearly Rs 1.5 crore, indicated that the tanks will remain in suspended animation for two years because this is the normal field tenure for a unit. Not only that, the officers (JCOs) and men of these regiments have to learn the basic infantry tactics, for what is involved in countering insurgency is patrolling, laying and countering of ambushes, carrying out raids, comb and search operations as and when required.

Now imagine the essential training on tanks, including training exercises and firing that these regiments will miss during the period of two years. Leave alone the higher rate of casualties that they will suffer as compared to the infantry in these operations because of not being well trained for the new task, these units will also be rendered unfit for war in their own role at least for two and a half years. For, after returning to their base, they would need about six months to re-marry with the tanks, train on them and then carry out their firing. Meanwhile, if the balloon goes up, we will have to fight our armour battles without these regiments. Can we afford this?

By just carrying out a few nuclear tests, a country does not become a nuclear power to be reckoned with. Nuclearisation is still way off for India and Pakistan because the delivery systems for warheads have yet to be fully developed by both countries. Even the advanced nuclear powers such as the USA, Russia, France, Britain and China have not thought of discarding their tanks. In fact, they continue to enhance the performance of their main battle tanks by bringing in further improvement in them. Nor have they thought of saying goodbye to the conventional warfare. The nuclear frenzy has so gripped us that we seem to have lost our balance.

The example of a few armoured regiments, minus their tanks, having been employed during Operation Rakshak II in Punjab is being quoted by some to give strength to this case. What needs to be recalled about that experiment is that the training of personnel and maintenance of tanks and other sophisticated equipment did suffer during that period which was of a shorter duration though.

To overcome the shortage of troops for counterinsurgency commitments, about 36 battalions of the Rashtriya Rifles were raised in the first half of the nineties. This experiment has proved useful. However, the mistake made in their composition is that they get their manpower not only from infantry but also from all other arms and services. And this is the main reason why their casualty rate in J and K has been higher as compared to infantry battalions.

Granted that there is a spurt in insurgency in the Jammu region, especially in Doda, Rajouri and Poonch districts, and we need more forces to quell it. But this does not mean that the Army should lower its war preparedness level to meet this requirement. Why can’t we pump more paramilitary forces into the Jammu region, for their strength has been increased manifold over the years, and this is their main task. They will start measuring up to the task if we remove the complex from their mind that what they cannot do will be done by the Army.

Today we are sending cavalry manpower to J and K to combat militancy, and tomorrow when we need more troops there we will have to send engineers because they are infantrymen first and then engineers, as it is often said. Thus there will be no end to this wrong practice which must be stopped before it is too late.

Inspirational avenues
by Inder Mohan Puri

THE chances of return of the “soulful era” of yesteryear are bleak, according to noted music director Uttam Singh of “Dil to Pagal Hai” fame.

Though the tune of popular number “Are are ye kaya hooa” had been lying ready for six months, the proper “Bols” were difficult to come in. Finally, ace lyricist Anand Bakshi was called on the recording day. After listening to the tune, he went to the bathroom and came out after 15 minutes singing the song, which became an instant hit.

If Waterloo was the graveyard of Napoleon, yet many a fortune has been made above, in, or under water(s): pail, tub, shower-bath, etc.

Richard Wagner, the famous composer, bathed in a tub scented with vast quantities of perfume for several hours every day while working on his compositions. I could have been a Wagner but for financial stringency, since neither I can go in for a tub nor for a drop of scent. Matters not.

French poet and dramatist, Edmund Roastand, hated to be interrupted while he was working, but it wasn’t in his nature to turn his friends away. Therefore, he took refuge in the bathtub and wrote there all day.

Benjamin Franklin, too, carried on much of his reading and correspondence while soaking in the tub. My misfortune is that I can’t s-o-a-k... being devoid of it or that (tub). I’m, therefore, a poor reader and poorer correspondent. But endure I’ve to what I can’t cure.

While bathing in the tub, Archimedes discovered the principle that a body immersed in water loses weight equivalent to the weight of the aqua displaced. Excited, he ran out naked in the streets of Sicily shouting “Eureka” (“I’ve found it!”).

But I can’t take the risk of running out either naked or nude in the street(s) of Sector 8 of the City Beautiful shouting “Middle”. Being a member of COPS (Community-Oriented Policing Scheme), I’d be hauled up sooner than later by the very acquaintances — constables — attached to the police post which I visit many times a day, being at a stone’s throw from our home.

Victor Hugo, the French novelist, forced himself to work by having his servant take away all his clothes. These were not to be returned for several hours. Left with his own unclad self, and pen and paper, there was nothing to do but to sit down (in the tub or elsewhere) and write. That is how he became a writer.

75 YEARS AGO
Prohibiting Municipal Addresses

THERE was a breeze in today’s meeting of the Lucknow Municipal Board when a Government order intimating the sanction of expenditure of Municipal or District Board Funds in presenting addresses either to the Governor-General or to the Governor of the Province came under discussion.

After a heated and one-sided debate, the following resolution was passed:-

Resolved that in the opinion of the Board the action of the government is most unjustified encroachment upon the powers of the municipalities and district boards in as much as that heretofore they will not be in a position to present addresses of welcome to His Majesty the King-Emperor or to any distinguished patriot of the country out of municipal money.

Congress-Khilafat Meeting

Maulana Moazzam Ali, Secretary of the Central Khilafat Committee, writes from Bombay:

“A joint meeting of the Congress and the Khilafat Committee will be held on 28th instant morning at Anand Bhavan in Allahabad.

Members of the Khilafat Working Committee are earnestly requested to attend.”

NCC working needs review
by Jatinder Singh Bedi

THE National Cadet Corps (NCC) completed 50 years on July 16 last. Its genesis lies in the object of making up the shortages of the Army. But it appears not to have kindled in the youth the desire to take the Army as a career. The youth today seems indifferent to the needs of national security.

The NCC was raised in 1948 for building up reserves to enable the armed forces expand rapidly in a national emergency. It also aimed at developing interest in national defence besides instilling in the youth ideals of camaraderie and leadership.

The NCC today seems top heavy. With over 39,000 employees running 754 wing units, it covers a meagre 3.8 per cent of the country’s youth. Over 25,000 of its allotted cadet strength is going unutilised. Its 16 directorates target 11.63 lakh cadets nation-wide. Students join the NCC in the junior division from class VIII to X and thereafter in senior division.

Apparently an Army offshoot, the NCC is actually a state subject. Themselves amidst an acute manpower crisis, the armed forces provide 12,213 army personnel to train the cadets. But efficacy of the concept can be well judged from the fact that the army still remains short of over 13,000 officers. A student’s reasons for taking up the NCC could be other than for joining the army, but the NCC should be in a position to influence and mould them to take up the Army as a career. But this doesn’t happen. Only 15 NCC cadets from Punjab joined the IMA and the OTA in 1997.

The NCC was made compulsory in 1963 and changed to voluntary in 1968 due to pressure of certain Vice-Chancellors. Later, it co-opted National Service Corps and National Service Scheme. The intention was to bring the entire youth under the preview of these three and inculcate in them a feeling of patriotism, dignity of labour and community living.

But the insensitivity of the leadership and bureaucracy has instead brought the NCC to the corridors of insignificance. In 1997 states scuttled the Centre’s attempt to make NCC compulsory, citing financial constraints. Interestingly, the estimated resultant annual increase in the state budget would have been only Rs 1000 per cadet.

Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Chandigarh have been the prime feeders of manpower to the armed forces. Over 15 lakh ex-servicemen residing in the region proves the point. Intake from this region now is dwindling. This is one area that should worry the experts and calls for a study.

Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal demands more representation from Punjab in the Army. But his government declines to exploit the easy intake route to the Army that the NCC is. Enthusiasm towards the NCC in Punjab is declining. Over 6100 seats in the NCC lie vacant in Punjab.

In Himachal: its unhealthy economic condition is adversely affecting the NCC. The Himachal Pradesh Government seems alive to the situation. Commits Chief Minister P.K. Dhumal: “We will definitely give more benefits to the NCC once the economy of the state improves.”

In Punjab both — the officials and youth — are seemingly disinterested. The state is responsible for this. Officials continue to torment the NCC Directorate. Its budget is curtailed, arrears withheld and sanction to the improved allowances delayed.

Inadequate resources have adversely affected the training. Only 384 cadets could secure ‘C’ certificate in the entire Punjab State. In the absence of incentives, the corps is becoming less popular. Only 17 cadets participated in a scooter expedition in Punjab, vis-a-vis 10,500 girls in Andhra Pradesh (AP).

Punjab’s current NCC budget is Rs 583 lakh. The allocation does not keep pace with inflation. While the establishment expenses are increasing, those on training have fallen by over Rs 12 lakh. This too is not released in time. Since the NCC expenditure is activity based “the sting value of the event is lost” if the funds are released after the event, says an official not willing to be named.

State indifference has made the NCC lose lustre. Youth seeks recognition, incentives and glamour in whatever he chooses. There has to exist some light at the end of the tunnel, says a serving Brigadier. Unfortunately, that light is not there in some states, including Punjab. Punjab’s incentives to the NCC qualified, when compared with others, are paltry. Recommendations seeking improved incentives are eating dust at the Punjab secretariat since 1991, says D.S. Rahi, Assistant Director (Corps Cadets), Punjab.

The NCC attracts better response in other states. While Haryana has 89 per cent NCC enrolment, 94.44 per cent of Chandigarh’s 3,900 authorised vacancies are filled. It has even vested the disciplinary, financial and administrative powers in the regional NCC directorate. Its per capita expenditure is highest amongst the northern states — Rs 1565 on establishment and Rs 271 on camp training. Punjab spends least on camp training. While the per capita expenditure of Punjab on camp training is Rs 105, that of Haryana and HP is Rs 111 and Rs 135, respectively.

Almost all other states give employment benefits to the NCC ‘C’ certificate holders. To name a few, AP, Bihar, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi etc — all give preference in police and state jobs. The J & K police has even reserved 10 per cent of its vacancies for the NCC qualified.

Sanctions to delay LCA take-off
by N.K. Pant

THE sanctions slapped by the USA in the wake of the Indian underground nuclear tests have further hampered work on the light combat aircraft (LCA) which was already dogged by major developmental problems from its very inception in 1980. The country was in dire need of an indigenously produced agile aircraft that could be used for air defence in the opening phases of war and then readily be adapted for use in offensive operations, close air support or reconnaissance as required. Moreover, as the replenishment of 10 IAF squadrons of aging MIG-21 fighters was overdue, the LCA would have been the right swadeshi choice to fill the void by the mid-1990s. The aircraft was to use advanced carbon fibre composites for its airframe, for structural endurance and radar evading stealth capabilities in place of the usual heavier aluminium alloy. The final product was to be a single engined, single seater, all weather, air superiority fighter with developmental cost of approximately Rs 2,500 crore.

While the tardy progress of the prestigious multi-role fighter aircraft project being undertaken by Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) and Aeronautical Development Establishment (ADE) was due mainly to insufficient government funding so far, the sanctions have already started taking their toll. When India took up the LCA project, a considerable exchange of sensitive technology and equipment worth more than $ 200 million from the US private sector was envisaged. Martin Marietta was awarded a contract to supply fly-by-wire flight control system. Others involved were Erricson and Ferranti for the aircraft’s multi-mode pulse doppler radar, Dowdy and Smith Industries for supplying the digital engine control system while the F-404 engines were to be sourced from the GE Aircraft Engines Company. As it is, the US firms involved in the project were pussyfooting on their contractual obligations resulting in delays, the sanctions which forbid sale of products to India with military applications have thrown in the new technological hurdles for the Indian aeronautical experts to cross. Indian aeronautical experts, no doubt, are capable of meeting the fresh challenges but this means further slippages in the completion of this indispensable project which has already inordinately lagged behind.

In accordance to the earlier plans, the first prototype was to take off in 1994 but the delay has been so much that the first LCA model under phase-I could roll out in November, 1995. Phase-I consisted of design, fabrication and flight testing of two technology demonstrators called TD-1 and TD-2 for proving the key technologies such as aerodynamics, composite structure, fly-by-wire system and core avionics. Phase-II comprised manufacture of five prototypes, integration of multi-mode radar, weapon system, indigenously designed “Kaveri’’ engine and electronic warfare systems, Designers claim that “Kaveri has better attributes than the General Electric F-404 currently being mated with the fuselage. Over 600 experts drawn from 40 disciplines coming from a vast range of academic institutions and research laboratories have been at work to design India’s first versatile combat aircraft which is yet to see the light of the day.

The first test flight after a delay of two years was planned in December, 1996. But for reasons best known to the authorities concerned the first technology demonstrator did not fly as scheduled. The LCA now is reportedly undergoing its ground runs in the test bed. The ground run yields a large amount of data which needs to be processed. It is understood that the GE F-404 turbofan engine has been successfully integrated into the airframe powering the electrical system, avionics, hydraulic pumps and the fuel systems. Though the scientific Adviser to the Ministry of Defence, Dr APJ Abdul Kalam, would like to see his dream aircraft to take to the skies by the end of the year it is most unlikely that the revised schedule for the maiden flight will be accomplished. His aim is not only to induct the aircraft into the IAF by the year 2002 but to export it in the international arms bazaar.

The LCA will carry four tonnes of weapon load, including air-to-air, laser guided and radar guided missiles as well as conventional bombs, retro-penetrative bombs and smart ammunition. The aircraft will have a computerised central weapon management system. For its air defence missions, the machine is configured to carry two types of missiles as its main weapons. In the attack missions, it will carry multiple bombs. Its forward looking infra-red sensors would provide a better source of target information. The LCA will also have the capabilities to carry nuclear warheads and hence will function as a part of the IAS’s deterrent fleet. Several unique features have been added to the proposed fighter. These include composite carbon fibre structure, digital fly-by-wire system and advanced computing system for avionics. It is also likely to be the most cost effective aircraft of its class with a price tag of Rs 75 crore per piece.

The big question haunting the IAS and the aeronautical community is when will the elusive combat plane fly. Frequent rescheduling of the maiden test flight is causing worry. So far ground tests, safety of flight tests and ground resonance tests of the first prototype (TD-1) rolled out in November, 1995, have been completed and system integration tests are reportedly to be in progress. The test flying can start only after system integration tests, clearance of flight control system, engine ground runs and taxi runs are completed. However, the US sanctions have added further problems as the project relies on imports mainly from the USA for the fly-by-wire system, digital integrated control, multi-role radar and microprocessor based utility management system for pilots besides the aero-engines. The ‘Kaveri’ power plant is not yet ready and is expected to take two more years. The annual report of the Ministry of Defence this year reveals that three ‘Kaveri’ engines have completed 300 hours of ground tests.

The Defence Minister, Mr George Fernandes, in a written reply to a question in Parliament the other day admitted that the US sanctions would have a small impact on the schedule of the LCA. He seemed a bit unduly optimistic while stating that the aircraft was expected to be ready for its first flight in the second quarter of 1999 and for the eventual induction into the IAF by the year 2003. Various options to speed up the project have recently been discussed in detail by the scientists. Dr Kalam is understood to have implicitly told them to step up efforts in getting the first prototype of the fighter aircraft off the ground by this year-end which is at variance with the time schedule given by the Defence Minister. Even before the sanctions were imposed, the American manufacturers had defaulted in timely supply of components, connectors and line replacement units resulting in unnecessary delays. It has been noticed that the official circles usually suffer from inertia when the going is good but now in the wake of obstacles, the project needs constant attention at a very high level. As other alternatives are available in the global markets, these can easily be tapped. The country can certainly bank upon the Russian, French and Israeli expertise in the field till the time it perfects indigenous technology.