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India votes
Modi’s manifesto |
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She stoops but fails to conquer
A daughter-in-law's gesture
Setting India’s strategic house in order
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India votes The
process of electing the 16th Lok Sabha got under way with voters in some constituencies of Assam and one in Tripura casting their vote on Monday. The mammoth exercise will take five weeks and cover 81.45 crore voters. They will cast their vote in over 9.3 lakh polling stations and together elect the representatives who will form the next government. Indeed, the conduct of Indian elections, especially the sheer magnitude of the process, is observed worldwide. The Election Commission conducts the entire exercise in a manner that has curbed various malpractices like booth capturing and set the tone for a progressively cleaner electoral process. This time, the biggest democracy in the world has a large number of young voters, aged between 18 and 40, accounting for a staggering 52 per cent. Many voters are demanding a political setup that is more attuned to their economic aspirations rather than a traditional one that caters to “vote banks” based on caste and religious affiliations. However, it remains to be seen how this translates into votes for various candidates. Indians need to remember that voting is a sacred duty. The privilege of universal adult franchise has been granted to them right from the time India became independent. Indians have become better educated and the nation has made its mark on the international stage. The economy holds much promise, while it has suffered from a relatively low growth rate recently. The voters are unhappy with the recent policy paralysis. They will have to select those who best represent them in Parliament. As for the politicians, they would do well to remember that they are likely to be held accountable for the promises they make. They also need to tone down on communal or divisive rhetoric and focus on identifying the real aspirations of the people and then on delivering good governance once they are elected. |
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Modi’s manifesto As expected, the BJP manifesto contains Narendra Modi's unmistakable stamp — the vision of India he had talked about in January which included the emphasis on 5Ts (talent, tradition, tourism, trade and technology), seven rainbow principles, growth with jobs, minimum government, maximum governance and building of Brand India. There is not much wrong with Modi's economics; it is his politics that is generally criticised by his opponents. Modi is not a soft player who would give in to media and public pressure, especially if his political agenda delivers electoral dividends. Unmindful of criticism from a more tolerant and secular India, the BJP has retained its divisive Hindutava issues. The Ram temple pursuit could reignite communal tension in UP. The party stands by the abrogation of Article 370, which gives special status to Jammu and Kashmir, and reiterates implementation of the uniform civil code, which could come in conflict with personal laws of minorities, especially Muslims. There are no fundamental differences between the BJP and Congress economic policies. If it comes to power, the BJP would shift the emphasis from welfare schemes and freebies to asset-creation and poverty reduction through deregulation-led growth. Opposition to FDI in multi-brand retail is one policy which does not fit in Modi's liberal economic policy framework but it is politically useful since the party has a vote bank among small traders. In line with AAP's concept of
“Swaraj”, the BJP talks of making development “a people's movement — of Jan
Bhagidari”. Also like AAP, there is a promise to implement the Swaminathan formula of giving farmers input costs plus 50 per cent profit. A major difference between the BJP and other parties, however, is on taxes. If voted to power, the BJP could make radical individual and business-friendly tax changes. In the context of the Vodafone case, the party has accused the UPA of unleashing “tax terrorism” and negatively impacting the tax climate in the country. How the “swadeshi” champions in the Sangh Parivar react to Modi's policies favourable to foreign investment and MNCs will be watched with interest. |
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Thought for the Day
Speak when you are angry and you will make the best speech you will ever regret. —Ambrose Bierce |
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Joint family life IT is believed that the joint-family life in India is fast declining and that among Hindus, brothers of the same family do not appreciate the advantages of the joint-family life. The census report show that the change is not as apparent as it is believed to be. In Bengal, Behar, Central Provinces and Madras there has been but a slight change during the past 30 years. But in the Punjab, United Provinces and Bombay the decline of the joint family is more marked. The present average number per family in India is nearly the same as in Great Britain. But separate interests of each individual in a family are not so marked as in Great Britain. The social affinities and obligations remaining practically unchanged, mere living under a separate roof does not make for family disintegration. Cotton piece-goods, imported and India made
WITH reference to our article in yesterday's issue on the Cotton Mill Industry in India, persons interested in the industry and others may wish to know the rate of growth in the consumption of piece-goods, imported and India made. In reply to a question by Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoolah, Mr. Clark, member for Commerce and Industry, laid a statement on the table of the Imperial Council. From this it appears that between 1881-82 and 1901-1910-11 i.e., in the course of thirty years the imported piece-goods increased from 1,859 millions of yards to 2,242 millions of yards, including piece-goods in pairs, pieces and dozens, and their value in rupees from 2,321 lakhs to 3,373 lakhs. That is to say, while the increase in quantity imported and consumed is equivalent to only about 20 per cent in thirty years, the increase in the value of the stuff represents 45 per cent. |
She stoops but fails to conquer Written after an extended six-month Modi-oriented tour of Gujarat, capped by 15 hours of taped interviews with him, the treatise is an authorised defence of Modi's record as he bids to become Prime Minister. Madhu Kishwar argues that his initial success as CM lay in winning Muslim approbation in a hitherto communally polarised state through his equal-opportunity approach towards all, irrespective of creed. He converted the Bhuj earthquake tragedy (January 2001) that had crippled Muslim businesses and livelihoods in Kutch into an essay in reconstruction and hope, heralding the vision of a new Gujarat for all. In consequence he received considerable Muslim backing in winning the Rajkot by-election towards the end of February 2002. The loss of its Muslim vote bank had alarmed the Congress, which planned to stop Modi in his tracks. Hence, a "pre-planned conspiracy" to discredit him amid post-9/11 fears of a Pakistan-backed terror offensive against India during the Operation Parakram military stand-off between the two countries. Alongside, the Parivar felt that it had lost political ground, especially in UP, by slackening its drive to build a Ram Janmabhoomi temple on the site of the Babri Masjid that it had brought down in 1992, under the NDA's coalitional compulsions. Hence a campaign to commence the construction of the mandir in Ayodhya on March 15, to which end thousands of Ram sevaks had travelled to Ayodhya from January 2002 onwards from all parts of the country to take the pledge. It was the return of some 2,000 Gujarati Ram sevaks from Faizabad that triggered the destruction of coaches S-6 and S-7 of Sabarmati Express at Godhra station on the morning of February 27. What Justice U.C. Banerjee, the Railway Inquiry Commissioner, later concluded was an "accident" was, however, immediately termed by the BJP as a diabolical plot to set Gujarat communally aflame in conjunction with Pakistani-trained jihadis, a verdict confirmed in 2008 by Justice Nanavati. The Banerjee report was dubbed "illegal" and suppressed as this commission was appointed even as the Nanavati Commission was already seized of the matter from March 2002. But why Nanavati should have taken six years to deliver his preliminary report and has yet to submit his final report after 21 extensions merits examination. In any event, the main Godhra accused were ultimately released and the Hyderabad Forensic Science Institute's report proving why carriage S-6/7 could not have been set afire from outside, was junked without explanation. Madhu Kishwar cites Muslims and others like Zafar Sareshwala, an Ahmedabad-based businessman, who found Modi's conduct obnoxious in 2002 but saw in him a changed man who dealt even-handedly with all in 2008 and thereafter. One need not doubt Zafar Sareshwala's motives but Modi's good conduct later clearly cannot obviate earlier wrong conduct about which he was in no doubt. Having fought in vain for justice with Modi for years, Sareshwala decided to see if he could come to terms with the man, tactically born-again after having accomplished his design. And what was that design? In a broadcast over Doordarshan, Ahmedabad, on February 28, the CM said: "I want to assure the people, that Gujarat shall not tolerate any such incident (Godhra).The culprits will get full punishment for their sins. Not only this. We will set an example that nobody, not even in his dreams thinks of committing a heinous crime like this". No hint whatsoever of due process here but the menacing threat of setting a hideous example. Due process was wilfully obstructed and delayed - with a stubborn intent to delay or deny the filing of FIRs in many cases - while a terrifying example was set of barbaric mob fury. In a subsequent news item broadcast by DD thereafter, Modi observed: "If raising issues of justice or injustice adds fuel to the fire, we will have to observe restraint and invoke peace". (See Editor's Guild Report, May 3, 2002). What an absolutely chilling statement, never contradicted. So justice is a provocation. Abjure it -- or else! And that has been the story of Gujarat post-2002: seeking an elusive justice, which alone can bring closure and reconciliation. The Centre was supine though Vajpayee temporarily agonised and called on Modi to observe Raj Dharma and quit. Advani and other hard-core elements saved him. Modi not only prevented justice, but expressed no remorse for the many innocents slaughtered or burned alive. Madhu Kishwar repeatedly glosses over the brutal vivisection of Ehsan Jafri, a good and respected figure and former M.P. His residence, Gulberg Society, had drawn hundreds of terrified Muslims seeking a safe haven. It was besieged by howling mobs for hours while Jafri repeatedly appealed for help by phone and word of mouth. Nothing availed. The mob set on him as he came out to make a last appeal for calm and was butchered because he allegedly opened "private fire", an unproven charge. But is self-defence against a murderous mob a grave provocation? Maya Kodani, later a BJP MLA and Minister, and Babu Bajrangi of the Bajrang Dal, sentenced for life for leading roles in the Naroda Patiya massacre, find no mention in the book. There is no reference to the massive looting and destruction of Muslim shops and establishments, economic boycott of Muslims, the attack on the Waqf Board and the Minorities Finance and Development Corporation located in the Old Secretariat in Gandhinagar, the fact that Muslim judges had to flee their homes after being threatened by rampaging mobs and much else. The residence of Prof J.S Bandukwala, a respected pillar of communal harmony, was ravaged. The calculated destruction and desecration of Muslim "dargahs" and shrines with impunity went unpunished. Modi astonishingly pleaded lack of knowledge about the fate of Wali Gujarati . This historic monument structure was demolished, the rubble cleared and a paved road built over it overnight. Madhu Kishwar claims that the Mayor of Ahmedabad was a Congressman and so this must have been a Congress plot and not something for Modi to answer! Modi justified the presence of two ministers in the police control rooms in Ahmedabad and Gandhinagar as this was the best place from which to interact with the public! Neither minister was concerned with law and order. The CM pleaded shortage of officers. Yet five good and true police officials who held their ground against marauding mobs were transferred on promotion soon thereafter! No relief camps were set up by the State. Private relief camps were given delayed "recognition" which deprived them of essential rations, kerosene and other supplies. "Borders" and "frontiers" beyond which lay "Pakistan" were shamefully marked out, walls and fencing erected. Muslims were ghettoised. These illegalities went unpunished. The official press notes of the Information Department showed distinct anti-Muslim bias with stories eulogising Modi ("Chhote Sardar") and Advani and solicitude for rehabilitating Hindu businesses. The riots attracted little notice. The Kishwar apologia does not wash away the stains of the Gujarat pogrom, 2002. www.bgverghese.com |
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A daughter-in-law's gesture Shailly did her best to serve the aged parents-i-laws with excellent care. Naveen and his wife returned to their normal life with Shaily's service and devotion. Three years passed by. Shailly was young and had a long span of life in front of her. Her in-laws started insisting that she should get re-married, to which she strongly refused. But the pressure of second marriage continued from her father-in-law and his wife. After three years of hard persuasion, Shailly melted and agreed. They looked for a suitable match and arranged a simple marriage. Just as the Doli was ready to depart, Naveen noticed his bank pass book in Shailly's hands. He was a bit confused and surprised. “How come, my daughter-in-law could have an access to my bank pass book without my knowledge?” With a little anger and shock in his eyes, he put the question to Shailly. She replied, “Papa, I wanted to serve you both as a daughter for the rest of my life, but you both insisted on my re-marriage, to which I had to agree. I had received Rs 10 lakh due to the accident insurance policy of Jai. This money is needed by you both more than me. I took out your pass book and transferred the insurance amount to your A/C. As far as, I am concerned, you have already chosen a rosy path for me, for the rest of my life”. Tears rolled down the eyes of my friend Naveen and his wife. Highly moved with this gesture of Shailly , they happily bid fare well to the departing bride and returned to normalcy after the emotional storm was over. Who says daughter-in-laws are not good daughters? Certainly daughter-in-laws are better daughters. I am reminded of a verse by Manzar Bhopali: Kabhi Betiyon Ke Liye Bhi Haath Uthao Manzar/Allah Se Sirf Beta Nahin Manga Karte. |
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Setting India’s strategic house in order
Addressing the last combined conference of the senior commanders of the three services there was nothing unusual in the Indian Prime Minister’s remarks that the strategic problems have shifted from the west to the east and so have the threats and challenges. The pronounced tilt had, in fact, occurred long back after the end of the Cold War in 1991, while the post meltdown phase further intensified it. India’s security attributes in the new power structure descended into the worst kind of anarchical disorder. It was overtaken by dire poverty, economic exploitation, bad governance, inflation, population explosion, caste, religious and sectarian fundamentalism, divisive and fissiparous tendencies, terrorism and insurgency. At the same time, both Pakistan and China heightened tension along the Line of Control (LoC) and the Line of Actual Control (LAC) by assaulting Indian troops and attempting to cross the border at various times with impunity. The period immediately preceding 1991, and thereafter, had initiated a new kind of war where the adversary found it more convenient to hit strategic targets like the local population and such areas of domain falling under the C5I2SR spectrum. In fact, the Chinese and the Pakistanis had created departments long back that specialised in cyber warfare, while we are only now planning to have a dedicated new Army Cyber Command to look into the aspects of computer war gaming in a serious manner. Unaccustomed to combat cyber warfare techniques used by China and Pakistan way back in the late 1980s, the Government of India used to dismiss such electronic tactical advances as mindless and juvenile activities. How effective the new command will be to counter such cyber assaults, when the Ministry of Defence and the National Security Council Secretariat as well as a host of other important agencies had already suffered dosages of computer hacking, is yet to be comprehended. One thing that is certainly assured is the shift from positional threats to assaults that are mobile in nature. The serial bomb blasts that hit India repeatedly during the 1990s would substantially vouch for it. As a country we debated for 24 long years on whether or not to nuclear weaponise. But once we took the decision to go ahead with nuclear weapons, the policy of no first use further emboldened Pakistan to test India on three occasions – the war in Kargil, the stand off during Operation Parakram and the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai. Its success lay more in intensifying and fighting on all fronts like political, economic, religious and military. We have failed to address Pakistan as our enemy and seem to have developed a fear psychosis vis-a-vis China. It has resulted in losing the strategic respect we would otherwise have earned from the peripheral countries. Our bogey of strategic ties with the US must allow us to appreciate that every country fights its own war and we are no different. Non-alignment is no longer a muscular tool to establish India as a balancer or to practice neutrality in the globalised world. Let us not forget that Pakistan continues to enjoy the non-NATO membership status given to it by the United States. We have also been experiencing terrorism for the last over five decades. The country keeps debating which security agency to use or when it is politically convenient to combat terrorist activities, while military means remains the last option. We are letting our paramilitary forces conduct low intensity warfare with no clear directions. Formulating a defence policy We have been unable to combat issues relating to internal security, exhibiting the Nehruvian attitude, making ourselves more active on the global front but with no commensurate military capabilities to support it. India’s security arch extends from Aden to Malacca in the Indian Ocean and now to the South China Sea. In this context, while the Indian maritime doctrine must conceive its present and future mandate in a strategically dynamic era, one attempts to analyse the role of the newly inducted aircraft carrier, INS Vikramaditya. The Indian Navy has a history of operating such carriers, but their use as an instrument of power projection remains rather questionable. For instance, INS Vikrant was commissioned in 1961 and we found it difficult to deploy during earlier wars. INS Virat was a little luckier, but what is most significant is whether we have charted any role for INS Vikramaditya at a time when the Chinese have already positioned their aircraft carrier, Liaoning, in the South China Sea. There has been a debate and ongoing scholarly work on the role of aircraft carriers in modern warfare, especially since air-to-air refueling has already enlarged the radius of action of warplanes, as have missiles for striking long distance targets. The country needs to have a policy for force projection. According to Clausewitz, it is the policy which fights and not the weapon per se. One of the major developments seen on India’s security horizon is formulation of various security doctrines. For instance, there is the Nuclear Policy, the Cold Start Doctrine, the Air Force Doctrine, the Maritime Doctrine as well as the Joint Warfare Doctrine, but the biggest irony is that the country has no national defence policy -- a mother of all doctrines. Its modulating character, however, has a shifting stand to choose from policy of non violence to defensive reactive to defensive offensive or as steered by the country’s foreign policy. There is also a document called the Operational Directive that is issued from time to time. This goes in marked contrast to India’s radical changing of external and domestic realities in which rethinking of its defence policy becomes an urgent necessity. Consequently, our borders are weak, vulnerable, porous and lack infrastructure. We are exploited with immunity by the peripheral countries largely shooting from a no policy syndrome to the much functional Panipat Syndrome. Information on defence budgeting, military deployments and governments reviews are only employed to broadly portray India’s defence posture, aspirations and reforms, unlike strategic review papers released annually by other countries like the US and China. Further, as India’s defence policy is invariably steered in the absence of a policy, the important factor overlooked is the country’s defence preparedness. Look at the paradox. On the one hand, the Prime Minister is showing concern for formidable challenges confronting the country while addressing the commanders’ conference and on the other hand counseling for cutting down on defence expenditure. There has not been any appreciable purchase of major weapons for over more than a decade except for the recent commissioning of an aircraft carrier. Such attributes have their own reasoning. India is a 100 billion dollar market and attracts interest from all great powers including the United States. It is perhaps the major reason for India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation to remain wanting in building indigenous defence capability. Shekhar Dutt, past defence secretary and currently Governor of Chhattisgarh, had thoughtfully remarked that the army must rationalise its appointments and postings to the Ministry of Defence, which remains of short durations thereby giving greater scope to the bureaucracy to push the agendas. It was late KM Pannikar who talked of creating a steel ring around India through the establishment of forward bases in Singapore, Mauritius, Yemen and Sri Lanka. Instead, we have failed badly, giving away turf to both Pakistan and China in the region. The Chinese string of pearls strategy was an offshoot of Britain’s war in the Falklands, which made them learn the importance of carrying provisions along. India stands to contend for a global power status but it demands a massive show of strength, right policies, good governance and effective leadership. Alas, we have lost out on all these variables. Reading the adversary’s psyche It is incredible that despite possessing the third largest standing army, fifth largest air force and sixth largest navy, the country is attacked repeatedly by its neighbours. Interestingly, the larger deficit in handling of strategic issues by India since independence is its inconvincing credibility, notwithstanding the adequate military prowess. India’s soft state attributes must grow its horns not by way of attacking neighbours but by defending itself effectively before being hit or assaulted. It is significant to mention here that the country is in league with all the major and meaningful countries undertaking joint military exercises but, there is a need for strong action to secure the home front. The Indian strategic milieu has certainly changed and so are its attitudinal requirements. It permeates into all areas assumed to build up the country’s comprehensive national power such as political, economic, social and military. Three things which have largely affected the security architecture are -- First, the changing complexion of security in which our increasingly dangerous neighbourhood has not only reduced our geo-political space but, also kept our defence forces in a bind. Second, unusual military buildup and with little being produced indigenously. Third, a buildup of nuclear weapons even as India maintains a no-first use policy and has no corresponding assertive defence policy. We do not have a law to deal with terrorism, whereas insurgency in Kashmir, the northeast and Naxalism remain our primary official threats. Interestingly, India is making efforts to fight terrorism in league with global partnerships. However, one thing that has remained common to the pre and post-cold war period is India’s ceaseless policy of crying hoarse every time but yet never showing firmness in dealing with her security problems. One could only hope that the new government may try to set India’s strategic house in order. We need to read deeply into our adversary’s psyche where power grows from the barrel of the gun and threatens only those with no hold on the barrel. The writer is Chairman, Department of Defence and National Security Studies, Panjab University, Chandigarh
Security Impasse
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