O P I N I O N S

EDITORIALS

BJP, sorry, Modi vision
His ‘rainbow’ ideas inspire hope, but need wider debate
For the first time since bulldozing his way to the national politics, Narendra Modi has presented his “idea of India”. So far he has mostly targeted the Gandhi family, the Prime Minister and UPA failings without offering an alternative mode of governance for the country at large other than the Gujarat model. Whether the BJP has discussed and officially adopted the Modi agenda is not clear, though there are few in the party who would publicly differ from the prime ministerial candidate. An open debate is a sign of healthy intra-party democracy.

Trade 24x7
India, Pakistan have to let business do the diplomacy
Over the last weekend we saw a classic example of how India-Pakistan relations can blow hot and cold. On Saturday the two countries resumed after 16 months ministerial-level talks on trade. As if on cue, Sunday saw them holding back each other's trucks over a drug smuggling incident across the Uri border, a major trade point after Wagah-Attari. For the long term, however, we need to focus on the first development, which could help build a foundation for all other spheres of interaction between two countries seemingly forever at odds.

• Thought for the Day

On this day...100 years ago

Lahore, Wednesday, January 21, 1914
The all-India High Court scheme
IN an article the Allahabad Pioneer unfolds its novel and interesting scheme of an All-India High Court. It is an ingenious scheme which is seemingly sound, desirable and certainly not unpractical. Some of its features may even be deemed captivating. At any rate it is likely to be so to a large section of the Civil Service for whom it will have a peculiar charm and to a class of general public who prefer rough and speedy justice to the present dilatory procedure. In the first place the Pioneer desires that in future the Courts of law in India should be regarded as the King's courts, “real courts of justice.”

ARTICLE

AAP politics plumbs new depths
Meanwhile, much sound and fury over Rahul’s ‘anointment’
B.G. Verghese
Last week Aam Admi Party vigilantes literally took the law into their own hands in two separate incidents. The Law Minister, Somnath Bharti, planned a midnight raid against an alleged drug and prostitution ring operated by Ugandan nationals in his constituency. A police patrol ordered to accompany them wished to act with proper search warrants and women police on the basis of more evidence in keeping with due process. They were overruled by the minister who declined to issue written orders and implied that his word was law and could not be defied by the police.

MIDDLE

Courting risk for dangerous delights
M.K. Agarwal
Danger and delight don't necessarily grow on the same stalk. Most dangers are dull and prosaic affairs, and lack even elementary gratification. Travelling on the roof of a bus, getting off a train in motion or riding on a dark and lonely road are perilous acts, but by no means pleasure-some. Behind them may be some compulsion, urgency or just impudence. But yes, there can be dangers of the lively kind, which carry a feeling of ecstasy, a sense of fulfillment, and which bring in their unusual delectation.

OPED — EDUCATION

Re-engineering higher learning in states
The Rashtriya Ucchatar Shiksha Abhiyan has been conceived with a view to improving the world ranking of Indian universities and promoting excellence in higher education by converting leading state universities into research entities.
BS Ghuman
The mandate of Rashtriya Ucchatar Shiksha Abhiyan (RUSA) — a flagship programme of the MHRD — is to promote access, equity and excellence in state higher education system which provides education to 96 per cent students across the country. Speaking on the diamond jubilee celebrations of the UGC on December 28, 2013, the Prime Minister stated RUSA would address concerns of higher education and improve the quality of teaching and research.

EDITORIALS

BJP, sorry, Modi vision
His ‘rainbow’ ideas inspire hope, but need wider debate

For the first time since bulldozing his way to the national politics, Narendra Modi has presented his “idea of India”. So far he has mostly targeted the Gandhi family, the Prime Minister and UPA failings without offering an alternative mode of governance for the country at large other than the Gujarat model. Whether the BJP has discussed and officially adopted the Modi agenda is not clear, though there are few in the party who would publicly differ from the prime ministerial candidate. An open debate is a sign of healthy intra-party democracy.

Given Gujarat's success, Modi's ability to deliver on the economic front inspires hope and is his biggest strength. Not many may disagree with what he advocates, barring perhaps the tax reforms. His “rainbow” concept covers women, youth, culture, agriculture, natural resources, democracy and knowledge. To build Brand India, he suggests emphasis on five “Ts”: talent, tradition, tourism, trade and technology. He talks of “next-generation infrastructure”, building100 more modern cities, a golden quadrilateral of bullet trains and IITs, IIMs and AIIMs in all states. Who will fund them, one may well ask. His one-liners say a lot: “No committees, only commitment”, “We need to address wellness, not illness” and “No big or small brother, Centre and states will work shoulder to shoulder”. Few in the Congress can talk so loftily and glibly. Its top leadership is rather media shy as P. Chidambaram admits.

What Modi has proposed is part of an economic ideology currently pursued in much of the world. But he knows how to market his economic ideas. He even used the derogatory tea-boy jibe to market his humble origins. The Congress reformers too advocate similar economic policies but are held back by their more powerful socialist colleagues who think freebies can win the party elections, the damage to the government's fiscal health and the debacle in Rajasthan notwithstanding. Modi would be able to implement his vision only if the BJP gets the required numbers, which at present seems unlikely. Otherwise, coalition partners have their own priorities and demands on resources. Ask the Congress.

Trade 24x7
India, Pakistan have to let business do the diplomacy

Over the last weekend we saw a classic example of how India-Pakistan relations can blow hot and cold. On Saturday the two countries resumed after 16 months ministerial-level talks on trade. As if on cue, Sunday saw them holding back each other's trucks over a drug smuggling incident across the Uri border, a major trade point after Wagah-Attari. For the long term, however, we need to focus on the first development, which could help build a foundation for all other spheres of interaction between two countries seemingly forever at odds.

The measures agreed upon between the Commerce Ministers of India and Pakistan included keeping the trade facilities at Wagah-Attari open 24x7, multiple-entry visas for businessmen, reciprocal bank branches and container trade. These are, obviously, the very fundamentals required for any meaningful trade to happen. Pakistan has tried to overcome its inability to grant India the 'Most Favoured Nation' status with 'non-discriminatory market access', which for the time being should serve the purpose. We are looking here at starting any business at all, i.e., beyond the usual cement and tomatoes. Pakistan has a need for industrial goods, which it procures at a high cost from many countries through the sea route or West Asia; even Indian goods, indirectly. India needs new markets. The mutual benefit equation is simple.

The environment under which this business is trying to grow, however, is not so simple. There are political hawks on both sides - more so in Pakistan — who stand to lose if cross-border trade prospers. That is because it will bring immense pressure on the governments to maintain peace, even at the cost of ignoring irreconcilable issues like Kashmir and Mumbai. India has to realise the mess Pakistan is in, and its government's limitations on foreign policy. There will be incidents that will threaten to derail the process. The landmines will have to be carefully sidestepped.

Thought for the Day

The flower that smells the sweetest is shy and lowly. —William Wordsworth

On this day...100 years ago

Lahore, Wednesday, January 21, 1914

The all-India High Court scheme

IN an article the Allahabad Pioneer unfolds its novel and interesting scheme of an All-India High Court. It is an ingenious scheme which is seemingly sound, desirable and certainly not unpractical. Some of its features may even be deemed captivating. At any rate it is likely to be so to a large section of the Civil Service for whom it will have a peculiar charm and to a class of general public who prefer rough and speedy justice to the present dilatory procedure. In the first place the Pioneer desires that in future the Courts of law in India should be regarded as the King's courts, “real courts of justice.” Whether they will be so regarded with the various anomalies, racial and other, still preserved is worth consideration. Several reasons against the idea suggest themselves to inquiring minds. The trend of evidence recently given by the European members of the Civil Service before the Royal Commission is hardly encouraging.

Decoyed girls and rescue homes

WITH reference to the rescue provisions in the Bill for the protection of minor girls now under the consideration of the Imperial Legislative Council, it will be remembered that the Hon'ble Mr. Vijiaraghava Achariar of Madras made a strong protest and characterised the rescue provisions as “treacherous and dangerous.” He observed that the rescued girls whose names were registered and published to the world could not find husbands in this country and the State and the homes of the refuges would be embarrassed and paralysed as to their adult and future career. He was sure the country would strongly resent handing over girls to custodians of other religions. And a few instances of religious rivalry would cause discontent and trouble. It is easy to understand Mr. Achariar’s fears and his anxiety for better provisions regarding the rescue of girls decoyed by vicious people. In South India particularly where religious sentiments are strong rescue homes as understood in western countries and started by the Salvation Army in India would never be countenanced.

ARTICLE

AAP politics plumbs new depths
Meanwhile, much sound and fury over Rahul’s ‘anointment’
B.G. Verghese

Rahul Gandhi remains the party's election campaign leader and has sought to rouse party fervour, firing furiously on three cylinders of cooking gas!

Last week Aam Admi Party vigilantes literally took the law into their own hands in two separate incidents. The Law Minister, Somnath Bharti, planned a midnight raid against an alleged drug and prostitution ring operated by Ugandan nationals in his constituency. A police patrol ordered to accompany them wished to act with proper search warrants and women police on the basis of more evidence in keeping with due process. They were overruled by the minister who declined to issue written orders and implied that his word was law and could not be defied by the police.

Four African women were held captive in a taxi as they were returning home and then forcibly taken to the AIIMS hours later for a medical examination that included body searches and a urine test. The tests proved negative and they could only return home around 9 a.m. The women alleged they were groped, beaten and abused. The minister has asked his constituents for a list of suspected "vice dens" and intends to get volunteers to "inspect" them. The ACP present held his ground against the minister's peremptory orders and the matter is now being investigated by the Lt. Governor, Najeeb Jung. The lawless treatment meted out to the ladies caused alarm in several African embassies, causing the External Affairs Ministry to scramble to express deep regret and provide reassurance against any racist intent.

Meanwhile, Social Welfare Minister Rakhi Birla rushed to follow up a dowry harassment case in her area at 9.30 p.m. The local SHO said the husband had been arrested but the minister wanted to inspect the scene of the crime. The house was locked and upon being broken into at 1.30 am was found deserted. The minister felt that the police had not followed up the alleged dowry burning case promptly or rigorously.

In both cases Chief Minister Kejriwal defended his colleagues and expressed annoyance at what he said was police non-cooperation. While the LG's inquiry into both cases will take up to four weeks, the CM has told the Union Home Minister that if the four SHOs and ACPs concerned are not suspended by Monday 10 a.m, he, along with his ministers and AAP MLAs, would offer dharna outside Shinde's North Block office.

Kejriwal, however, has a point, like Shiela Dixit, in demanding that the Delhi police be placed under the state government, perhaps barring the NDMC area or an extended Lutyens zone. The Delhi government has a responsibility for law and order but no instrumentality as the police is not under its charge. But going on dharna, seeking to bypass due process and seeking to overawe the police cannot be countenanced and can only lead to anarchy.

AAP has also been impetuous and populist in retracting the Delhi Government's earlier given consent to FDI in multi-brand retailing. The benefits of backward and forward linkages, efficiency, prevention of wastage and gains to both producers and consumers of the farm produce by eliminating middlemen have been thoughtlessly discounted. Corporates, investors and even friends of AAP have been disturbed by such sudden turnarounds.

A media-hyped non-event

At another level, Rahul Gandhi's “anointment” at the AICC meet last week, a media-hyped non-event at any time, produced a lot of sound and fury signifying nothing. He remains the party's election campaign leader and sought to rouse party fervour, firing furiously on three cylinders of cooking gas! That is all he could offer by way of his vision of a brave new India that he has simply been unable to define over the past many years. Regurgitating a commitment to secularism and welfare is old hat while the party's addiction to playing cheap vote-bank politics and indulging in giveaways like more subsidised gas cylinders undermines both its secular credentials and the nation's fiscal health.

The party's best hope now is to leave it to Dr Manmohan Singh to move forward boldly with the UPA's stalled legislative and reform agenda. Let those who would thwart this answer why they are determined to halt India in its tracks. Apart from signalling fast clearances to some 21 stalled projects accounting for huge investments and employment opportunities, the Forest Advisory Committee is fast-tracking plans to clear another 22 key projects, including the Arcelor-Mittal 12 MTPA steel plant in Jharkhand that has been hanging fire since 2005. Environmental sustainability should not be rashly sacrificed but procedural delays and fussy objections must go.

Project clearances

The new Environment Minister, Veerappa Moily, has cleared a number of schemes, including POSCO, by detaching the captive port, a downstream project addendum, from the steel plant. Sadly, he has rejected Vedanta's Niyamgiri bauxite mining project on the ground that 12 pallisabhas (or gram panchayats) declared the entire 250 square km Niyamgiri Hill to be part of the Dongria Khond deity's sacred domain. This claim is as irrational as the plea that the Ganga above Haridwar is a “sacred river”. The objections to the Niyamgiri mine do not stand scrutiny in terms of piety, hydrology, forest loss or displacement. The growth argument is not for development at any cost but for balanced development.

Unfortunately, hitting below the belt, Narendra Modi spoke of a “Jayanti tax” or a bribery racket run by Jayanti Natarajan, the former Environment Minister, as the cause for the logjam in project clearances. This is a totally unwarranted slur without an iota of evidence, and should be withdrawn or otherwise subjected to an official defamation suit seeking exemplary damages before a fast-track court. The argument that Moily cleared these projects speedily denotes a policy change, no more.

In the midst of this political commotion, the Delhi High Court's gag order on the media reporting Justice Swatanter Kumar's alleged sexual misconduct case based on an intern's complaint has come in for strong criticism on grounds of curbing reportage. While this is understandable, the Court did not bar "fair reporting". While hearing a defamation suit filed by the impugned Judge, it did state that allegations should not be likened to charges and that repeated front page coverage with the Judge's picture would damage to his reputation by media trial. This caution must not be ignored.

Likewise, the statement made by the former Home Secretary, R.K. Singh, now with the BJP, that his then Minister, Sushil Kumar Shinde, sought to protect an associate of Dawood Ibrahim and influence Delhi's Police Commissioner in the matter of appointments and postings, constitute very serious charges. The former official says his differences with Shinde were well known and he brought these matters to the attention of the Cabinet Secretary and PMO. If nothing happened thereafter, the Home Secretary should have gone public, sought a transfer or resigned. It is not enough a year or more later to make public such charges from a political platform. Ranking officials are under oath and carry a great responsibility to uphold high standards and not to take cover under silence.

www.bgverghese.com

MIDDLE

Courting risk for dangerous delights
M.K. Agarwal

Danger and delight don't necessarily grow on the same stalk. Most dangers are dull and prosaic affairs, and lack even elementary gratification. Travelling on the roof of a bus, getting off a train in motion or riding on a dark and lonely road are perilous acts, but by no means pleasure-some. Behind them may be some compulsion, urgency or just impudence. But yes, there can be dangers of the lively kind, which carry a feeling of ecstasy, a sense of fulfillment, and which bring in their unusual delectation.

Playing truant, in the sense of bunking the class, is the earliest one such experience. There is a haunting fear of being caught by the class monitor, the neighbour or the sister, and of being disgraced and punished. Or, the risk of being hauled up as a scamp by the constable on the beat. But, to the young and adventurous mind, these perils are insignificant as compared to the bliss of catching butterflies, or the exploit of poaching a field of corn, or the fun of just ambling along and whistling.

There is another kind of truancy in which some government officials indulge, and that is disappearing from the seat without notice or permission. They are aware that if apprehended, a reprimand, letter or warning or even charge sheet may well be their fate. But they venture out to enjoy a treat by a colleague, or catch a glimpse of the favourite hero visiting the town, or strike a chai-pani deal with a prospective client. Stolen kisses are said to be sweet, notwithstanding the accompanying risk. To clasp lovingly the slender waist, feel the bosom's beat and plant a lingering kiss on eager lips can be truly exhilarating. Why then care for the frowning cop, furious parent or the curious passerby?

Marriage can be either the boom or the blight of a person's happiness. One is not married, and that is his hell; another is, and is his plague. With the endearing masks of courtship off soon after wedlock, the married people are in for acute disillusionment. He finds her ill-natured and incompetent; she finds him uncouth and inconstant. A trivial matter can strike the woman dumb, and drive the husband crazy and out on the street. Yet, history is witness that both the plebian and the king long for marriage. Why? They do so because the promise of happiness is irresistible, and the phantom of loneliness is more awful than the fear of bondage.

But the most dreadful of things-sternly advised to be kept out of bound lest one contracts diarrhea, cholera or typhoid-is the street food. Despite all the hazards and taboos attached to it, street food is so very enticing and alluring. It has its patrons who voraciously partake of such savouries as papri chaat, bhel puri, pav bhaji, golgappas and kulfis. Or, other mouth-watering delicacies like samosa, aloo tikki, kachori and noodles. No amount of admonitions can deter them from going for that supreme delight which a satisfied palate brings.

It is evident that in order to reap dangerous pleasures there has to be a certain attitude of mind, and a propensity to court risk. The thrill of the tide is not meant for them who are content to wallow in shallow waters. As John Dryden says, none but the brave deserves the fair!

OPED — EDUCATION

Re-engineering higher learning in states
The Rashtriya Ucchatar Shiksha Abhiyan has been conceived with a view to improving the world ranking of Indian universities and promoting excellence in higher education by converting leading state universities into research entities.
BS Ghuman

The mandate of Rashtriya Ucchatar Shiksha Abhiyan (RUSA) — a flagship programme of the MHRD — is to promote access, equity and excellence in state higher education system which provides education to 96 per cent students across the country. Speaking on the diamond jubilee celebrations of the UGC on December 28, 2013, the Prime Minister stated RUSA would address concerns of higher education and improve the quality of teaching and research.

Higher education suffers from many ills like inequitable access to all, cash crunch and limited research. Tribune file photo: Manoj Mahajan

RUSA would cover 306 state universities and 8,500 colleges. Its relevance is more pronounced in the backdrop of efforts of the MHRD, UGC and Planning Commission to improve the world ranking of Indian universities. The idea is to promote excellence in higher education, especially by converting leading state universities to research universities. This would help institutions improve their ranking as around 60 per cent weightage is given to research outcomes by agencies involved in the rating of universities.

The coverage Setting up new universities and upgrading the best of them to world-class research institutes Improving the status of existing autonomous colleges to universities Vocationalisation of higher education and conversion of colleges to cluster universities Infrastructure grants to universities and colleges; and setting up model colleges and upgrading select degree colleges to model colleges Opening new professional colleges and promoting research, innovations and quality improvement Taking bold equity initiatives and leadership development of educational administrators Undertaking faculty recruitment and improvements, besides institutional governance and administrative reforms Adopting management information system for maintaining a reliable data bank. (Source: RUSA Document, MHRD)

State-level institutions of higher learning are the backbone of our education system. The institutions, however, receive a meagre share of Central funds. In the 11th Five Year Plan, out of the total UGC funds only 17.3 per cent were allocated to the institutions. Higher education suffers from many deficiencies, including low and inequitable access; truncated quality of teaching-learning and research; low employability; vacant faculty positions; financial distress; limited autonomy; and low coverage of accreditation.

Scholars and policy makers are convinced that restructuring of education is a pre-requisite for reaping the benefits of demographic dividends of predominance of younger people in our country’s workforce; and for making education an engine of economic and social transformation. Drawing upon the good experience of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) and Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA), the Central government launched RUSA to revamp higher education by liberally funding it. The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs has approved Rs one lakh crore for the implementation of RUSA. In case of major states, the funding would be in the ratio of 65:35 by the Centre and state governments, respectively.

Guiding philosophy

The guiding philosophy of RUSA is a paradigm shift from the existing focus of funding. The educational institutions will be funded on the basis of performance and mutually agreed outcomes. It will follow a policy of carrot and stick for incentivising compliance to norms. Grants will be disbursed in an unbiased, apolitical and professional manner. Promotion of transparent governance, autonomy and accountability are the other cornerstones.

To avail grants, non-negotiable guidelines are to be followed strictly. These are setting up of state higher education councils; preparation of perspective plan; commitment to allocate at least 2 per cent of State Domestic Product to higher education; and timely release of funds and creation of separate funds. For selecting a Vice-Chancellor introduction of a transparent and competitive selection process; leadership development programmes for educational administrators like Vice-Chancellors, Deans, Registrar, etc; rationalising the size and composition of decision-making bodies; reforming affiliation system by restricting colleges affiliated to a university to 100 are some guidelines. Updating curricula on a regular basis; introducing semester system having choice-based credit system; adopting transparent admission procedures; initiating examination reforms; setting up management teams in each institution; strict adherence to regulatory compliance; mandatory faculty recruitment and improvement; preparation of institutional perspective and short-term plans including budget are other essentials.

Higher education councils

The setting up of a state higher education council (SHEC) is an important innovation of RUSA. Initially it can be set up by an executive order, but within two years it has to be converted into a statutory body by an Act of the state Assembly. It would promote integrated development of higher education. It would monitor the performance of RUSA in the state; ensure effective coordination between the Centre and states; and provide leadership for bringing governance reforms at institutional level. Other functions would include evolving a criteria for funding institutions, maintaining a data bank and undertaking research and evaluative studies.

The structure and selection of SHEC members has been articulated with an underlying philosophy of having a body that is at an arm’s length from Central and state governments. It would have a chairperson, vice-chairperson, member secretary, and 15 to 25 members with high academic and administrative credentials. The term of a member will be for six years and one-third members will retire every two years.

Liberal funding

Knowledge has become a very powerful source of development. The funding of education, especially higher education, however, has not got top priority in many states. The Kothari Commission on Education in the mid-1960s recommended 6 per cent of the GDP to be spent on education. The target has not been reached even today. Imposing the condition of spending at least 2 per cent of the State Domestic Product by each state on higher education would persuade state governments to allocate more funds to higher education, which is essential in the backdrop of near-freezing of grants to higher education at the existing levels.

Faculty recruitment

Most state governments, till recently, have imposed a ban on faculty recruitment. The institutions have adopted the modes of contractual appointments and guest faculty to manage teaching. The prolonged practice of ‘adhocism’ in the recruitment of faculty has played havoc with higher education. According to RUSA Document, around 50 per cent positions in the state universities and colleges and one-third in Central universities are vacant. The Prime Minister also expressed concern over faculty shortage and urged the UGC to find an innovative method to resolve the issue. The mandatory faculty recruitment condition would go a long way to enable institutions of higher learning to deliver good quality products.

Regulatory compliance

Accreditation of institutions by independent bodies plays an important role in ensuring quality teaching and research. At present, the National Accreditation and Assessment Council (NAAC) and National Board of Accreditation (NBA) undertake accreditation and assessment of universities, including general colleges and professional institutions, respectively. Till recently, the accreditation was a volunteer exercise. According to NAAC, only one-third of the total universities and 13 per cent of colleges had gone through the process of accreditation by August 2013. RUSA’s compulsory regulatory compliance for funding would compel all institutions to undergo the process.

Winning strategies

RUSA has the potential of becoming a game changer. Now the onus is on state governments and institutions to take full advantage of this programme. For preparing states to adopt RUSA, the Project Approval Board (PAB) has approved initial grant to 13 states and four Union Territories. The states include Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Manipur, Nagaland, Odisha, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh and the Union Territories are Andaman and Nicobar, Chandigarh, Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu. The PAB has also approved 56 new model degree colleges with a funding of Rs 672 crore. Out of these, 29 are in Uttar Pradesh, eight each in Karnataka and Odisha, seven in Andhra Pradesh and four in Kerala. The board has also approved funds for 31 existing model degree colleges of Assam, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Punjab.

In the post-eligibility phase, funds would strictly be on the basis of performance and outcomes. Therefore in the long run, only those states and institutions which follow the prerequisites of RUSA religiously will be the beneficiaries.

While formulating winning strategies, the sates and institutions must not allow the weaknesses of SSA and RMSA to creep in the execution of RUSA. Evaluation and research studies on the SSA and RMSA by the NCERT, Planning Commission, National University of Educational Planning and Administration, state governments and researchers reveal that in a number of cases the major emphasis remained on money allocated and spent; and in the process the quality improvement was a casualty. A time-gap in the transfer of funds from one administrative layer to another, especially at the fag-end of the financial year, was also reported. Non-utilisation of released funds was also found. The experience of Centrally sponsored schemes also shows that some states do not release their share on time. Also a couple of states and institutions were very slow in undertaking administrative reforms.

The Planning Commission study reports that in case of SSA, seven states did not constitute state-level monitoring committees. In some states, norms were not adhered to while constituting the committees. Weak coordination between various bodies also constrained the outcome. Lack of a comprehensive policy in the RMSA in some cases hampered quality. The successful strategy is to immediately accord statutory status to SHEC; prepare state plan; initiate administrative reforms; and follow the time schedule for the release of funds. The final beneficiaries of RUSA are the institutions. They should promptly constitute the Board of Governors and project management unit as per RUSA guidelines.

An orientation programme for the state and institutional officials should also be organised to acquaint them with RUSA. It is also in the interest of states and institutions to keep the promotion in access, equity and excellence at the centre. They should use funds as means rather than ends of the scheme.

Vigilant stakeholders, especially teachers, students, parents, civil society and media, can play an important role to act as a pressure group. For institutionalising the participation of stakeholders, introduction of citizens’ report cards and social audit of RUSA on the pattern of MGNREGA can be adopted.

— The writer is a Professor in the Department of Public Administration, Panjab University, Chandigarh